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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 18 Dec 1986

Vol. 370 No. 15

Courts (No. 3) Bill, 1986: Second and Subsequent Stages.

I move:

"That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The purpose of this Bill is to deal with the situation which arises following on the Supreme Court judgment of 12 December 1986 about the legality of the way in which District Court summonses are at present issued.

Many statements have been made during the past week about the background to this problem and I would like, first of all, to place the sequence of events on record.

On 20 March last the High Court gave its judgment in the case of Clarke v. Roche on the issue of the validity of a summons issued to a Mr. Peter Senezio. The High Court identified three distinct steps required under the relevant statute, section 10 of the Petty Sessions (Ireland) Act, 1851. These steps were: (1) the making of a complaint to a person authorised to receive it; (2) the receipt of such complaint by such person and (3) the institution of proceedings on foot of a complaint which had been received.

The court accepted that under Statute and Rules of Court a complaint could be received by a District Court clerk and that a summons could be issued by the clerk on the basis of that complaint. The court added, however, that unless it could be shown that the District Court clerk himself personally considered a complaint any summons which might be issued on foot of it would be invalid.

The computerisation of the issue of summonses in the Dublin Metropolitan District Court area commenced in 1982. The volume of summonses issued by computer quickly grew to some 500,000 by 1985. The procedures for the automatic issue of summonses by computer did not include personal consideration of every complaint by a District Court clerk. In the circumstances it was quite clear that the effect of the High Court judgment was to invalidate these procedures. Two steps were immediately taken, they were: (1) arrangements were made to appeal the judgment to the Supreme Court and (2) the procedures for the issue of summonses by computer were changed to the extent that the District Court clerk would consider each complaint before a summons was issued. Put quite simply, appropriate and adequate steps were taken at the time to deal with the effects of the High Court judgment including, I should like to emphasise, appropriate steps to validate the issue of summonses by computer.

The Supreme Court gave its decision on the appeal in its judgment of 12 December 1986. It upheld the decision of the High Court that service of a summons under the old procedure was not valid. The judgement, however, introduced a new element, the effect of which was to raise a question about the validity of the issue of summonses even under the new procedures introduced after the High Court judgment of March 1986. The Supreme Court said that it was "satisfied that on the terms of section 10 of the 1851 Act it is an inescapable conclusion that the issue of a summons upon the making of a complaint was a judicial act as distinct from an administrative one". This interpretation meant that there was a serious question as to whether any District Court clerk could issue a summons legally at all within the provisions of the 1851 Act.

However, the judgement went on to say that "the difficulties arising from the desirability to avail, if at all possible, of modern and technical equipment and procedures in order to facilitate the issuing of District Court summonses may not be as great, from a legal point of view, as might originally appear" and that there was "much to be said for the point of view that with regard to summary summonses issued in criminal cases by members of the Garda Síochána, at least, it is no longer necessary nor appropriate for a justice of the District Court or any other person to reach a judicial determination as to whether the summons should be issued". The court then said that consideration should be given to replacing sections 10 and 11 of the 1851 Act with statutory provisions more suitable to the modern District Court which could include the procedure for the issuing of summonses, in criminal cases at least, as being an administrative procedure only.

At this point I would like to refer to the statements I made about these developments since last weekend because I am satisfied that misunderstandings have arisen in that regard. I first referred to the accusation made against me that my Department had done nothing after the High Court judgment last March to comply with the decision of that court and as a consequence had placed all summonses issued since then in jeopardy. This was not the case since, as I have already indicated, my Department immediately took steps to correct the defects in the issue of summonses which the High Court had identified.

