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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 23 Mar 1993

Vol. 428 No. 1

Ceisteanna — Questions. Oral Answers. - Yugoslav Conflict.

Nora Owen

Question:

26 Mrs. Owen asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will give a report on the actions, if any, he has taken at EC level to ensure that food, medicine and other supplies reach the besieged and stricken people of Srebrenica in Bosnia; and if he will travel to Bosnia to assist in breaking the impasse that exists.

Michael McDowell

Question:

27 Mr. M. McDowell asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs whether, in the light of recent atrocities, he will support military intervention in Bosnia Herzegovina if the Vance-Owen peace initiative is not implemented immediately; and if he will advocate such intervention at UN level and contribute to the formation of any forces necessary for such action.

Pat Rabbitte

Question:

44 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the Government's position on the current situation in the former Yugoslavia; if, in view of the continuing conflict, the Government intends to promote any further peace initiatives; and if he will make a statement on the matter.

Mary Harney

Question:

45 Miss Harney asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the steps, if any, Ireland is taking at an international level to ensure that the blockading of Muslim communities in Bosnia-Herzegovina is brought to an end.

Peadar Clohessy

Question:

79 Mr. Clohessy asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the steps, if any, Ireland is taking at EC, UN and CSCE levels to bring peace to Bosnia; and whether, in the light of the slaughter of Muslim people there he will support freedom for the Bosnian Muslims to arm themselves if no international force will protect them.

I propose to take Questions Nos. 26, 27, 44, 45 and 79 together.

The Government has been actively involved in the search for a peaceful, negotiated settlement of the Yugoslav conflict since the outbreak of the crisis two years ago. The principal elements of the Government's policy were set out in detail in response to questions in the Dáil on 10 February. These involve: support for the International Conference on the former Yugoslavia chaired jointly by David Owen and Cyrus Vance; involvement in efforts in the region by the UN and the EC to establish the conditions necessary for a settlement; sustained international pressure, including sanctions, against Serbia and Montenegro; support for efforts to prevent a spill-over of the conflict; assistance to refugees and displaced persons, and assistance for the victims of rape and support for the efforts to bring those responsible to justice.

I fully share the Deputies' feelings of outrage and frustration at the carnage and sheer brutality which we have witnessed in recent weeks at Srebrenica and other Muslim towns in eastern Bosnia. It is almost beyond belief that whole communties of innocent people can be shelled, starved and held hostage in the pursuit of military and political objectives. I utterly condemn these atrocities.

We will achieve our objectives only through the determined resolve and the collective efforts of the international community. The overriding priority must therefore continue to be to work together with our EC partners and the international community generally to maximise our collective weight in order to bring to an end the horrors which we are witnessing in Bosnia.

The Twelve, acting in close liaison with the UNHCR, which is the lead aid agency, have demanded that the leadership in Belgrade make the Bosnian Serbs halt their offensive towards Srebrenica, allow the UNHCR to evacuate all wounded persons and vulnerable groups by land and by helicopter, and allow UNHCR aid convoys to pass through the blockades. I pay tribute to General Morillon of the UN Protection Force for his determined efforts to end the tragedy in Srebrenica. He has our full encouragement and support.

Recent events underline the importance of finding a comprehensive settlement to the Yugoslav conflict, but immediately and most pressingly in Bosnia. Ireland is continuing to play its part fully with its Community partners, at the CSCE and the United Nations to this end. The International Conference, of which Ireland is a member, is spearheading the effort, with very wide international support. Their plan for Bosnia is, as the UN Secretary General has said, fair and viable. Much of this plan is now agreed. Negotiations are continuing on the outstanding points.

It is vital at this critical stage that we should stand firmly behind David Owen and Cyrus Vance, in their efforts to obtain the agreement of all Bosnian parties to their plan. When secured, we wish to see the Security Council act speedily and with determination to ensure its implementation. The alternative to this is likely to be further violence and the break-up of Bosnia.

With our EC partners, we are increasing the pressure on the Serbian leadership in Belgrade. Sanctions are now becoming more effective. We are working both in the framework of the UN and of the CSCE to tighten these. More stringent measures to isolate Serbia and Montenegro completely, should the peace talks fail, are being further developed.

While we are all frustrated by the failure to bring an end to this appalling conflict, we must give priority to the search for a peaceful, negotiated settlement. This approach is in line with the basic approach of Irish foreign policy that international conflicts should be resolved by negotiation, rather than by military means.

