Vol. 432 No. 4
I move:
That Dáil Éireann approves the terms of the European Communities Ministerial Agreement establishing a Europol Drugs Unit done at Copenhagen on 2 June, 1993, copies of which were laid before Dáil Éireann on 9 June, 1993.
I wish to share my time with Deputies Dan Wallace and Batt O'Keeffe.
Is that agreed? Agreed.
This motion seeks the approval of Dáil Éireann for the terms of the TREVI Ministers Agreement which was signed by the 12 TREVI Ministers in Copenhagen on 2 June 1993 and which enables the first phase of Europol — the Europol Drugs Unit — to be established. A note which outlines the main provisions of the agreement has been prepared and circulated to Deputies for information. Copies of the agreement were laid before the Dáil on 9 June 1993. Drug trafficking is a crime of the most serious kind which has wreaked havoc all over the world. I am glad to have the opportunity of making a statement on it here today.
First, however, I want to say a few words about Europol, which is the specific issue before the House. The Europol Drugs Unit will be a permanent inter-governmental co-operation body for the 12 EC member states. Under the terms of the agreement the EDU will come into force immediately after a decision has been taken on the location of the unit. At the Copenhagen meeting on 2 June the TREVI Ministers emphasised the importance of deciding on the location as soon as possible and we invited the European Council to decide on a permanent location for the EDU at its forthcoming meeting in Copenhagen on 21-22 June. However, if a permanent location is not decided by the European Council at that meeting, the TREVI Ministers have decided to hold a special meeting in Copenhagen on 29 June to decide on a temporary location for the EDU.
The implications for policing which arise from the removal of internal frontiers in the European Community have been under examination by the TREVI Group for some time. This group was set up in 1975 when the European Council decided that Community Ministers of the Interior and Ministers for Justice should meet to discuss matters arising in the area of their responsibilities — in particular matters relating to law and order. The first such meeting took place on 29 June 1976 and Irish Ministers for Justice have participated in the work of TREVI from the start.
A special working group of TREVI was set up in 1989 to study the implications of the proposed removal of border controls within the EC at the end of 1992 and the action to be taken to deal with terrorism, illegal drug trafficking and international organised crime. This group drew up a programme of action on measures to strengthen police co-operation among EC member states after the implementation of the Single European Act. The programme was approved by the TREVI Ministers at their meeting in Dublin in June 1990. It included specific measures designed to reinforce and build on existing co-operation and to speed up and intensify sharing of information and expertise about illegal activities.
In accordance with this programme, member states were requested to study the need for a European drugs intelligence unit. Subsequently, the European Council decided that a Europol Drugs Unit should be established to act as a centralised exchange and co-ordination unit for drug-related information between member states.
When signing the agreement which is before this House today I stated that, in my view, it represented the most visible manifestation of the co-operation we are seeking to promote among the police services of our respective member states in the fight against international organised crime in the context of the Single Market. The ministerial agreement represents a very significant milestone in the new European order, as well as creating a new body which, I am sure, will be of great practical benefit in combating the international trafficking of drugs.
There is little doubt that the dramatic increase in drug abuse and in the illicit production and trafficking of narcotics, constitutes one of the most serious issues confronting the international community today — this scourge has left few nations untouched. There is little doubt either that powerful international criminal organisations will exploit the new freedoms we seek to put in place at European level and that we have a duty to protect ourselves in any way we can from them.
As Minister for Justice I take a very serious view of drug-related crime, and the prevention and detection of such offences is already treated as a matter of priority by all the relevant State agencies. Legislation governing the misuse of drugs here provides very severe penalties for drug offences, including a maximum penalty of life imprisonment for those convicted of the most serious offences. Very substantial prison sentences have been imposed by our courts for such offences in some cases. Some offenders now in our prisons, have served several years for drug-related offences.
