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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 28 Jun 1988

Vol. 382 No. 9

Release of Nelson Mandela: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann salutes the contribution of Nelson Mandela, Leader of the African National Congress to the cause of freedom in South Africa and sends greetings to him on his 70th birthday on 18 July 1988. As an ageing man in ill-health — one who has spent more than one-third of his life in prison — he still remains an inspiration to all who seek a peaceful, united and democratic South Africa, freed from the evils of Apartheid. Dáil Éireann therefore calls for the unconditional and immediate release of Nelson Mandela and all other political prisoners in South Africa.

I am very pleased at the opportunity of putting both my own and the Government's views on record in relation to this motion. A birthday should be an occasion for rejoicing and congratulations. I fear that the 70th birthday of Nelson Mandela gives us little to rejoice in or to congratulate him on. The achievement of his 70th year, after a hard life of which more than a third has been spent in prison, is indeed a matter for some celebration. But, while any such celebration by him must take place in prison, our congratulations will be muted indeed. I know I speak for the House and for the people of Ireland when I extend both my greetings and my sympathies to Nelson Mandela and his family. His struggle for the cause of freedom, a cause to which our own history has given us a particular attachment, has struck a chord in all our hearts. The motion placed on the Order Paper here today by Deputies from all parties is a measure of his standing in the eyes of Dáil Éireann and of the people of Ireland.

Successive Irish Governments have called for his immediate and unconditional release, along with that of his fellow political prisoners and I welcome the opportunity to renew that call in this debate to mark the occasion of his 70th birthday. Such an action would be humanitarian and since Mr. Mandela is now an ageing man in infirm health, it would also indicate to the world that South Africa can still listen to the voice of the international community which regards the freeing of political prisoners as a first prerequisite for real dialogue in South Africa.

Nelson Mandela was born in 1918 and trained as a lawyer. He joined the African National Congress in 1944 devoting his life to the fight against Apartheid. He was sentenced to five years imprisonment in 1962 for the part he played in organising a three-day nationwide strike, and while serving that sentence he was further charged, convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment under South Africa's Sabotage and Suppression of Communism Acts. Despite numerous calls on the South African Government to release him, he has now spent more than 25 years in prison. During this time he has not become a forgotten man but has continued to grow in statute both within South Africa and internationally.

Nelson Mandela has become one of the most enduring and inspiring symbols of the struggle against Apartheid. His dedication to the struggle for freedom and equality in South Africa has been undiminished by the years he has spent in prison. He has become a symbolic leader of the black South African people and the focus of black aspirations for a just, multi-racial and democratic society in South Africa. His imprisonment represents, therefore, an ever-present reminder to the world of the continuing denial of basic rights to the majority in South Africa.

The years which Nelson Mandela has spent in prison have seen the continued oppression of the majority in South Africa. The structure of Apartheid remains firmly in place. The South African Government continues to deny basic human and civil rights to the majority. Black South Africans are excluded from any effective participation in the political process and are condemned to a lifetime of political, social, economic and cultural isolation and deprivation because of the colour of their skin. Since the imposition of the nationwide state of emergency in June 1986, we have seen a steadily rising level of violence and terror. Hundreds of people, mainly blacks, have been killed either at the hands of the security forces or in internecine conflict. Thousands more, mainly black, have been arrested and detained without charge or trial often for months on end. These thousands of detainees include many hundreds of children and young people, some of whom have not yet been released to their families.

These intensified repressive activities no longer appear on our television or cinema screens. Unfortunately this does not mean that they have ceased, rather the blinds have been drawn. The worldwide horror at the events of the last few years merely caused the South African Government to institute a strict censorship of media coverage to try to hide the truth about the country's dreadful situation.

The latest threat to the beleaguered black community is the proposed introduction of the Promotion of Orderly Internal Politics Bill, which would empower the South African Authorities to block any foreign funding destined for groups of which they would not approve. The effect on those organisations and bodies working to try to improve the lot of the victims of Apartheid could be disastrous. This is another example of the reaction of the South African authorities to any attempts by concerned parties to mitigate the worst effects of Apartheid. If we are to judge from these reactions, I fear that even the combined efforts of Governments and private groups throughout the world will find it very difficult to bring about Nelson Mandela's release.

