The purpose of this Bill as laid out in the Explanatory and Financial Memorandum is to establish a new body to be known as the Shannon Estuary Development Corporation. This new corporation is to have a mandate to promote, co-ordinate and develop investment in marine-related industrial, tourist, recreational and amenity facilities and to encourage activities likely to contribute to the realisation of the marine potential of the Shannon Estuary. The promotion of industrial, tourist, recreational and amenity faciities seems to be the main purpose of the Bill.
These facilities, particularly the tourism and recreational facilities, have already been vested by the present Government in the Shannon Free Airport Development Company, as well as the remit for developing heavy industry in the immediate area. This has recently been consolidated by the inclusion of the constituency of Kerry North into the mid-west region. SFADCo now have an enlarged territory within their responsibility, embracing both sides of the Shannon Estuary, for which they continue to exercise their original function of the promotion of small industries. In addition SFADCo now take over from the IDA the responsibility for the promotion of heavy industry in the mid-west and they take over from Bord Fáilte responsibility for the promotion of tourism in the same area. It is difficult, therefore, to understand why a Bill should now be brought before the House by the Government which has as its main thrust the establishment of a company to carry out specific functions in a specific area, which they have only recently vested in SFADCo.
In the light of these recent Government decisions, and the introduction of this Bill by the Minister for the Marine, which was circulated in April of last year, it is difficult to comprehend the Government's decision to permit the IDA to dispose of the best deep water development site at Ballylongford in north Kerry, especially when the Ballylongford site now falls within the jurisdiction of SFADCo, and the proposed Shannon Estuary Development Corporation, and notwithstanding the fact that this site was acquired under a most expensive procedure.
As I have already outlined, the main stated thrust of this Bill is to promote and co-ordinate and develop investment in marine-related industrial, tourist, recreational and amenity facilities. This Bill has as a secondary provision, almost as an afterthought, the taking over, management and operation of the existing harbours of Limerick, Foynes and Kilrush, giving the new corporation jurisdiction over the waters of the Shannon Estuary from Sarsfield Bridge in Limerick to the sea at Kerry Head-Loop Head.
This is ambiguous as the question of jurisdiction over the Shannon Estuary has been very contentious. Limerick Harbour maintain that they have jurisdiction over the Shannon Estuary except for Foynes and Cappagh Harbours and the other small piers on both the South and the North Banks. It is felt that in the proposed legislation provision should be made to take over the small piers such as Kilteely, Glin, Tarbert and Saleen on the South Bank, and Kilbaha, Querrin, Carrigaholt, Knock, Labasheeda and Kildysart on the North Bank. All of these existing small piers were constructed on the waters of the Shannon Estuary. Some are presently under the control of the county council and the balance are under the control of the Commissioners of Public Works. Therefore, by taking over these piers now we may avoid future legal complications as some of these piers have been used in the past by commercial traffic and commercial interests. It is the opinion that, if this is not done now, it may cause jurisdictional problems in the future. Some of these piers could also be developed successfully for recreational and amenity services. It is worth nothing that Clarecastle had its own harbour authority until recent years and under the previous proposed legislation it was the intention to include Clarecastle in a single ports authority.
I would now like to ask the Minister if any agreements, leases or exclusivities have been given to any private interests over the past number of years in relation to the piers at Clarecastle and Kildysart, because these were public piers and would now appear to be used solely for private purposes. The only worthwhile assets which seem to have eluded this new corporation are the coal handling operation and power station at Money-point and the oil operated power station at Tarbert.
When one considers the wide sweeping commercial and controlling powers that are proposed in the Harbours (Shannon Estuary Development Corporation) Bill now before the House, it is apparent that if this Bill goes through the Government will have to look again at the ESB Bill which came before the House last year and gave to the ESB the power to import and distribute coal commercially as distinct from their requirements for power generation. Or is this to be a Bill which will control the movement and shipping of all commodities except coal and then only when the ESB are the importers?
We will then have a position where ports such as Foynes will be under the jurisdiction of bureaucratic structures where existing coal importers will be exposed to operating conditions and charges in the estuary, where State competitors in the same estuary with the same products have a free autonomous hand. If anybody in this House doubts this assertion, one has only to look at the explanatory memorandum to the Bill which states that no additional Exchequer costs will be incurred as a result of this Bill. If no additional Exchequer costs are to be incurred for the proposed developments in marine related industries, tourism and amenity facilities, it must be assumed that these development activites can only be funded from the existing commerical enterprise which the new corporation will take over.