One of the most effective measures that can be taken against drug traffickers is to deprive them of the profits gained from their illegal activity. Work on legislation dealing with this matter is proceeding as a matter of priority in my Department. It is a complex measure which is why it has taken some time to prepare, but it is virtually ready and I expect that there will be full support in the House for its enactment this year. The main drug of abuse in Ireland is cannabis resin, which accounts for about 75 per cent of all seizures of drugs. Cannabis is usually brought into Ireland in consignments in the region of 100kg. All the indications are that it is, for the most part, intended for consumption on the home market. Notwithstanding seizures of up to 500kg on a few occasions in the past — and a larger seizure in the past week or so — the advice I have received from the Garda and Revenue authorities, is that Ireland is not part of an international drug trafficking route. I will return to this point later.
The amounts of heroin, cocaine, and ecstasy imported are small by international standards and are, according to my advice, invariably for consumption on the Irish market. As Deputies may be aware, drug law enforcement efforts here are co-ordinated by the Garda National Drug Administration Office which was set up in 1990 and is located in Garda headquarters. It comes under the control of a Garda superintendent, who acts as a national co-ordinator for drug-related crime. He has overall day-to-day responsibility for drug-related matters in the force, and supervises the work of the specialist drug squads operating throughout the country.
One of the more frequent criticisms expressed in relation to enforcement measures is that there is not sufficient manpower or equipment to deal effectively with the problem. The numbers of personnel attached to the drug squads throughout the country are as follows: Dublin, 34; Limerick, four; Cork, 15 and Galway, three. This is a total of 56 officers but this is not the whole picture. Every member of the Garda Síochána has a role to play in relation to the drugs problem. To date approximately 3,500 members have received training in this field at drug courses. All student gardaí now coming on stream received drug training, and are attached for short periods to the drug squad. In recent years week-long courses have been introduced dealing with drugs issues at the in service training school, Harcourt Square, and four weeks secondment periods are provided to members to obtain operational experience at the drug squad in Harcourt Square.
There is no shortfall of Garda transport or equipment required for the fight against drugs. Technical surveillance equipment is readily available as required. The services of the dog unit are also available full-time in Dublin, Cork, Rosslare and, indeed, elsewhere if needed.
Of course, the first line of defence against illicit imports of drugs into this country is the Customs service, whose staff are strategically placed at ports, airports and in the vicinity of our land and sea borders to carry out the necessary checks to intercept such illicit consignments. Following the completion of the Single Market on 1 January 1993, the Customs service of the Revenue Commissioners has increased its efforts to protect our national borders and shoreline — which also comprises a part of the European Community's external frontier — against illegal imports of drugs.
The Revenue Commissioners are satisfied that the completion of the Single Market has underlined the importance of maintaining and intensifying co-operation with other Customs services both in and outside the Community in order to ensure a constant flow of intelligence about suspect movements. Such co-operation within the EC, is being undertaken by the Customs Mutual Assistance Groups (MAG).
The Revenue Commissioners have also recently established a national drugs team with more than 70 staff consisting of intelligence units, maritime units and sniffer dogs units, which are based at import and export points throughout the country. I am informed by the Garda authorities that there is excellent co-operation between the Garda and Customs authorities which facilitates a co-ordinated and effective effort against drug trafficking nationwide, and which has resulted in many successful joint Garda and Customs operations. Effective co-operation is, of course, something that needs to be worked upon and developed constantly and I know that senior gardaí from headquarters have gone to take a special look at the arrangements in Cork — following recent major seizures there — and to assess whether Garda-Customs co-operative arrangements can be intensified.
As evidence of this inter-agency co-operation, more than £26 million worth of drugs have been seized by the Garda Síochána and Customs officers in the past two years and so far this year. This involves the seizures I referred to earlier of almost £7 million worth of cannabis resin over the past week in swoops in Cork and a separate seizure of cannabis resin amounting to £1.5 million in Cork three weeks ago. These are extremely encouraging results and should be welcomed. I am sure the House will join with me in congratulating those concerned in their recent successes.