The Supreme Court upheld the decision of the High Court. If the Supreme Court decision did no more than that it would not have created any great difficulty since the steps I had mentioned had already been taken to comply with the High Court judgment. The Supreme Court, however, went on to say, obiter, that in its opinion the issue of a summons under the 1851 legislation was a judicial act and therefore cast doubts on the competence of a District Court clerk to issue a summons at all. The Supreme Court statement did not, of itself, invalidate what had been done. What it did was give a clear indication that if the validity of a summons were challenged on the grounds that a District Court clerk was not legally competent to issue a summons on the basis that under the 1851 Act this is a judicial act, the challenge was likely to succeed. I reject any suggestion that this was an eventuality which we should have envisaged. In the event, I made it clear that the implications of that judgment were being studied and that if urgent legislation were needed I would sponsor it. It soon became clear that such a course was, indeed, indicated and subsequently I informed the House that I would be introducing legislation this week.

My Department have for some time been working on proposals which would adapt procedures to bring them more into line with modern conditions. These proposals are not, however, at a stage where it is possible to put forward final proposals in the form of a Bill for the approval of the Government. In the meantime, the Supreme Court decision presents an immediate problem which must be resolved if the course of justice is not to be frustrated. The Bill before the House is an urgent but minimum response to that problem.

The Bill proposes that proceedings in the District Court in respect of an offence may be commenced by the issuing, as a matter of administrative procedure, of a document, to be referred to as a summons, by the appropriate office of the District Court. This provision follows the line suggested in the judgment of the Supreme Court. This summons will be sought not by way of "complaint" but by way of an application in the ordinary sense of the word.

The Bill goes on to indicate the form a summons will take and how it will be processed in the District Court office. It also identifies those who may apply for the issue of a summons.

Normally provisions of this kind would apply only from the date of passing of the Bill. There is, however, an obvious difficulty in regard to summonses which have already been issued but upon which there has not yet been a judicial determination. The Bill proposes that the complaints which gave rise to the issue of those summonses since the date of the High Court judgment in March last will be treated as applications for the issue of summonses and in this way enable them to be dealt with under the general provisions of the Bill. On the passing of the Bill, therefore, the intention would be to reissue summonses in those outstanding cases.

The mechanism which is being adopted in subsection (7) (b) of section 1 of the Bill to achieve this is to enable — within the limited period up to 20 March next — new summonses to be issued by the District Court offices in cases where previously issued summonses are now regarded as invalid but which were otherwise properly issued. When read with subsection (7) (a) this will mean that once the old summons was issued within the appropriate period of limitation the new summons will derive its validity as regards time from that fact. This, while it will naturally give rise to some administrative inconvenience, is, I am assured, technically feasible. The number of cases involved in the Dublin Metropolitan area is about 150,000. The Supreme Court judgment also cast doubts on the competence of a peace commissioner to issue a valid summons for the same reasons as in the case of District Court clerks. The Bill proposes that summonses already issued in the name of peace commissioners and which have not yet been judicially determined will also be dealt with by the issue of new summonses under the provisions of the Bill. However, the question of amending the law as regards the ongoing issue of summonses by peace commissioners, for which the Supreme Court did not offer suggestions, will have to await consideration in the context of the more thorough review of the law. In the meantime suitable administrative arrangements are being made for the issue of these summonses in District Court offices.

The Bill, finally, proposes to preserve the provisions of existing legislation for use in non-routine cases. This means that, in appropriate cases, the provisions in the 1851 Act may continue to be used. Where they are it is the intention, of course, that the summonses will be issued by district justices only. This is what happens at present in the context of charge-sheet procedures.

I might at this point record my appreciation to the various officials in my own Department, in the Attorney General's office, in the DPP's office and in the draughtsman's office who have put together with great care and very considerable expedition the Bill which is before the House. The purpose of the Bill is to facilitate the course of justice and preserve the rule of law. For the reasons I have stated the Bill is urgent and I commend it to the House.

The Minister stated in his speech that the High Court judgment of 20 March was the first occasion on which he was acquainted with this problem. We went on to talk about the two steps which were taken at that stage. This Bill and the emergency procedures we are going through this evening arise from the issuing of a summons in a drink driving case which eventually ended up in the Supreme Court as the State Clerk v. District Justice Maura Roche.