This view has been echoed by the Irish Ports Authority Association who said, and I quote from the minutes of their meeting of 5 May 1988:
The content of the Bill, especially in regard to functions and membership, was far removed from any recognised concept of commercial port operation. The danger inherent in the Bill that revenues from commercial port users could be allocated to a diversity of noncommercial activites unrelated to port operations was stressed.
This statement comes from the people with the commercial experience of operating Irish ports who see that their commercial base is now under real threat.
It is felt that the proposed functions of the new corporation are inconsistent with the functions of harbours under the Harbours Acts, 1946 to 1947 and conflict with the statutory functions of Bord Fáilte and the Shannon Free Airport Development Company. The main function of the new authority will be to promote, co-ordinate and develop, in conjunction with other statutory authorities, marine-related industrial, tourist, recreational and amenity facilities. Surely this will be a costly duplication of services and will not lead to the better deployment of financial resources. The functions of the harbours at present are mainly to attract port related industries and to develop, maintain and operate the harbours efficiently. Industries such as Aughinish Alumina Limited and the ESB power station at Moneypoint proceeded without a single harbour or authority.
Many industries were attracted to Foynes over the past 15 years mainly because it was efficient and there was a body in operation there which could make fast decisions. When this proposed legislation was circulated in April 1988 there were strong rumours that the IDA were about to sell their land bank west of Tarbert. One of the main criteria for port industrial development is the availablity of land adjacent to deep water. We would like to know now what is the latest policy in relation to the acquisition of land in the vicinity of ports and deep water.
The more worrying aspect of this Bill is the statement that it is to serve as a prototype or model for future legislation affecting other major port areas such as Dublin, Cork and Waterford. The proposed legislation can only weaken the operation and running costs of Irish ports and clearly does not recognise the vital role of the ports in the Irish economy. The dependence of Ireland on external trade was never more pronounced and with the provision of the Channel tunnel Ireland will be the only country within the EC entirely dependent on ports for trade purposes. For this reason, therefore, ports should be allowed to develop and expand in order to give a cost efficient service in the loading, unloading, warehousing and servicing facts of exporting and importing.
Two major ports in the Shannon Estuary whose takeover is proposed in this Bill, namely, Limerick and Foynes harbours, have unrivalled records in the development of trade and port facilities. To downgrade their position and importance as this Bill sets out to do makes a mockery of the Government's stated commitment to regional autonomy and local initiative and involvement. Surely it is the Government's responsibility to help ports that need investment and development so that they can be profitable, self-sustaining, and offer a service of international quality.
What does the Minister propose? His proposal is to back Foynes, Limerick and Kilrush into a corporation which was hastily conceived in an effort to suit individuals rather than the common good. If the development of ports and harbours is the aim of this Bill it is unusual, to say the least, that the ports least in need of development are included, but those ports which are most in need and could benefit from a development corporation are specifically excluded.
The proposed Bill provides for the dissolution of the Foynes Harbour Trustees, Limerick Harbour Commissioners and Kilrush. However, the Bill makes no provision for the dissolution of the Clarecastle Harbour Trustees, nor does it make any provision for the inclusion and control of the following piers; Kilbaha, Querrin, Carrigaholt, Knock, Labasheeda and Kildysart on the North Bank, and Killteerly, Glin, Tarbert and Saleen on the South Bank. Many of the above mentioned piers which are either under the control of local authorities or the Commissioners of Public Works would be ideal vehicles for the tourist, amenity and recreational facilities which are mooted in this Bill. However, their exclusion only serves to highlight this Bill for the inadequate piece of legislation that it is.
The Harbours (Shannon Estuary Development Corporation) Bill would have some credibility if the excluded piers were included and assigned roles in the development of tourism and recreational amenities. However, in controlling the entire Estuary from Sarsfield Bridge to Kerry Head and Loop Head in Clare, the Minister for the Marine has made two kinds of exceptions in the Bill. One relates to the semi-State companies which are under the control of a Government Minister and where the Minister for the Marine has had to keep his hands off. The second exception relates to the smaller piers and jetties which have development potential but would cost money to develop and, since there is no financial provision in the Bill, the Minister does not want to include them.
This left the Minister with the plums of the estuary, the ports with developed infrastructures, business and profits. This was where he could source the cash for his grand plan which lacked funding. These ports are now to pay the price for local initiative, business acumen and sound management.