To complete the task of tackling illegal drugs trafficking more effectively, the Minister for Finance is pursuing with the European Commission the possibility of obtaining Community funding in the region of £12 million to enhance the existing Customs infrastructural resources allocated for the prevention of drugs smuggling through our ports, airports and land and sea borders. The Taoiseach referred to this matter earlier this week, when he spoke in Cork in the wake of the west Cork drug seizures. In doing so he was emphasising the role that the EC has to play in helping us to protect our coasts from drug imports, and the European dimension to the problem.
I emphasise again, as I did in last Wednesday's Adjournment Debate in this House, that despite what has been recently said and written in the media, there is no evidence that Ireland is an international drug trafficking country. I have been informed by the Garda authorities and the Revenue Commissioners that while last week's seizures were in themselves significant, they were nevertheless of an isolated nature and do not, as such, suggest that our country is being used as a base for the onward transmission of drugs to other countries in the context that we generally understand drug trafficking to mean. The Garda authorities are in frequent contact with their counterparts in the UK and other EC member states who have confirmed that there is no evidence to suggest that drugs seized in their countries were transmitted through this country.
Having said that, however, it would be complacent in the extreme for anybody in authority to pretend the size of some of the recent drugs seizures is not a matter for the most serious concern. The highest degree of vigilance is clearly called for and I have been reassured by the Garda authorities that drugs smuggling will continue to be the subject of priority attention. One of the immediate benefits of establishing the European drugs unit will be to facilitate access to more intelligence on illegal drug trade activities, and this should assist the law enforcement authorities here in identifying the origins and destinations of drug shipments.
Among the most effective weapons of all in the fight against the insidious growth in drug trafficking is intelligence. Effective intelligence gathering is the one ingredient which law enforcement agencies the world over require to defeat the architects of crime. That is why it is so vital that those who have any hard information should assist the authorities by passing it on to the relevant authorities. Spreading rumours and half-baked information to others, including the media, serves only to create public unease and put criminals on their guard. What we need is hard information. There is no use in pretending either that we can arrest and detain people on the basis that their alleged involvement in criminal activity is the subject of common knowledge. There must be evidence but, despite the fact that the activities of certain suspects are kept under very close scrutiny — contrary to some recent suggestions — it is notoriously difficult to secure evidence against the principal players involved. That is the experience all over the world and that is why it is so vital that everybody who has information or who observes anything suspicious in this area should report it immediately to the gardaí. It is vital for this reason to recognise that law enforcement measures are not enough.
Action on a wider scale has been a feature of Government policy, for some time. A National Co-ordinating Committee on Drug Abuse was set up in 1984 to advise the Government in relation to the effectiveness of law enforcement and the treatment of drug abusers. In May 1991 the Minister for Health launched the Government strategy to prevent drug misuse. The intention is to tackle the drugs problems on every front. Realistic and achievable objectives have been set for the reduction both in the supply of and the demand for, drugs.
Every member of society in fact has a role to play and this role can be just as important as the law enforcement response. In particular, I am thinking of the role that teachers and parents can play in influencing young people and raising their awareness of the evils of drug abuse. Education and persuasion are absolutely vital because that is the way to limit the market for drugs and thereby remove the incentive for criminals to use every means at their disposal to breach the barriers placed in their way by law enforcement agencies.
Following the establishment of the Europol Drugs Unit consideration can then be given by member states to the question of widening its scope so that the experience gained in establishing the European drugs unit can be applied to other forms of crime which pose a threat to member states. Criteria would have to be developed as part of that process to enable decisions to be made as to which forms of criminality, other than drug trafficking, should be dealt with by Europol, and in which order. That is for the future.
I would now like to turn very briefly to the main features of the agreement which sets out the way the Europol Drugs Unit will work. Information necessary for the work of the unit will be exchanged by liaison officers sent to the unit by member states. This will take place within the limits of national legislation, in particular data protection legislation. The transmission of personal information to non-member states or to international organisations by the liaison officers will not take place. The unit will comprise a co-ordinator, an assistant co-ordinator, liaison officers sent by each member state, analysts and technical and support staff. An early decision will be made in relation to the assignment of a liaison officer from Ireland in connection with the unit's work.