If these efforts to find a negotiated solution fail, the Security Council will need to consider all the options open to it under the UN Charter. I profoundly hope that all sides in the Yugoslav conflict — and in particular the Serbs in Bosnia and in Belgrade — will reflect on the consequences of failure, and by co-operating with the UN and the European Community, obviate the need for the consideration by the Security Council of enforcement measures.

Would the Minister agree that it was not the actions of the EC or the UN but the personal courage and audaciousness of General Philippe Morillon which has brought food and some supplies to the people of Srebrenica? It is still not enough. Will the Council of Ministers, or the Minister, take a more personal interest in ensuring the humanitarian aid can get to these towns, in agreement with the UN? Does the Minister agree that it is time for the UN mandate to be widened to protect vulnerable groups such as women and children, the sick, the dying and the injured? Clearly the normal rules of war are not being heeded. Will the Minister press for a widening of the UN mandate in Yugoslavia?

General Morillon has shown tremendous bravery, for which I commend him. This matter has been considered at the two Foreign Affairs Councils I have attended. I also raised the matter with the British Foreign Secretary, Mr. Douglas Hurd. The matter is being pursued. At the most recent meeting of Foreign Ministers we were addressed by David Owen, who gave details of the way his plan was being pursued. He was optimistic that he could bring it to a resolution. He was adamant that he wanted the support of the Community to the same extent that he has received support in the United States. In the first instance he wishes to be allowed time to bring about a resolution to this conflict. At this stage it is best that we pursue the Owen-Vance plan to see if it can be brought to a conclusion. It is important that there should be no let up in regard to sanctions. Detailed consideration was given at the last meeting to the implementation of effective sanctions. If efforts to find a negotiated solution fail, the matter will have to go back to the security council with a view to looking at the United Nations charter. In the first instance we should wait to see what happens to the plan.

Several questions are begged by the Tánaiste's reply. He referred to the consequences of failure for the Serbian community. I should like to know what those consequences are. They have continued to tighten the screw on the Bosnian Muslims and to carry out agressive acts. At present they are completely encircling Sarajevo. They have continued barbaric atrocities against women and children. I do not believe the sanctions are stopping them or that the "no fly" zones are having any effect. It is time the western powers spelled out to Serbia the consequences of failure. They will not stop until somebody indicated to them the nature of the consequences of not stopping. They must be told what they can expect if they continue this campaign. It seems they are adopting a hard negotiating stance and delaying the negotiations to establish a fait accompli on the ground which involves the killing of innocent people day after day. Would the Tánaiste agree that it is not enough to talk about General Morillon's general bravery and commitment? His actions were born out of complete frustration at the western world's failure to do anything. He put himself effectively as a human pawn into the equation in order to focus attention on what was happening. It is not enough to say that we fully support the Vance-Owen plan. We will have to spell out that if the Serbians do not go to the negotiating table in a meaningful way they will face very severe military action to reverse the situation. It must be shown that this kind of brutality will be reversed by international determination.

I accept the frustration the Deputy feels in relation to what has been happening. The matter was discussed at considerable length at both meetings of the Foreign Affairs Councils I attended. The seriousness of the difficulties being experienced in the former Yugoslavia were not lost on any of the Minister's attending. We heard a lengthy address from David Owen. The agreed resolution of the meeting was that we should do everything possible in the first instance to assist in the acceptance of the Owen-Vance plan. Three elements of that plan, the constitutional principles, the map and the arrangements for the cessation of hostilities, would have to be agreed by the Bosnians, the Serbs, the Croats and the Muslims. It was felt at that stage that the best course to be pursued, despite the difficulties, was to allow the negotiations to continue. They are difficult negotiations. Nobody should attempt to underestimate the difficulties involved in those negotiations. If they cannot be brought to a satisfactory resolution then it will have to go back to the Security Council of the United Nations.

It is not much consolation to the relatives of those who have died horrible deaths in Srebrenica that there are sanctions imposed against Serbia that are not working. Will the Minister tell us whether there was a discussion at the last meeting of the Council of Ministers about the fact that it is alleged that Greece is breaking the embargo by sending in train loads of oil to the Serbian forces and has any action been taken against Greece which, after all, is a member of the EC?

The Deputy is raising a separate matter.

Concern was expressed at the lack of effectiveness of the sanctions at the last meeting and efforts were to be made to ensure that the sanctions would be implemented, especially in relation to the delivery of oil by use of the waterways. The Council of Ministers resolved that sanctions should be increased and implemented as intended from day one. There was failure in that area but I would like to think that that is not now the case.

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