On 25 June 1985 the arguments in relation to this case were put in the District Court. Therefore, that was the first time the question was raised. The first arguement at the stage was that the District Court clerk did not personally consider this particular summons which was, as the Minister has said, issued by computer. The second argument was that the person issuing the summons was not the one to whom the complaint was made. The argument was that the garda simply brought in a bundle of complaints and gave them to a clerk in the District Court office who then processed them through the computer.

I would point out to the Minister that that was on 25 June 1985. The case was pending for some time before that but even leaving out the time which went before, these arguments were put openly in court at that time. As a result, District Justice Roche accepted the arguments as valid and dismissed the summons. The State then appealed to the High Court. It is important to note that the State was put on notice then. Even a layman reading the 1851 Petty Sessions Act would know that there were serious defects in the system and that it would be necessary to either have a District Court clerk consider each summons or seek to amend the law to cover the use of computers.

The question arises as to what response there was to the observed defect in the system. Who was negligent? Was the DPP informed? Who should have taken action at that stage? The State in open court was informed and given notice of the problems which were due to arise. Was the Minister informed at that time and, if not, why not? Alternatively, was he informed but chose to await the finding of the High Court?

That leads us to the next stage which was the finding of the High Court but before dealing with that I would like as an ordinary layman to refer the House to the 1851 Petty Sessions Act which as I say was raised at that time on 25 June 1985. I contend that any lay person picking up the 1851 Petty Sessions Act as I had to do today when this Bill came before us and picking out the relevant section would see very quickly and clearly that it states that each summons or warrant should be signed by the justice or one of the justices issuing it, that it should state the cause of complaint and that no summons should be signed in blank etc. It quite clearly states that this is a judicial function.

The point I am making is that once this was argued in open court in June 1985 — admittedly the question of the judicial nature of it was not argued at that time — somebody had to look at the Act and ask what did the Act say, even in the simplest terms. I invite anyone who wishes to look at what that Act says.

It is not sufficient for the Minister to say it has worked for all that time and nobody worried about it. That is all very well but the fact of the matter was that the Minister and the State were put on notice at the that time and on 20 March 1986 the High Court upheld the decision of District Justice Roche. Both the State and the Minister then claimed that that was the first time they were put on notice and the Minister has claimed that again today. Is this true? Did no one tell the Minister? The Minister has now reacted but he has given no fundamental consideration to the matter or was it just the clerk who gave this matter consideration? The Minister said that two steps were taken but who decided on these steps? Were they decided by the District Court clerk at that time or was the Minister informed then?

Arrangements were made to appeal the judgment to the Supreme Court. Surely, the Minister must have been informed at that stage and surely at least at that stage there should have been a fundamental consideration of the problem? If there was, we should have had this legislation a long time ago and we should have had adequate time to consider and discuss it. It was arranged that the District Court clerk would consider each summons in line with the requirement of rule 30 of the District Court rules. As a matter of interest, did he consider each and every summons since then? The Minister said there were 150,000.

In the Dublin metropolitan area.

How many District Court clerks were involved? Is it true that there were only two District Court clerks involved? Would it be possible for them to examine all these? I do not know. Only the Minister, the Department and the Executive know. We are told now that they were all considered. How were they actually considered if only two people were involved?

The basic statute clearly makes the issuing of a summons a judicial function. I do not think there was need to go to the Supreme Court once the issue was raised. I fully accept that there are many issues in the administration of the law which have not been raised but the Minister was put on notice that this was a clear case where problems could arise. Did anybody bother to look at the statute?

This is a clear case of negligence and incompetence. The Minister did not mention 13 May but referred to one of the consequences of that decision and that is the position as regards peace commissioners. On 13 May in the case of the State, Lynch v. Ballagh, the Supreme Court found that the granting of bail by a peace commissioner was a judicial function reserved to the courts. That was on 13 May, not last week. This gave further notice to the Minister that new legislation was required.

