I support and welcome this motion before the House that Dáil Éireann approves the Local Elections (Postal Voting) (Amendment) Regulations, 1985. There have been many discussions in this House on the pros and cons of postal voting. I am delighted the Minister has finally accepted that the advantages outweigh the not inconsiderable risks involved.
The report of the working party on the register of electors of March 1983 dwelt considerably on the whole aspect of postal voting. Part of that working party's terms of reference was to examine and make recommendations on a scheme of postal voting for disabled persons and others who may be unable to vote in person at an election. Our Constitution recognises that every citizen without distinction of sex who has reached the age of 18 years and who is not disqualified by law and complies with the provisions of the law relating to the election of Members of Dáil Éireann shall have the right to vote at an election for Members of Dáil Éireann.
As local democracy is but the building block of national democracy, the same premise can be applied to local elections and, indeed, any other election of public representatives. I am delighted to note from the Minister's speech that he is having a Bill prepared which will allow for postal voting at all elections and referenda. He has promised that this Bill will take into account the wide and various views expressed by Deputies and Senators.
The registration of postal voters will be carried out as part of the procedure for compiling registers of electors which takes place in the autumn of each year. The Minister has promised to try to ensure that the legislation will be in operation in time for the 1986 draft register. In the meantime the draft regulations we are now discussing will allow postal voting in the local elections scheduled for June of this year. They will be in line, as far as possible, with the proposals in the forthcoming Bill.
It is the undeniable right of all our citizens who, through illness or physical disability of any kind or due to the circumstances of their employment, cannot exercise their vote in person to have the postal vote. Ironically the disabled and physically ill are all entitled to be registered as electors but they are not enabled to vote. The ability to exercise their franchise must outweigh any consideration in relation to the possibility of abuse. Any postal voting arrangements which have not got the confidence of responsible public representatives will fall into disrepute and could damage the entire electoral process.
The working party report of 1983 placed considerable emphasis on the avoidance of any abuse within the system, because once the postal voting system is established and is operating well it can then, if necessary, be extended. If the system is unsatisfactory the entire concept of postal voting will be at risk and there will be a large question mark over the integrity of any postal voting system. Under the Local Elections Postal Voting Regulations of 1974 postal voting facilities were extended to those who needed them at the local elections. That year a total of 30,689 of our electorate, or 1.52 per cent, applied to vote by post.
There was a different demand for postal votes throughout the country within the different counties. Illness or physical disability accounted for 60 per cent of the applications for the local elections in 1974. Circumstances in relation to employment accounted for approximately another 20 per cent of applicants, with yet another 20 per cent being attributable to change of address. The official administrative viewpoint of the postal voting system of that year is that it operated satisfactorily. They claim that some irregularities were investigated and there were a few prosecutions. However, the viewpoint of public representatives, to which I subscribe, is that the system was abused far more than was recognised. Indeed there is no county that cannot recount stories of postmen even collecting up votes and distributing them among the candidates. Political parties were particularly avid and organised in relation to the collection of unused votes. I am afraid that all parties, to a greater or lesser extent, were tarred with the one brush in this regard.
Postal voting arrangements were officially suspended for the 1979 local elections because the European elections were being held on the same day and other European countries did not have the same postal voting arrangements. Therefore it was deemed impractical for two elections to be held simultaneously with different postal voting arrangements. I cannot help thinking that the view of public representatives in relation to the widespread abuse that occurred at the local elections of 1974 was behind some of the decisions taken for the 1979 local elections. However, that is not the official reason given.
Under present legislation postal voting facilities at Dáil elections, Presidential elections, European Assembly elections and referenda are confined to members of the Garda Síochána and the Defence Forces. There are many categories of occupations, such as public servants abroad, those in the diplomatic service, merchant seamen and others who have for a long time canvassed for the right to exercise their vote at all elections. There is merit in each and every one of these cases. Ironically one of the most vociferous groups over the years in canvassing for a right to a postal vote were the employees of Irish Shipping Limited. Regrettably most of these will not now need the postal vote in the local elections in this year now that they might be entitled to it.