It is notable that the international community has placed great emphasis on the issue of freedom for Mr. Mandela and other political prisoners in recent years. Such a gesture from the South African Government is regarded as an essential step to show their willingness to engage in genuine national dialogue with representatives of all shades of opinion in South Africa. The international community earnestly wishes to see the peaceful abolition of Apartheid and the establishment in its place of a democratic multiracial society transcending barriers of colour, politics and religion. This, however, cannot be achieved while Nelson Mandela and other black leaders remain in prison or detained and organisations opposed to apartheid remain proscribed.

Ireland, together with our partners in the European Communities, has long called for the immediate and unconditional release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners, the lifting of the state of emergency, and the unbanning of the African National Congress, the Pan-Africanist Congress and other political parties as necessary first steps to institute the process of genuine national dialogue which is needed in South Africa. I now renew this call for the immediate and unconditional release of Nelson Mandela and urge the South African President, in whose hands the decision lies, to seize the opportunity of Nelson Mandela's 70th birthday to release him along with all other political prisoners. By doing this the South African Government could show that a will for peaceful reconciliation exists on their part. The move would be an important step towards establishing a basis for negotiations aimed at a democratic, non-racial and united South Africa.

The Irish Government are deeply concerned at the failure of the South African Government to institute reforms. Sooner or later they will have to embark on fundamental reforms leading to abolition of the Apartheid system. The sooner this new course is embarked upon, the more likely it is that the transition can be made in peace. A decision to release Nelson Mandela would be an esential first move in this transition, which is now so crucially necessary to the people of South Africa and to the Southern African region as a whole.

May I conclude with a heartfelt wish that this, his 70th birthday, will mark Nelson Mandela's transition from prison convict to free man and that he may then live to enjoy many years in liberty.

We, on this side of the House, support unequivocally this motion in every single incidence. We, likewise, are horrified that a man of the stature of Nelson Mandela should be imprisoned for the past 25 years. We hope that on the occasion of his 70th birthday, which he celebrates on 18 July, that the South African Government will be moved by all the calls from the free world to free him. To us he epitomises the spirit of black Africa. We hope that the suffering he has endured on behalf of all the black people in South Africa will lead to a free South Africa. We in Ireland can sympathise with Nelson Mandela and his people because for 700 years we bore the yoke of slavery. We were colonised and victimised. In the early twenties some of our leaders died in prison while others served long years in prison and it was they who kept the spirit of freedom alive. We know the same applies to Nelson Mandela.

This plea strikes a sympathetic cord in the hearts of all freedom-loving Irish people and I have no doubt everybody in this country would support this House in its request to President Botha to release Nelson Mandela. The 25 long years which hw has spent in prison have not broken his spirit and, as I have said, he epitomises what black South Africa stands for. Even if he were to spend another 25 years in prison, the struggle against Apartheid will continue and, as the Minister of State has said, will ultimately meet with success. I believe within a shorter period than most people imagine that the scourge of Apartheid will be removed in South Africa forcibly if not peacefully. We hope that President Botha and his Government at this juncture will realise that history is against them, that they cannot hold on to power through maintaining the unjust system of Apartheid and that justice will prevail in the long run.

We hope that all freedom-loving countries and all international organisations who, like us, are pressing for his release will be successful in their efforts. We can recall the Sharpeville massacre and other horrors in South Africa and surely President Botha looking back on South Africa's troubled history must see that black people have suffered enough. It would be a magnificent gesture on his part if he were to concede to this wish. Up to now all of our pleas have fallen on deaf ears but we hope the South African Government will not be able to withstand the plea being made by all freedom-loving peoples that this ailing man, who epitomises black resistance and who symbolises all that is good and noble in black people, will be released and will not have to live out his remaining years in prison. He has now reached his 70th birthday and his health is continuing to fail. It would be a humanitarian gesture on the part of the South African Government if they were now to release him.

We on this side of the House fully support this plea and we urge the Minister of State to make known at every international forum of which we are a member, such as the United Nations, and the Council of Europe, that this motion has been adopted by this House. The Minister of State should let it be known that we join with others in calling on the South African Government to free Nelson Mandela and to end once and for all this terrible scourge of Apartheid. Perhaps we should also include a plea to President Botha that he take mercy on those who are under the shadow of death and commute their sentences to life imprisonment or a short period in prison.