The Minister said that the judgment cast doubts on the competence of peace commissioners to issue a valid summons for the same reasons as in the case of District Court clerks. The Bill proposes that summonses issued in the name of peace commissioners will be validated. The Minister stated: "the question of amending the law as regards the ongoing issuing of summonses by peace commissioners for which the Supreme Court did not offer any suggestions..." It is not the Supreme Court's job to make laws. It gave a clear indication on 13 May that remedies were required in this area and the Minister should have pursued the matter from that date.

I contend that this issue goes back to 10 June 1985. There was a very clear signal given from the Supreme Court that new legislation was required in relation to the peace commissioners and other judicial functions being carried out by District Court clerks.

I beg the Deputy's pardon, but perhaps his side of the House would agree, if the Minister was disposed also to agree, to extend the time of the sitting. Deputy Harney has put down seven amendments for Committee Stage.

The order was made this morning and cannot be changed.

It is important that orders can be varied on the spot.

A clear signal was given on 13 May but no action was taken. The Minister is promising action now. In July the arguments were put in the Supreme Court and the judges' response clearly indicated that there was a judicial function involved. On 12 December we had a unanimous decision in the Supreme Court. Chief Justice Finlay reached the inescapable conclusion that the issue of a summons upon the making of a complaint was a judicial as distinct from an administrative act. That was not surprising. Even a layman could have come to that conclusion. The State contended "the courts should not interfere with the practical procedure which has a considerable contribution to make to speeding the trail of summary offences". That may the position adopted by the State but the courts indicated that the process was outside the law and that it was a matter for the Oireachtas to make laws. The courts were not interfering with anything but were indicating the factual position.

It is not open to the State to be as arrogant as that in relation to the rights of citizens. In any event the court did what it had to do. Many thousands of cases are involved, included drink driving charges, car insurance offences and parking offences. Thousands of cases have been dismissed. The only conclusion one can come to is that the Government and the Minister have been grossly negligent.

Last Monday the Minister contended that no legislation was needed. He did not seem to know or understand the problem. My Private Notice Question got the required response. We are now faced with more rushed legislation which inevitably means bad legislation. An Act which has been in use for 135 years will be updated in less than one hour. The Minister wasted 18 months since the State was first put on notice by the District Court. Is anyone managing the system? The Minister is responsible for the administration of the law. He spoke about his Department but he is responsible and there is no point in shrugging it off on his officials. There is no point in suggesting that it is the officials who are not dealing with the matter properly. We know we have good officials. It is a matter for the Minister to ensure that the system is there and works.

The Government clearly have little regard for the Constitution and the laws of the State. It is not acceptable to arrogantly set aside the law and set them selves above the courts and the law. The courts are there to protect citizens from the whims of the Taoiseach and Government of the day and the Executive and administrative arm. The Government have shown a total disregard for the Constitution. They are not managing the nation. They are cynically clinging to office not only by the casting vote of the Ceann Comhairle who had to intervene a record five times yesterday to bail them out but also by refusing to allow the byelection to fill the vacancy caused by the death of the late Cathal Coughlan. The Taoiseach abuses the Constitution when it suits him. He says there will not be an election until next October which means that the seat should have been filled.

We are facilitating the Government by allowing them to take this emergency action to deal with a situation which is catastrophic and in a shambles. They want to rush through this legislation immediately before the Christmas recess. Because of the serious nature of the matters concerned, we are prepared to facilitate them. That is not to suggest that we approve of the contents of the Bill. It has all the hallmarks of rushed legislation. It is cumbersome, unwieldy and difficult to understand. It contains provisions which are probably unconstitutional. On the face of it, it seems to be unfair.

First, the Bill purports to deny the citizen his right to have issues determined by the courts both in retrospect and in the future. Subsections (5) and (6) put an onus on the accused to prove something of which he has no knowledge. How do we know whether these documents were considered or not, this vast number, possibly by two district court clerks? Who can tell? The State knows. That is the reality. Anyone outside the State mechanism organisation is in no position to know.

Section 1 (5) states:

In any proceedings, a document purporting to be a summons shall, unless the contrary is shown, be deemed to be a summons duly applied for and issued.

