Vol. 418 No. 7
4 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach whether, following the British general election, the Government have proposals to encourage discussions between the political parties in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter.
5 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach whether, following the British general election, he intends to meet the British Prime Minister.
6 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if he will seek a meeting with the British Prime Minister to discuss the attitude of the British EC Presidency towards the Delors II package of additional funding measures for the European Community.
I propose to take Questions Nos. 4, 5 and 6 together.
At yesterday's meeting of the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Conference in London, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland confirmed that, in order to allow a further opportunity for political talks to take place on the basis announced by the then Secretary of State in the House of Commons on 26 March 1991, there will be no further meeting of the conference before the week beginning 27 July 1992. Both sides reaffirmed their commitment to the principles and terms of 26 March 1991 statement. The two Governments expressed the strong hope that, with the co-operation of all involved, this further opportunity for talks will achieve a new beginning for relationships within Northern Ireland, within the island of Ireland and between the peoples of these islands.
The Government warmly welcome the resumption of political dialogue. We are fully supportive of this process and we stand ready to adopt an open and constructive approach at all times. This dialogue represents an historic opportunity to lay firm foundations upon which a durable and just peace can be built. It is potentially of great importance to all the people on this island and we share the common interest in bringing the process forward to full fruition. With the political process now offering a new way forward, I appeal to those who advocate or perpetrate violence to abandon it in favour of dialogue. The pursuit of political objectives through violence can never succeed because such means contravene totally the wishes of the vast majority of men and women on this island. It must surely be clear to all, that 22 years of violence has brought nothing but sorrow and suffering and has not furthered any political objective.
Regarding the possibility of a further meeting with the British Prime Minister, the Deputy will be aware of the agreement that the Taoiseach and British Prime Minister should meet twice yearly to discuss matters of mutual interest. This agreement remains in place. The first of these meetings took place on 26 February 1992 and, as I stated in the House on 3 March 1992, the British Prime Minister and I agreed to remain in touch and to continue the understanding about meetings at least twice yearly. A date for our next meeting will, in accordance with normal practice, be announced close to the time of the meeting.
I join the Taoiseach in expressing on behalf of the Fine Gael Party our earnest hope that these talks will be successful. I also very strongly endorse what the Taoiseach said about the absolute futility of violence in a matter of this kind. I hope that people will listen. Having said that, I should like to ask the Taoiseach what precise purpose he thought would be served by his decision to explicitly state that the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, would be placed on the agenda for these discussions?
I said in the House before that it reflected an even-handed, fair and equitable approach to the discussions because if one is seen to come from one side of the divide success cannot be contemplated. There is a complex community problem in the area and I have always believed that it should be approached on a fair and even-handed basis. In other words, at the conference table everything should be laid before us, including Articles 2 and 3, the legislation which established the partition of Ireland and the constitutional position of Northern Ireland vis-à-vis the UK Government, namely the Government of Ireland Act, 1920.
Will the Taoiseach agree that the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, has been rendered politically irrelevant by the declaration made by the British Government in the Anglo-Irish Agreement in regard to support for unity by consent, if consent occurred.
We must go back to the basic Act which set up partition. The constitutional position should be on the table.
On Question No. 6, will the Taoiseach agree that his indication that Ireland might gain £6 billion on the endorsement of the Maastricht Treaty is contingent on the Delors II package being endorsed by the Council of Ministers? Will he also agree that the British Prime Minister, the British Government — and indeed other Governments — to date have indicated opposition to the Delors II package? Will the Taoiseach, therefore, agree that he should seek a meeting before the Maastricht referendum is decided here, with the British Prime Minister to ask him to agree to the Delors II package in view of the fact that it is the minimum required for the establishment of the commitments made in the Maastricht Treaty?
The Deputy is being a little facetious if he thinks that any individual member state will commit themselves in advance to saying what they will approve in relation to the Delors II package. I am sure he is well aware that it is a question of negotiations at the table. I already had discussions during my first meeting with the British Prime Minister, before the general election in Britain, in relation to the Delors II package and the questions that will arise at the Lisbon Summit. It was an act of confidence on his part that we had that type of discussion. Before the negotiations on the Structural Funds in 1989 many people expressed the view that up to £3 billion would not be gained by Ireland, but that was not the case in the end. I led those negotiations and I have the same confidence with regard to the next set of negotiations. The Deputy knows this is a matter of conciliation, consensus and compromise. We are satisfied that we will be well looked after in relation to Structural and Cohesion Funds and that the sum to be gained will be about £6 billion.
Would the Taoiseach not agree that it would be an earnest of his seriousness in this matter in pursuit of Irish national interests if he were to seek a meeting with the British Prime Minister with regard to EC funds, before the Lisbon Summit and before the Maastricht referendum is decided here?
The Deputy and the House can be confident that we will do everything possible with regard to maximising the Structural and Cohesion Funds which are bound up with the Maastricht Treaty.
In welcoming the break in the intergovernmental conferences which have been agreed by both the British and Irish Governments and in supporting all the efforts in relation to this dialogue, has the Taoiseach given any consideration to a method whereby Members of this House or party leaders and spokespersons will be kept briefed on the discussions that are taking place, because it will now obviously be three months at least before we will have the opportunity to discuss this matter? Has the Taoiseach considered a method of briefing for party leaders on the progress of the talks?
I will consider the Deputy's suggestion, but he can be assured that there will be an opportunity in this House to discuss these matters. We have a debate coming up on the legislation for the referendum on Maastricht and I have no doubt that opportunity will be used. I will certainly bear the Deputy's suggestion in mind as the talks progress.
In relation to the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, which establishes the constitutional position of Northern Ireland in the UK, can we take it that the placing of this matter on the agenda by the Irish Government indicates a wish by them to alter in some way the constitutional status of Northern Ireland within the UK?
If all parties approach it as I approach it, putting the Government of Ireland Act and Articles 2 and 3 of our Constitution on the agenda is a fair approach.
Will the Taoiseach outline to the House how the negotiating position of Ireland is strengthened by holding the referendum in advance of the conclusion of the decision on the Delors package? Is Ireland's negotiating position inevitably strengthened by the fact that every other substantial matter in the treaty will have been decided at that point at which negotiations will resume?
The Irish people will be glad of the opportunity to express their continuing confidence and support for taking our place in the fuller integrated Europe. It will be a sign of a strong pro-European attitude in Ireland and it can only enhance the negotiations as they continue to take place under the Delors II package.
I am anxious to make some progress on other questions. Deputy Jim O'Keeffe, a final question on these matters.
Does the Taoiseach have any concern that to some extent, he may have jeopardised the possible fruitful outcome of discussions in relation to Northern Ireland by raising the Government of Ireland Act and putting it on the agenda at this stage?
We are going back over the matter.
The answer is no.
Please——
A Cheann Comhairle——
I indicated earlier, Deputy Harte that I wanted to make progress. I will allow a brief question.
When the Taoiseach says that Articles 2 and 3 are up for discussion and that the future constitutional position of Northern Ireland is on the table, is he saying that the future constitutional position of Northern Ireland within the United Kingdom and within a united Ireland are both up for discussion?
I do not know how anybody could misunderstand what I am saying. I am saying clearly that at the final convention table, if Articles 2 and 3 are to be on the table, so too should be the Government of Ireland Act.