By acceding to these two requests he would at least show that he is responsive to the pleas being made by the free world and it would lead to a build-up of goodwill towards him if he were to heed the pleas being so earnestly made by various groups. It gives me great pleasure to join with the Minister of State in urging this evening that Nelson Mandela be set free and I hope that the Minister of State's actions will prove successful.

In rising to speak on this motion let me make it clear that the Progressive Democrats support the motion before the House but it shows the ineptitude of the free world, after years of discussing South Africa and particularly the position of Nelson Mandela, that we again find ourselves in the position of calling for the release of Nelson Mandela while sending him best wishes on his 70th birthday. This man epitomises the suffering which has been endured by most of the people of South Africa and it is important that we understand it is not alone Nelson Mandela we are speaking about this evening but also the people of South Africa. I believe that the imprisonment of Nelson Mandela represents the imprisonment of the people of South Africa. That fact must be borne in mind when people speak here this evening.

I wonder is there a real desire on the part of many governments to seriously tackle Apartheid in South Africa? I do not accept that nothing can be done. Some sanctions have been imposed but all of the efforts which have been made to date have achieved very little. The message should go out to white people in South Africa that the rest of the world will have no truck with them while they continue to support Apartheid, that they are as guilty as the judge who sentenced Nelson Mandela all those years ago and that they are equally guilty of keeping that man in prison.

It is only right that we should remind ourselves of the atrocities which were carried out during the Second World War by Nazi Germany. Parallels can be drawn between what is taking place in South Africa today and what took place then. I have often heard people say that events which took place during the Second World War should never be allowed to happen again but on whose terms is the question which I ask. I believe that the treatment of people in South Africa which has a population of 30 million people is similar to the way in which many people were treated in Europe some 40 years ago.

It is far too easy just to stand up in various parliaments to trot out the usual clichés and niceties but that is not sufficient and is in some way abhorrent. I believe that action can be taken but it is not being taken because there are far too many vested interests involved. Governments do not want to tackle Apartheid in South Africa because of the involvement of commerce and business but I believe at a time when Europe is facing up to so many changes, in the process becoming a united states of Europe, that one clear position be adopted and what should be at the top of the agenda in discussions between heads of state is how we can once and for all rid ourselves of Apartheid in South Africa. Although it is helpful for individual countries to have their own sanctions, this is not a strong or forceful enough front to put up to South Africa. In the European context, a clear and decisive view must be put forward unitedly from Europe with regard to South Africa.

The case of the Sharpeville Six is again a symbol of what is happening in South Africa today. There is there, a totally unjust regime by any normal standards of justice which operate anywhere in the western world. The system of justice in South Africa does not even come near what we would believe to be a normal and fair system of justice. I believe there is too much political influence on the courts in South Africa. They are dictated to by the Government of South Africa and the independence of the judiciary in South Africa has to be seriously questioned. Are they just a mouthpiece for the Apartheid system and do they implement justice at the level wanted by the people who support Apartheid?

In the weeks ahead, South Africa has an opportunity to show the rest of the world that it wants to come back into the international community and that there are at least some sensible and level headed people in that country who want South Africa to retake its place in the world. I believe that the beginning of that process should be the release of Nelson Mandela and I call, as we all do, for the release of that man. However, that should not be an end in itself. It should be the very beginning of what the South African Government do in an effort to dismantle the Apartheid system in that country and to move as quickly as possible in giving all South Africans a vote in order to have a free democracy. If the South Africans begin to make a move in this direction I believe the rest of the world will support them. Let there be no doubt that they are isolated from the international community and the rest of the world and they will continue to be isolated until such time as they take the basic steps towards a system which any free society would be expected to operate in the world today. I support this motion and I hope this message is brought home once again to the Government of South Africa.

I welcome the fact that the Government have responded to an all-party request for this motion to be moved and to be resolved unanimously. I am also anxious that the representatives of all the political parties in the Chamber get a chance to speak. The Labour Party unequivocally and totally endorse the sentiments and the spirit behind the wording of this motion. In focusing on the fact that it is the 70th birthday of Nelson Mandela, it is right that in so doing we are representing the views, as he does, of thousands, if not millions, of black South Africans who seek what we and many other people throughout the world take for granted and enjoy on a daily basis.