In other words, if a document is presented by the State as a summons, that is the end of it. It says unless the contrary is shown, but the only people who can know whether a summons was duly and properly applied for and duly and properly issued are servants of the State. The ordinary citizen cannot know that. The courts have already said that the onus of truth must lie with the State, but here we find the onus being shifted onto the citizen. How can the citizen prove that? As I said about all those cases that are supposed to have been considered, we cannot say whether they have been considered.

What chance has Joe Citizen against big brother who has all the machinery and the citizen cannot even look at it? That is an impossibility. This has very wide implications. In future one will never be able to look behind a summons to inquire about it. Many people have a statutory defence at present but this is being removed by subsection (7)(b). That section deals with complaints received between March 20, 1986 and December 18, 1986.

Those who had a defence where the complaint was not made within six months will have lost that defence. The legislation is determining issues for cases in progress. This is undesirable and quite possibly unconstitutional. We are changing the rules for cases allegedly committed 12 to 18 months ago. We are condoning, on the one hand, the Minister's negligence and, on the other, penalising the citizen against whom there is an allegation. Should the citizen be deprived of his legitimate defence to bail out the Minister and the Government? Surely this is more retroactive legislation.

An old and well-known saying was quoted on page 87 in a very useful reference book by Professor John Kelly on The Irish Constitution published in 1984. I quote:

There is an old and well-known saying with regard to new laws that you are not by a new law to affect for the worse the position in which a man already finds himself at the time when the law is actually passed.

It is quite clear that the Minister's intention here is to make up for his own negligence over that period.

On page 86 of the same reference book, Chief Justice Kennedy is quoted in the case of the State, Ryan v. Lennon as describing retroactive and “retroactive penal legislation” as “the favourite and most formidable instrument of tyranny”.

This is the very type of legislation which the Minister wishes to rush through this House today without any proper consideration or debate.

If we look at section 1 we find that the failure was caused by having the District Court clerks issuing summons under the 1851 Act which gave a discretion of a judicial nature. The Minister obviously believes that under this Bill the same problem will not arise. He apparently believes that merely to declare something an administrative procedure makes it an administrative procedure. On the face of it, the Bill still seems to leave the District Court clerk with a discretion in that it does not require him to issue a summons on receipt of an application. I am far from happy that that most fundamental matter has been resolved.

Section 1 (1), on the second line says that "Proceedings in the District Court in respect of an offence may be commenced by the issuing as a matter of administrative procedure...". There is a weakness there. The legislation also says that the District Court proceedings in respect of an offence may be commenced by the issuing of a summons by an appropriate District Court clerk. The Minister wants other circumstances to be covered also. It appears to give a discretion to the District Court clerk as to whether he will or will not issue a summons. The Minister should expressly deprive him of a discretion in issuing a summons. It should be stated that on receipt of an application he shall issue a summons. Alternatively, criteria should be created for valid applications and set out for issuing such a summons.

Perhaps because of the rush the Minister has taken the short cut and said that the District Court clerk may issue a summons and that that can cover many things. That also involves a discretion and the Minister may find that he is creating difficulties for himself. In section 1 (4) none of the advantages of the Bill are being conferred on the personal complainant. The courts have long recognised the desirability of giving the ordinary citizen access to the courts equal to that of public officials. Subsection (4) states:

An application for the issue of a summons in relation to an offence may be made to the appropriate office of the District Court by or on behalf of the Attorney General, the Director of Public Prosecutions, a member of the Garda Síochána or any person authorised by or under statute to prosecute the offence.

Seán Citizen is left out.

Look at subsection (8).

Why cover so clearly the summonses issued on behalf of all the other individuals?

It is to maintain the other procedures. The position of a personal complainant is unaffected.

