I move:
That leave be granted to introduce a Bill entitled an act to prohibit the entry into the State of vessels or aircraft carrying nuclear, chemical or biological weapons.
We find ourselves discussing this Bill tonight because of the extraordinary decision of the Fianna Fáil leader, Deputy Haughey, to oppose the motion I moved on the Order of Business on Wednesday last seeking permission to introduce this Bill.
If the motion had been unopposed on the Order of Business that day, and the Government at that time indicated they had no opposition to it, it would simply have meant that the Bill would have been printed and officially circulated. It is, I believe, unprecedented for an opposition party to oppose a motion from another party in opposition seeking leave to introduce a Private Members' Bill. Fianna Fáil already enjoy a virtual monopoly on the allocation of Private Members' time. I think it would be most undesirable that any party should be allowed to effectively operate a veto over whether members of the Dáil should be allowed to have a Private Members' Bill circulated and printed. It is also high time that facilities were provided by the Government for the discussion of such Bills as this one and for the research and production of them. It would enhance the role of backbenchers, not only in The Workers' Party but on the Fianna Fáil and Government sides.
The Bill now before us seeks to prohibit the entry into the State of any vessel or aircraft carrying nuclear, chemical or biological weapons. Under the Bill any foreign naval vessel seeking permission to enter Irish waters, or a military aircraft seeking permission to fly over or land in this country, would first have to furnish a written statement to the effect that it was not carrying prohibited weapons.
The visit to Dublin last month of the United States vessel, the USS Nitro, a ship specifically designed to carry nuclear weapons, focused attention once again on the total absence of controls over, or procedures for inspecting naval vessels visiting Irish ports. The US Government have persistently refused to say whether US vessels visiting this country are carrying nuclear weapons. Other nuclear powers adopt a similar position. The policy of the Department of Foreign Affairs which, in effect, is simply to rely on the goodwill of other countries not to send vessels carrying nuclear weapons is incredibly naive.
Figures given by the Minister for Foreign Affairs show that permission was given for overflights by 1,462 military aircraft last year and that a further 271 were given permission to land. The fact is that we do not know, and the Department of Foreign Affairs did not know if any of these aircraft were carrying nuclear or similar weapons. What is of even more concern is that there were an estimated 3,000 over-flights last year for which no permission was given.
In the aftermath of the unsuccessful talks in Iceland between the Soviet Union and the US it is more important than ever that neutral, non-nuclear countries such as Ireland be seen to be taking a strong stand against these weapons of mass destruction. By passing this legislation we could deliver a strong message to all nuclear powers that we want no hand, act or part in nuclear weapons, and that we will do nothing to facilitate the passage around the world of these weapons by either ship or aircraft. New Zealand has already adopted a policy of not allowing in vessels unless an assurance has been given that they are not carrying nuclear weapons, and there is no reason why Ireland should not do likewise.
To conclude, it is important that the Irish Government be seen to be consistent in relation, for instance, to their strong representations about radioactive pollution in the Irish sea from Sellafield. It is not consistent to have that position and at the same time to turn a blind eye to ships and aircraft coming into Irish waters and Irish airspace carrying weapons of mass destruction.
Clearly, this legislation would not save this country in the event of a nuclear war, but it would reduce the dangers of Irish people being the victims of nuclear accidents. Just as important, it would enable us to deliver a strong public statement of our disapproval of the senseless arms race.
Unlike Deputy Haughey, I consider this to be an important matter. It would be well worth devoting six hours of Private Members' time to it. Obviously, I hope for the support of the House in this, and I urge Deputy Haughey, leader of the Fianna Fáil Party, to allow time for debate on this Bill particularly in the absence of any move from the Government to allow for the debate of Private Members' Bills.