The draft agreement proposes that certain costs will be borne directly by member states, principally the cost of liaison officers and other officers — including the co-ordinator and assistant co-ordinators — and their equipment. Other costs, including support staff, heating, lighting and so on would be paid jointly by all the member states, with contributions in proportion to the GNP of member states. The cost to each member state will depend on the location selected for the Europol Drugs Unit and the date of establishment thereof. A very rough estimate of the cost to this country in 1993 is £4,000, while the estimated cost for 1994 has still to be assessed.
I commend the motion to the House.
Recent events have shown that there has been a marked increase in the level of drug smuggling along the coast of west Cork. Congratulations are due to our Garda and Customs officers for their success in foiling major drug smuggling operations in recent weeks. The sheer bulk of the haul and the market value of the drugs concerned indicates the level of the operation involved. These are not petty troops but powerful international criminals, cartels, who will stop at nothing in order to ply their ruthless trade. Drugs are big business, and the potential profits to the criminals are even bigger.
On the international black market drugs are an extremely lucrative commodity. Those involved in the drugs trade are well organised, determined and have significant resources at their disposal. They are not constrained by the normal ethics of business. They will use every method at their disposal in order to fulfil their objectives.
Experience of the drug trade in other countries should leave us in no doubt as to what these methods are — murder, brute force and extortion. This trade leaves a trail of misery in its wake. We have witnessed the damage caused to communities in cities and other parts of our country resulting in broken lives and broken homes. Those who ply the drug trade are now poised over the southern coast of this country. They have already begun to use its inlets and bays as a means of smuggling drugs into Ireland and from here into the wider Europe. They see Ireland as being the exposed and vulnerable underbelly of Europe —— a country they can invade, colonise and establish as a major drug distribution depot for Europe. This is deeply disturbing and has grave implications for Ireland as a whole and for County Cork in particular. The Garda and Customs officers have been doing an excellent job in tackling this menace. Their success in recent times is indicative of their determination, dedication and sheer hard work. It is also a testimony to painstaking and professional detective work. However, this is not simply a national problem; it is one of international proportions. It involves Ireland and our fellow members of the European Community and such is the problem that action is demanded at EC level.
We are dealing with a well organised and powerful international criminal campaign. To respond to this with an ad hoc collection of unco-ordinated international actions is to play into the hands of the drug barons. What is needed is tough action at EC level. For this reason the recent resolution regarding the establishment of the Europol Drugs Unit is most timely. The proposed unit will act as a non-operational team for the exchange of analyses and intelligence in relation to illicit drug trafficking, the criminal organisations involved and the associated money laundering affecting two or more member states. The objective of this unit is to aid effective action by the police and other law enforcement agencies within and between member states against the criminal activities referred to. Information is the most valuable currency in the fight against the drug trade. It is a key strategic element in the fight against drugs. This unit will provide for such an exchange and will allow for a proportion of general situation reports and criminal analysis on the basis of non-personal information supplied by member states and from other sources.
In a broader context I welcome the establishment of the European central criminal intelligence office, Europol. This is a prerequisite in the fight against international crime. I hope this is the beginning of an ongoing process of co-operation between the member states which will strengthen in the coming years. It is vital that the Community tackle head on the problem of the international drug trade. It is a problem that concerns all of us and is most effectively tackled in a concerted fashion. However, the decision making process of the Community moves at a very slow pace. I am concerned that while the Community trundles along at its own pace, the international criminals will further consolidate their position, making it all the more difficult to dislodge them in the future. As a result I urge the Minister to use every opportunity to impress upon our Community partners the need for effective co-operation sooner rather than later.
From the national perspective it is clear that Ireland faces a major international threat from the drugs trade. We are in a position of great vulnerability. At present the most pressing need is for more manpower and resources for the Garda Síochána, who have the responsibility of safeguarding the southern coast of this country. I realise we are living in a time of limited resources. However, the nature of this problem is so serious and its long term implications so grave that urgent action is needed. If we neglect to take action now future generations may reap a terrible harvest. We have a major responsibility to our children and to our children's children to protect them from an Ireland which might become the stomping ground of the drugs trade, with harmful drugs freely available and criminal overlords holding sway. We ignore this danger at our peril.