That is the Minister's view but we do not have time to discuss the matter in detail. Many disputes are resolved by ordinary citizens between themselves without involving the Garda. What will the position be in future? My views are derived from a preliminary examination of the Bill and I strongly object to rushed legislation. We agreed this emergency step assuming that the Minister would at least have the basics right but I understand that challenges are already being planned in regard to this Bill. The Minister would be well advised to go back to the drawing board and, if he insists on going ahead, he would also be well advised to ask the President to refer the Bill to the Supreme Court for an immediate decision on its constitutionality. Otherwise he may well find that those who legislate in undue haste repent at leisure.

I have not been able to give detailed attention to the Bill and, as with other legislation, it would require considerable examination. I regret the way it has to be taken because of the circumstances. It highlights a degree of negligence over a long period and the slowness of the State administration to act in matters of this kind. When notice is clearly given, the State should respond with appropriate measures and not wait until it is brought to the Supreme Court. A student on reading the original Act would know there was a problem which has been manifested now by trying to fit computers into an 1851 Act. It was obvious there was a need to update the legislation urgently before the law was brought into disrepute. We will not oppose the Minister in introducing these measures: all we can do is to sound a few warning notes.

I am also reluctant to see the House pass legislation in a hurry because I have a clear recollection of what happened in 1970 when both Houses were asked in the course of a day to pass a Bill relating to the fate of money collected in connection with the Northern problems. The Bill was passed in a day but subsequently it was found unconstitutional.

This Bill, short though it is, contains a lot of meat of a legal kind. Deputy Woods is quite right to point that out and I am grateful to him for doing so at somewhat less length than he might reasonably have claimed. I do not want to be represented as raising an alarm, as opposing the Bill, protesting about it or anything like that, but this House has a constitutional obligation not to enact something which is in any sense repugnant to the Constitution. We owe a minimum duty of examining something like this. We cannot be certain about it, and perhaps we do not want to be positive about it, but we certainly owe a minimum duty of examining it in the light of the principles with which it may conflict.

I am not being positive about it. I do not want to be represented as blackening the Bill or making the Minister's job more difficult but I am uneasy about the fate of a provision which, effectively, purports to deprive a large number of persons accused of minor offences of a defence which is available to them at present. Some of these cases have been adjourned to await the outcome of the case decided by the Supreme Court last week and, having lost its case, the State is effectively trying to mend its fences. It has no option but to attempt to try to mend its fences to keep the penal engine in operation against the alleged offenders. However, I am not too sure that this can validly be done. It is not retrospective penal legislation in the sense forbidden by Article 15.5 of the Constitution because that very simple provision goes no further than to forbid the Oireachtas to declare acts to be offences which were not so at the time when the act was committed. It is not retrospective penal legislation in that sense but Deputy Woods is quite right in saying that the law generally leans against legislation which puts people in a worse situation retrospectively. It is undeniable — and I am sure the Minister would not deny — that this will now deprive people of a defence which they would have if their case had been prosecuted to a conclusion this afternoon.

I do not know a case in our reports which is absolutely in point but it would be wrong to let the Bill go through without saying very briefly that it is something new and unexplored and it might be a good idea, as Deputy Woods suggested, if the Government encouraged the President — of course they cannot require him to do so; it is a matter entirely within his own discretion, one of the few things which is — to submit it to the Supreme Court to test its constitutionality.

Deputy Woods also mentioned the question of an administrative procedure. I agree that for this House merely to declare something to be an administrative procedure does not make it one. There is a clear dictum — although it does not even require a dictum because few things could be clearer than that as a matter of principle — by Mr. Justice Walsh in a case called the State at the prosecution of O. which is an abbreviation for O'Brien in the 1973Irish Reports, page 50, that the quality of an act is to be determined by the act itself, in that context he said “not by the person who is doing the act”. However, those last words are redundant for my purpose. The quality of the act determines its character.

What worries me is not really what the Minister is doing but, with the greatest respect to the Supreme Court, the formulation which they adopted. Here is a Supreme Court that sees there are many thousands of summonses being issued by a computer, summonses so numerous that they cannot possibly be processed individually by any application of a human mind which could remotely be described as applying a discretion to a complaint made by a garda. Although the Supreme Court is only saying it obiter, because this was not essential to its judgment, it is naturally entitled to great respect.