It is a sad state of affairs when individual representation has been denied to the harbour boards by the Department of the Marine in the preparation of the regional integrated plans. It calls into question the whole basis of these plans and shows little regard for the commercial development of the Shannon area. It now appears that the regional plans — when I wrote this script this was a fear I had but it is now a reality — will be welded together by the Department of Finance. However, there is no guarantee that the basis on which the moneys were applied for in Europe will be the basis for redistribution.
The port of Foynes in particular has constantly sought exclusion from the Shannon Ports Authority Bill taking the view that it had succeeded under the direction of Foynes Harbour Trustees admirably in the past 25 years by sound management and flexibility in its services to shipping and all its ancillary activities. Foynes has developed more rapidly than any other public harbour in this country in the past 25 years, with a current asset valuation in excess of £25 million which contains a Government grant element of less than £0.5 million or only 2 per cent of its asset value.
The Minister, in his speech, gave the impression that he had prolonged and detailed discussions with the various interests in the region. He also led people to understand that there was a consensus among the interested parties in favour of a single harbour authority but of course this is not true. Since the Minister was appointed in 1987 he had only two discussions with Foynes Harbour Trustees, the first of which took place in May 1987 when he stated that it was his intention to proceed with legislation for a single port authority which would include Foynes. It was indicated to the Minister on that occasion that Foynes was opposed to its inclusion in the single harbour authority. The decision of the trustees was consistent with decisions made by previous boards of Foynes Harbour. They had no objection to the Minister proceeding with the Shannon Ports Authority, which would exclude Foynes. The Minister has proposed to continue with the legislation and exclude other piers specifically.
On the second occasion the trustees met the Minister, 4 May 1988, a detailed written submission was made to him on the Harbours Bill, 1988, and the Minister indicated that he would consult further with Foynes prior to the legislation being brought forward. Nothing further has been heard since that date from the Minister's office on the proposed legislation or the submissions which the trustees made. The Minister would not want to give the impression to the other Members of this House that the existing harbour authorities, namely, Limerick and Foynes, are in favour of this legislation as both harbours are strongly opposed to it. It would appear that this position would want to be rectified publicly.
The Foynes Harbour Trustees in their press release have unanimously expressed very strong opposition to the proposals contained in the Bill for many reasons. However, the most important reason is that the free market which has existed heretofore enabled Foynes to be competitive and flexible. There is no recognition in the Bill for the major investment by port users and no provision for the continuity of competitive harbour dues, charges and services. There are no hidden tonnages in the Foynes record and tonnage handled has increased in 20 years from 40,000 tonnes to 800,000 tonnes, employing 320 people in a full time capacity plus 200 casuals on a seasonal basis. This is a record of progress and development with little State help and is unparalleled anywhere else in the country. This growth has been achieved by reinvestment of surplus generated by the harbour authority, private investment and excellent labour relations.
Since the Bill was published, of all the interested parties including statutory bodies, local authorities, port users, unions and commercial organisations, not one of them has been able to support this proposed legislation. Indeed, when the previous Government proposed a similar Bill, Fianna Fáil opposed it tooth and nail for exactly the same reasons as I am opposing it now. For what reason they have seen fit to introduce it now is best known only to themselves and in seeking to get local support some hastily thought-out provisions have been inserted which really seek to highlight the ill-conceived tenor of this SEDCO Bill.
Ireland's dependency on trade is exceeded within the EC only by the Benelux countries, which share land boundaries with other member states. European Community transport policies regarding intra-community trade, take little or no account of sea transport as an island country's only lifeline. The opening of the channel tunnel in 1993 will have a major impact on Ireland which will then be the only member state without direct road or rail links to the rest of the Community. It is obvious, therefore, that Ireland will be totally dependent on port facilities in stark contrast to its Community partners.
What we need therefore is a ports development policy unencumbered with marinas, amenities or tourism. Ninety-nine per cent of Ireland's trade is by sea and the British National Union of Seamen's strike in 1988, which caused havoc even in this country, should be a salutory warning for those who would seek for unknown reasons to downgrade the importance of port operation and management. Successive Governments have been slow to grasp the essential of port facility development which has been much more recognised and advanced in member states.
It is estimated that 20 per cent of the utilised trade of the Republic of Ireland was induced to move through Northern Ireland because of lower cost. Positive action is required to enable port authorities in the Republic of Ireland to compete on equal terms with Northern Ireland ports and thereby service the nation's trade. Any proposed ports legislation should not contain elements which would detract from a port's ability or responsibility to meet its primary duties and its future national obligations post 1992.