I pay tribute to the Minister for her commitment here this morning to ensure that every resource possible will be made available. This is a very difficult problem. It is very sad that in our towns and cities drugs are pushed on children in all sorts of ways which their parents are not aware of. There is a responsibility on all of us. We would want the message to go out loud and clear to drug pushers in our own communities that every effort and every resource of the State will be used against those people. I welcome the Minister's commitment this morning.
I thank the Minister for sharing her time and you, a Cheann Comhairle, for giving me the opportunity to say a few words on this extremely important topic. The drug warlords are waging a war against our society. Obviously everything that can be done must be done to ensure they are apprehended and that this practice is eradicated. Every one of us has seen the devastation it has caused to our young people who have succumbed to drugs and, indeed, the families in despair. The establishment of the Europol Drugs Unit is timely. This agreement will help to alleviate the problem. We welcome the fact that liaison officers, who will be located centrally, will co-operate with each other by way of intelligence relating to illicit drug trafficking and other related crimes.
During the past number of years, and now particularly in the light of events in the past few weeks, we in Cork have had a particular interest in the establishment of a Europol Drugs Unit. It is important to give credit where credit is due. I congratulate the Minister and her Department on setting up the international drugs squad. Since they have been put in place there has been a massive improvement in the level of detection. I pay tribute also to the Garda Síochána. A greater level of co-operation and co-ordination of activities with their colleagues abroad, particularly in Europe, has resulted in major finds of drugs. I am glad to hear that Garda reports to the Minister suggest that drugs are not coming into his country in the quantities we suspected. However, having hauled in £20 million worth of drugs during the past few years, particularly in the Cork area, one is tempted to agree with the State solicitor in Cork when he said that this is perhaps the tip of the iceberg. It is important that we bear that in mind and that the Government take any other internal measures open to it to deal with the problem. I am glad the Minister is not under-estimating the difficulties Ireland will face by the dismantling of the barriers, a development that will afford an opportunity to the drug barons to use Ireland as a base for Europe.
A number of issues must be examined in regard to the drugs problem including the relationship, liaison and co-ordination between the Garda Drugs Squad and the Garda Síochána. Media reports last weekend suggested that such co-ordination is not as good as it might be and that in certain cases there may have been some vying and jockeying for positions. That must be ruled out. In view of the seriousness of the drugs problem, will the Minister examine the powers vested in the Garda Drugs Squad? Will she examine the possibility of increasing the powers of Customs officials, of further integration of the activities of the Customs officials and the Garda Drugs Squad so that both units know exactly what their powers involve?
Rumour is rife in Cork regarding a suggested £4 million scam. It is rumoured that some of that money was used for the purchase of drugs and that difficulties arose when certain seizures took place. Will the Minister indicate the veracity or otherwise of that rumour so that once and for all we can either scotch it or examine the problem?
We must have co-operation with our European partners. It is in the interest of all of Europe to ensure that proper controls are in place in every member state. It has been suggested that we would need major funding to police, in particular, the west Cork and Kerry coastline which is regarded as ideal for drug trafficking. It has been suggested that we would need high powered boats, helicopters, a sophisticated radio network and plans for surveillance. In an Adjournment debate in the Seanad more than a year ago, I recall asking the Government to examine the possibility of receiving Structural and Cohesion Funds to stem the tide in this regard. It is in all our interests that additional funding be made available. Therefore, in the light of the excellent work that has taken place in regard to drug detection and with an eye to the future, will the Minister ensure that we and our European partners work together to make absolutely certain that Ireland will not be a base for drug trafficking to the rest of Europe?
I would like to share my time with Deputy Jim O'Keeffe.
Is that agreed? Agreed.