The Supreme Court is saying that the old complaint resulted in a function which has to be regarded as judicial. They suggested that the Oireachtas should substitute for that something called an application the processing of which would be an administrative procedure. With the greatest and most sincere respect to the Supreme Court, if we are dealing with 150 cases, all of which in the nature of things have to go through more or less on the nod, what is the difference between considering a complaint and acceding to an application? If there is any element of discretion in one, presumably there must be the same element of discretion in the other. I do not want to pronounce on that. In any case it is clear that since the Supreme Court, rightly or wrongly, takes this view, this matter will not be vulnerable in the short run, but in the longer run it may be so because the Supreme Court was speaking only obiter. As the House knows, that means that since the principle it appears to support was not essential to the concrete finding in the case, it does not rank as a precedent and the court is not bound by it. I want to give way to Deputy Harney.

I thank Deputy Kelly for his co-operation in giving me this opportunity to speak. This debate highlights the farce in which matters of importance are dealt with by this House. Earlier this morning the Exchange Control (Continuance) Bill was passed in this House without any debate. The Opposition were prepared, on the nod, to let it through and it may well be in contravention of the Single European Act. This evening, despite protestations from Deputy Woods about the way this Bill is being rushed through the House, the Fianna Fáil Opposition again allowed the Government to have this legislation in a matter of minutes. This is far too important a matter to be dealt with in this way. I cannot see why the Minister feels it necessary to bring in this legislation this evening, why he could not have waited until early in the New Year. Is it because he does not believe the House will return after Christmas?

I am advised that this legislation, if passed, will cause more chaos than we have at the moment in that it may well be declared unconstitutional if it is referred to the Supreme Court by the President and, if it is not, the lawyers will have a field day and it will not be long before the Bill is declared unconstitutional. This will cause legal chaos.

I accept this is a very technical matter and for people without a legal training it is not very easy to deal with matters of this kind, particularly when we only get the Bill, as I did, at 11 o'clock this morning. However, the Minister's advisers should have been in a position to warn him earlier than they did of the dangers that arose last Friday. I compliment the parliamentary draftsman, although I do not agree with what he has done, in presenting this Bill in such a short time.

The Progressive Democrats are opposing this Bill for a number of reasons. First, we believe the Bill allows serious charges such as murder to be commenced by a purely administrative process. We believe the Bill needs to be amended to protect the rights of citizens and to ensure that they are not being subjected to the criminal process in a serious matter without adequate judicial comment.

Secondly, we believe the Bill is unconstitutional in that many cases were adjourned by the State pending the outcome of the Supreme Court. The Minister seeks to retrospectively apply the provisions of this Bill to those cases. This means that the grounds of defence which were available to the cases which were dismissed will not be available to the cases which were adjourned. This is unfair and unconstitutional.

Thirdly, the Bill switches the onus of proof, to prove that the summons was duly applied for an issued, away from the prosecution and the court to the defence. In an unreported case of the State versus D'Arcy last year — I will not read it all because I do not have time — he says.

There are some cases in which the prosecution must prove every aspect of their case without being called upon to do so. There are some cases, such as this, where it is open to the defence to call on the prosecution to prove something. It is clear that the fact that a complaint has been made, or the date on which such complaint was made, is a matter wholly within the knowledge of the prosecution. An accused person could not possibly know when a complaint was made. To say something is a matter for defence means that it is a matter to be raised by the defence, and if the defence raises a matter peculiarly in the knowledge of the prosecution, then it is up to the prosecution to call evidence of that fact or matter. When this matter was raised by the defendant's counsel in the lower court, I say firmly that the prosecution should have proved it.

The reference please.

The State versus Byrne and D'Arcy, July 1985.

Where is it reported?

