I was interested in Deputy Manning's contribution. There are some matters I do not understand. He said this should not be a political issue, that we should not divide on it. That is precisely the point we are trying to make. The House should not divide on this national issue, affecting the health of our people, affecting our environment. It affects North and South, all Irish people. All Irish people are agreed on this. The only forum in Ireland today in which you will find disagreement and division is this House. For the life of me I cannot understand it.
I cannot understand the suggestion that we should allow the European Parliament to deal with this. That Parliament have decided, have voted for the closure of Sellafield. Surely that represents a much wider range of opinion. Why can we not come together here tonight and send out a united voice to the British Government? We should say that enough is enough. As far as Ireland is concerned, let the British close Sellafield now, once and for all. That is not making hysterical political speeches. That is not alarmist, as Deputy Haughey was labelled by the Minister of State, Deputy E. Collins, who thankfully has left the debate in the despicable and deplorable manner in which he walked out the door.
This party, under the present Leader, for some years have been pointing out time after time — I was called hysterical and he was called alarmist and Deputy G. Brady was probably called by every word in the English dictionary from time to time for annoying the Government of the day by bringing in a motion which was not reasonable. They told us time after time that there was no risk, no danger to health.
If they have had doubts on the other side — perhaps they thought they could overcome the problems arising from Sellafield — they should put them aside now. It is foolish to tell us, as Government Deputies have been doing, that the British Government will not close Sellafield. This has been the kind of defeatist attitude adopted here tonight by the Minister of State, Deputy Collins, and by Deputy Barnes, who nearly shed crocodile tears in relation to what might happen to the people. It is no argument to say the British Government will not close Sellafield or that they will not listen to the British people. What is happening here is that our Government are refusing to listen to the voices from every part of the country to get behind the call for the closure of Sellafield. How can our Government credibly say the British Government will not listen when they themselves are not prepared to listen to the Irish people? This matter is non-political and it should not be a cause of division among us.
I cannot understand the cosy and apparently comfortable attitude of the Government in relation to this matter. In his speech this evening the Minister of State did not tell us anything we had not known already. In fact, that speech could easily have been made in the House of Commons. In essence it was in line with what two Ministers in the British Government said this afternoon in an effort to assuage the fears of the British people. I refer to Minister Peter Walker and Minister Norman Fowler. We heard the same expressions from them when they tried to persuade the British people that there were no risks.
On British television last night, in a late news bulletin, figures confirmed that there would be a minimum of 8,000 deaths caused by cancer as a result of the unfortunate accident that took place 1,500 miles away. Yet, here we are in the Irish Parliament prepared to divide on an issue like this when we know — it has been shown quite clearly by the experts — that many thousands of people will die from cancer. We must ask how many Irish people will die from cancer as a result of that accident.
I ask every Member on the opposite side to think again before they vote. Many of them will have attended the funerals of friends and relations who died of cancer and related diseases. How many Members opposite have asked the question: why so many young people are dying because of cancer? There was a serious accident in 1957. There is no doubt that accidents were covered up and that lies were told about them time and again. There is no doubt that the Irish Government were not informed about the true facts. The nuclear industry worldwide pours hundreds of millions of pounds into protecting that industry. They have created the most effective propaganda and public relations exercise in an effort to maintain that industry for themselves.
From what we see in our own country we know there has been a serious increase in the incidence of cancer, leukaemia and related diseases. Despite all the differing statements in the past few days since this unfortunate accident, we know there will be more cancer deaths, both North and South. Perhaps we may be lucky enough and not suffer from those horrible diseases, but certainly young people and pregnant mothers may be affected. Is it any wonder that the women in the country are phoning various offices throughout the day in an effort to get up-to-date information. They do not believe, and cannot be expected to believe, the information emanating from various Government sources.
Last night in this House the Minister for Energy said that the radioactivity increase during the weekend was only twice as much as normal, but today we find out from an eminent scientist in UCD that it was 23 times more than normal. I will not waste my time quoting the various statements that have been made. The statement from the Nuclear Energy Board was different from that of the Minister for Energy. We had a definitive statement from medical authorities here saying the NEB do not have the medical expertise that would entitle them to tell the people of the country that there is no health hazard.
Phrases such as "the normal risk" have been used and we have been told that the radiation level is "a bit above the normal risk". What is the normal risk? Who created it? Why should there be any normal risk? Are we talking about protecting the health of our people and our environment? We are not. All the Government have mentioned, in the speech tonight and last night, was monitoring — the usual response from this Government. What will they monitor? They may monitor the levels of radiation but will that do anything to remove the risks. Up to now have they carried out any monitoring or inspection of fresh vegetables? Tonight in Dublin Bay there is a ship from Poland. Are the Government even aware of that fact? Are they doing anything about it? It is not today or yesterday that the ad hoc interdepartmental committee should have been established and brought together. The Government got plenty of notice. They were told on many occasions of the accidents that happened in Sellafield and of the build-up of radioactivity. Yet, it took this major disaster to get them to set up the interdepartmental committee. We must ask the question: to do what? The answer we have been given is to monitor.
We are quite clear in what we call for tonight. The Government cannot be happy with their amendment to our motion. I shall quote from it. It speaks of:
conveying to the UK Government the Irish public's concern that the number of accidents at Sellafield has caused a loss of confidence in the safety of the operation of the plant.
What is wrong with an Irish Government that they will not stand up for the rights of our people and honour their responsibilities to those who elected them? They should demand the closure of Sellafield. Do they expect to get anything if they do not ask for it? If they sit at home during a general election campaign, do they expect people to come out and vote for them without even asking? They will not even honour their responsibilities to the Irish people by making the demand. Let it be refused, but at least they should carry out their responsibilities and respond to the wishes of our people.
We must ask the question why they are not making that demand. Why have they continued for so long to pour out speeches that have more in common with speeches delivered in the House of Commons in their attempts to tell us we are not at risk? Is it any wonder our people are asking why are our Government so reluctant to make that demand? They wonder why the Government are so afraid and subservient. Is there a strategic and defence reason? We know that Sellafield is there for strategic and military reasons. Is that why the Irish Government are not prepared to demand its closure? Are they afraid they might dislodge the excellent relationship we are told exists between the two Governments, although one must wonder how deep that runs? Is that the price they are expecting the Irish people to pay? If so, I believe they are making a serious misjudgment and miscalculation. There is no price our people are not prepared to pay to assuage the grave concern that exists throughout our island. They will stand behind an Irish Government who make that demand. It may ruffle feathers along the way, but when have an Irish Government so thrown away their independence and spirit of nationalism that they are not prepared to do what our people wish? Has it gone so far that once again they are prepared to bend the knee and to endanger the health of our people and the environment? That is not a price we are prepared to pay. We believe that every Irish person would be prepared to stand fully behind the Government on this matter. Indeed it might lift some of the air of despair and disillusionment that exists today if we saw a spark of leadership from this Government in relation to this issue.