The abuse factor has been the greatest deterrent in introducing a wider system of postal voting. I commend the Minister on his efforts on this occasion to try to limit possible opportunity for abuse by the special measures he is undertaking to minimise such risks. First, he has restricted the categories of people who will qualify for a postal vote compared with the 1974 local elections. Change of address will no longer constitute sufficient reason to qualify for a postal vote. I suppose that one aspect was open to the widest range of abuse even though there are many cases of people who will have moved house between the compilation of the draft register and the publication of the actual register in any one year. Obviously the Minister has considered that the possible abuses in this case outweigh the entitlements of those involved. However, the range of eligibility should still cater for the majority of those who have a genuine claim to vote by post. They are broadly in line with the recommendations of the Joint Committee on Legislation in this regard also.
The question of diplomats and various other categories who are resident abroad and who cannot now be registered under existing law will be dealt with when the Bill the Minister has promised is introduced. The Minister has tightened up also on the application procedure for the postal vote. Applications will have to be made earlier so that there will be sufficient time allowed for the proper screening of such applicants, and for the evaluation of the merits of individual cases. Each applicant will also have to have a certificate from his or her employer or doctor, or give a statutory declaration where they are self-employed. Returning officers will be entitled to seek further information they may deem necessary to establish the bona fides of any applicant.
I referred briefly to the great abuse that in my opinion occurred in the issuing of ballot papers by post to voters in the local elections. The Minister has wisely decided that all ballot papers will in future be sent by registered post, a signature being had in respect of any ballot paper delivered. This should alleviate the situation in relation to this avenue of abuse but I fear it will not in any way close it off altogether.
One has only to look at the experiences of other countries in relation to postal voting to see how difficult it is to operate and to copperfasten conditions to avoid abuse altogether. Belgium and France had wide postal voting facilities but abolished them in the mid-seventies because of abuse. The Netherlands postal voting facilities were available only to civil servants and their spouses who were abroad. Postal voting is not available at all in Greece. However, in the United Kingdom, a postal vote is available to any person who cannot vote in person due to physical disability or the nature of their employment. In West Germany a postal vote is available on various grounds — change of address, employment, physical disability or through participation in the diplomatic service. The same applies to Denmark. In fact Denmark and West Germany have the widest range of postal voting facilities. I have no doubt that the Minister will have taken a look at their experiences, probably having learned much from them. Neither have I any doubt but that it will be a matter of time only before there is uniform agreement within the EC in relation to postal voting generally.
When the Minister is looking at the wider Bill he has promised to introduce as soon as possible I would urge him to endeavour to include as many categories as wish to have a postal vote. I should particularly like him to make a stand and allow a postal vote for our prisoners who are not entitled to such at present. In most EC countries a postal vote is not allowed to prisoners. Many of the problems that have people in prison in the first place are occasioned by a sense of alienation, of not belonging to the system to which we all contribute. Could there be a better start on the road to rehabilitation than allowing prisoners to exercise their franchise? After all, the theory of a prison period is that we are rehabilitating prisoners to take their place in society as useful members once they have served their sentences. They might well spend some of that time considering what the system is about, the society they are about to join and of which hopefully they will become successful members. Therefore it follows quite logically that the least we could do is allow them exercise their franchise in relation to that system while in prison.
I commend this motion to the House and congratulate the Minister on taking this initiative because I have mentioned in passing the widespread abuse to which postal voting generally is open. But I have no doubt that its advantages outweigh its possible abuses. I feel the Minister is committed to endeavouring to copperfasten the system in relation to abuse, tightening up any loose ends there may be in this regard. When considering the broader Bill I would ask him to look at the various categories at present denied this postal vote. I am not sure whether we will be able to consider long-stay patients in mental institutions, not because I feel that many of them are not entitled or able to exercise their franchise but because these people are most vulnerable to abuse in the system. If there is a way of avoiding this I am sure the Minister will discover it and allow these people to exercise their vote.
In a sense it is amazing that it has taken us this long to consider the broader concept of postal voting. The Electoral (Amendment) Bill of 1983 allowed British citizens in this country the right to vote. At the time I said, and I still contend, that all aliens in this country should be allowed to vote with possible insistence on reciprocity vis-à-vis our European partners. We are today discussing a section of Irish citizens who heretofore have had no vote. We have already allowed British citizens the vote while this minority grouping have had to wait until today. I commend the Minister on having taken this action. I know it has been difficult. The recommendations of the working party on the register of electors of 1983 are extremely sound and I have no doubt that there will be far more in this regard when we see what the Minister has in mind in the Bill promised.