There are very many repressive and repugnant regimes throughout the world but South Africa is unique in having written into the tablets of stone which go to make up the charter of this white supremist South African republic that level of racial segregation, that level of racial inequality and that level of racial injustice. It is what makes South Africa unique and it is what makes it repugnant to virtually all opinions represented in the political spectrum. Therefore, it is essential that a single voice go out from this Chamber, representing all the political parties elected by the Irish people, that in this regard not only do we want Nelson Mandela made free on his 70th birthday but that in the symbolism of that gesture we want Apartheid in South Africa to be removed.

There is a unique responsibility on the Government, who represent the Irish people, in this regard. I call on the Fianna Fáil Government to revert to the radical tradition which was introduced by the previous Government in relation to the introduction of a unilateral ban and sanction. A small step was taken by the previous Administration in banning the importation of South African fruit and vegetables into this country. I ask the Minister, in his reply or on an appropriate occasion, to extend that ban to South African coal and, indeed, not just South African coal, which comes directly from South Africa, but also the coal which is being rerouted through the Netherlands. Recent reports suggest that there has been a substantial increase in the amount of coal from the Netherlands coming into this country despite the fact that the coalmines in the Netherlands have not been operated for the past 20 years.

The opposition within the Community to multilateral sanctions has effectively made it impossible for Community action to bring force to bear on the South African Government. If we do not take action then the European moral community and the Western moral community, if I can use that phrase, will stand condemned in the eyes of the rest of the world because, like it or not, the white regime in South Africa has European origins and bears some resemblance to what we have overcome on the continent of Europe. For that reason the Government have to confront, in the community, the British authorities and the German Government, within the process of EPC, on the effectiveness of economic sanctions.

I believe the British Government are being hypocritical when Mrs. Thatcher repeatedly says that economic sanctions are not effective and that she does not believe in them. The same Prime Minister demanded, if not commanded, the support of her European partners for economic sanctions against Argentina and the Community continues to apply sanctions in relation to development co-operation aid to Kampuchea and Vietnam. These economic sanctions have had, as the Minister will be aware from a recent visit by representatives from the democratic republic of Vietnam, a devastating effect. There is a hypocrisy here which does not bear with the reality on the ground. The British Government, when they saw fit, have used the instrument of sanctions, and continue to use the instrument of sanctions, on occasion against other countries. If we in the West do not bring economic pressure to bear on South Africa then more violent forces will ultimately wreak havoc on that society and there will be a great number of innocent victims. Not only are the people in South Africa in chains, so to speak, at present but the political instability which has been generated by the Apartheid system has disastrously affected the peripheral nations of Nambia, Mozambique and Angola.

The pressure of time obliges me to conclude at this stage in deference to the other speakers in the House, but, in pledging the full support of the Labour Party for this resolution, I urge the Minister to renew the position of the Irish Government in relation to unilateral sanctions against the importation of South African coal, from whatever point of origin it may come, into this country.

I am glad the Minister has taken on board the proposal from the all-party group who initiated this motion. However, I regret that some aspects of the motion tabled by the all-party group of Deputies have been deleted from the Government motion. I do not wish to introduce any sense of disunity — The Workers' Party are supporting the Government motion — but it is unfortunate that the reference to Namibia was deleted from the motion. It was also unfortunate that the reference to the ANC and the fact that Nelson Mandela is their leader, was deleted from the motion because, to some extent, its omission weakens the motion. Nevertheless it is a unique move, certainly within Europe, for a parliament to call for the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners in South Africa.

It must be recognised that Apartheid cannot exist without the co-operation of western Governments. It must also be recognised that Apartheid and the white government in South Africa would collapse in the morning if western European Governments and the United States withdrew their support for the white régime there. I am not talking about political support because, as in our case, there is no question of there being any; but there is commercial support. For example, we continue to import coal from South Africa, much by way of devious routes. Also we continue to export computers to South Africa which are used to maintain the Apartheid system, a system which could not be maintained in this modern age — in a country with a population of the order of 22 million blacks and another almost 8 million of mixed colour and Asians — without their aid. Yet we continue to export computers there.