It is unreported. Another ground for objecting to this Bill is that it does not deal adequately with the issuing of summonses by peace commissioners. The Supreme Court have upheld on two occasions, in the State versus Lynch and Ballagh case of May 1986 and in last Friday's case, the State versus Clark and Roche, that the powers given to peace commissioners to issue summonses in criminal matters are unconstitutional. It may be the case that as a result of this, many guilty people accused of very serious crimes such as drug pushing may walk free. The Minister does not deal, as he has already admitted, with that matter in this Bill.

It is for these reasons that we saw fit to table a number of amendments. Unfortunately, we will not be able to adequately debate these amendments because we do not have the time to do so. I ask the Minister very seriously, not in a political way but as a matter of concern, to delay the final passing of this Bill and to agree to take some of these amendments when the Dáil resumes after Christmas. The courts will be in recess from tomorow and I do not think passing this Bill this evening will make very much difference. It is a very poor reflection on the main Opposition party, despite the fact that they protest about the limitations of the Bill and that it is being rushed through, that they have not seen fit to oppose it and they have allowed the Government to rush this Bill through the House the day before we adjourn for the Christmas recess.

I can assure the House that I would much prefer be in a position to accede to Deputy Harney's last request, and I believe the House would function far better in circumstances of that kind. In view of what I said in my opening speech, I must take the view that that course is not realistically open to me. I do not share Deputy Harney's view that this Bill will create chaos. Quite the contrary. It is for that reason I am putting forward this Bill. I thank the House for affording me the facility to do this, not least because last Saturday Deputy Woods was jumping up and down screaming blue murder asking for emergency legislation to be brought in. However, I am very sensitive to the points raised by Deputy Harney, Deputy Kelly and Deputy Woods in relation to the fundamental aspects of the law. It was for that reason that I have another Courts Bill in preparation and I look forward to the opportunity of debating it in detail in this House.

Deputy Woods raised a series of questions and made a number of allegations about improvidence, incompetence and so on. He might find a little comfort, if not the answers to most of his questions, by having a quick look at the 1926 Court and Court Officers Act and Rule 30 of the District Court Rules of 1948, each of which is referred to in a judgment of the Supreme Court and which indicate that an apparent lack of activity over a period cannot be so simply construed as he appears to do.

I referred to Rule 30.

I want to deal with one or two points which were raised. I find it hard to take some of Deputy Woods's objections, in particular the way he treated the courts and his apparent insinuation that in some way the Government are treating the courts with contempt. Not so many days ago on the Order of Business we heard the Leader of the Fianna Fáil Party characterise a particular court decision as incomprehensible which seems to show a fine if partially comprehensible critical faculty in relation to the judgments of a particular court. The suggestion that the provisions of section 1 (7) (b) in some way remove a defence from a person does not hold up. Close inspection of that will show that if the original summons was not issued within the time laid down for the issuing of the summons then it cannot be validated by the procedures set out in this Bill. If it were a defence for any person before a court to show that the summons was not issued within the required time, his right to show that would be preserved, totally unaffected by the provisions of this Bill. I assure the House on that point, one which has rightly been raised.

The Chair cannot ignore the clock.

I wish to make one further very brief point. Deputy Kelly suggested it is not enough to declare something to be an administrative procedure in order to make it one. That again is something that will have to be considered much more fully in the context of our examination of the Courts Bill to which I have referred already. However, in taking the line I have taken in the Bill I am basing myself on the opinion given by the Supreme Court last Friday.

Courts (No. 3) Bill, 1986: as it is now 6 o'clock I must put the following question in accordance with an Order of the House made this morning: "That the Bill is hereby read a Second Time, that the Bill is hereby agreed to in Committee and is reported to the House; and Fourth Stage is hereby completed and the Bill is hereby passed."

Will those who are demanding a division please rise in their places?

Deputy O'Malley, Deputy Molloy, Deputy Harney and Deputy Wyse rose.

As fewer than ten Deputies have risen, in accordance with Standing Orders I declare the motion carried. The names of those demanding a division will be entered in the Journal of the Proceedings of the Dáil.

Question declared carried.
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