While I welcome this motion I contend we must be serious about what we are doing in relation to South Africa. We must take steps that may hurt ourselves initially but which will, in the long-term, be beneficial to tens of millions of people in South Africa who are ground down by an inhuman system of Apartheid, one described by the United Nations as a crime against humanity. There is no doubt that we, as fellow human beings, must respond to the United Nations call to ensure that the regime in South Africa falls, or, alternatively, change their system and become democratic.

If we do not take those practical, firm steps to indicate our dissatisfaction with that regime, then the passage of this motion will amount to nothing more than a fine, unique gesture.

Equally, it is unfortunate that the reference to Namibia was deleted from the motion for the reason that, without Namibia being used as a funnel for supplies to South Africa, it would render the survival of the South African regime that much more difficult. Namibia, in terms of its resources, is one of the richest countries worldwide but it has perhaps the poorest population. It is equally important to demand that South Africa pull out of Namibia. They have no right to be there; they are illegally occupying the country and, in view of the United Nations declaration, have no right to be there. In fact the United Nations authorities are the legal authorities in Namibia. The regime which South Africa has in place in Namibia is no less inhumane than that operated in their own country. Therefore, in calling for the release of Nelson Mandela and other prisoners in South Africa, it is important that we demand that they also pull out of Namibia. Indeed any sanctions we introduce against South Africa should apply equally to Namibia.

I should like to refer to the question of the importation of South African coal here, coal being one of their most important exports. Significantly, something in the region of 60 per cent of the coal imported into the EC comes from South Africa. Clearly there is an important task to be undertaken in banning the import of coal here — something we can do ourselves — and likewise into the EC, something we can urge our European partners to do through the various EC processes available. The black miners of South Africa themselves have called for a boycott of coal imports. The black miners there are subjected to appalling conditions, living in prison-like compounds, single sex hostels, comprised of largely immigrant labour who are not allowed to bring their families with them. In addition, black miners receive something like one-fifth of the income of their white counterparts and an average of 600 black miners are killed annually in mining accidents in South Africa. Clearly from the point of view of miners there is real need for a change in the regime in South Africa apart altogether from the political aspect of this issue. The conditions in which those black miners live and work and the fact that our imports of South African coal help to maintain those conditions is appalling. There is no reason Ireland should not unilaterally introduce a boycott on imports of coal from South Africa. Indeed the National Union of Mine Workers in South Africa have called for such a boycott. There is an urgent need for us to intensify our boycott of South Africa products. We have implemented a restricted boycott of fruit from that country. If we are serious about ending the appalling and inhuman system of Apartheid obtaining in South Africa and in Namibia — and the deplorable conditions obtaining there — we must take practical steps. If our EC partners are not prepared to go along with us then we should give a lead — as we are doing here this evening — to the remainder of Europe by unilaterally banning the importation of coal and the export of computers to South Africa.

Mr. Kemmy rose.

I might remind Deputy Kemmy that we will be adjourning at 7 p.m. to deal with other business. I reckon there are some 20 minutes left in this debate which will be resumed after we have dealt with some votes on Estimates at approximately 8.30 p.m. — very approximately — because I do not know how many votes will take place at that time.

Like Deputy De Rossa, I welcome the all-party motion, a civilised call for the release of Nelson Mandela and the ending of Apartheid in South Africa on which all parties in this House are agreed.

I might also compliment the Minister on his measured, direct and logical remarks deserving wide coverage at home and abroad. I am grateful we are at one on this issue. That is the only hope that our message will resound and reverberate around the world, with other fora joining us in seeking the release of Nelson Mandela on his 70th birthday. As the Minister said, a lifespan of three score years and ten should be a cause of celebration. Unfortunately, there is no celebration in this House this evening — but there will be a celebration in this country because the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement have organised a concert in Dublin on 17 July at which leading Irish singers and entertainers will be celebrating his 70th birthday. There will be a twofold purpose. We, as parliamentarians and public representatives, can make our voices heard and singers and entertainers will make their voices heard in a more melodious manner, but we are supporting the same cause. I call upon the trade unions and other bodies to join with us in this twofold call. Church bodies are also influential and there have been many notable churchmen, in Ireland and elsewhere, who have come out in favour of abolition of this terrible scourge of Apartheid.

Debate adjourned.
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