It is my belief that we are facing the worst flood of illegal drug trafficking since the early eighties when, from a relatively low base in regard to a drugs problem, we were faced with a serious heroin problem overnight and it took the Legislature, the Government and the Judiciary some time to catch the criminals involved. After a number of years we got on top of the problem and a number of drug barons were given severe sentences. However, those drug barons or their replacements have reorganised themselves and are back on top in regard to drug trafficking. A major effort is required both nationally and within the European Community to tackle the problem and I do not share the Minister's view that the prevention and detection of such offences is being treated as a matter of priority by the relevant State agencies. The resources which have been allocated to resolve the problem both here and in the European Community do not constitute the required response because of the seriousness of the problem. In addition, I suspect that at least one European Community member state, far from giving this problem the priority it deserves, is probably the warehouse country for drugs distribution throughout Europe. There is strong evidence to suggest that the traditional problem with cannabis and heroin will be added to by the introduction of cocaine on a large scale on to the European and Irish markets because of the glut of cocaine which has been produced in countries which turn a blind eye to the export of illegal drugs. We must address the problem at that level as well as providing, as it were, a fire brigade service on the ground to quench the fire once it has started.
It is fair to say that, to some extent, a degree of tolerance is being shown to people who sell drugs openly on the streets of Dublin. Two areas, in particular, come to mind. On a recent visit to a flats complex in the city I was shown a shopping centre where I was told that drugs are sold openly. Apparently, there is a perception that if drugs are sold openly it is easier to tackle the problem. I do not want to see drugs sold openly anywhere in this city or country and anybody who does so should be dealt with severely.
Much of the crime here and in Europe is related directly to the unlawful supply of drugs, which has become an industry. An authoritative source was recently reported as saying that a particular drugs baron — to give him the title used — is bringing one tonne of cannabis worth £10 million into this country every month. The recent haul in Cork could have a street value of approximately £7 million. Burglaries, car thefts, handbag snatches, hold-ups, muggings and shop thefts are part and parcel of the process of acquiring money to pay for an expensive drugs habit. I do not share the Minister's view that Ireland is not used as a route for drug trafficking. In the mid to late eighties on a visit to Great Britain as vice-chairman of the Committee on Crime, Lawlessness and Vandalism, I was told by police sources there that Great Britain and Ireland is a common area for drugs trafficking. On some occasions people bring drugs into Britain and then on to Ireland and on other occasions they bring them into Ireland and on to Britain, changing routes to avoid detection. The regular changing of routes is a matter of grave concern.
The setting up of the Europol Drugs Unit is a welcome development but it can scarcely be taken as a serious response to a problem which is at epidemic levels and when the Minister's Department estimates the cost of such response to the Exchequer this year at £4,000, with no figures available for next year. What sort of a response is that to a problem of this level? A fully empowered drugs enforcement agency at EC level with a sub-agency at British-Irish level is required to prevent the importation of large quantities of drugs.
I join with the Minister and the House in congratulating the Garda and Customs authorities on recent seizures. However, I strongly suspect that this is but the tip of the iceberg. Drugs could be landed at any point on this island and here was one discovery. What other large quantities have not been discovered? There must be large quantities not discovered when we see the extent of the problem on the ground. That is why I believe we need a joint drugs enforcement agency within these islands. There is no point in thinking that if the drugs get to Scotland and across to Northern Ireland that we can stop them at the Border. That is daft. In the context of smuggling generally, the same Dáil committee saw warehouses straddling the Border. Once the drugs get into Northern Ireland they will come in here; once they get in here they will get into Northern Ireland. We need a joint effort within these islands and within the European Community. If we are serious about tackling this problem we need a drugs enforcement agency at European Community level with a sub-agency at British-Irish level.
In addition — and again I would be critical of the European Community — I believe that the European Community must take a diplomatic offensive against those countries which continue to manufacture and export illegal drugs as well as those countries which register vessels that transport those goods and those countries which warehouse them. There is a strong suspicion that many of these drugs are warehoused through Holland, a member of the European Community, particularly at the port of Rotterdam.
I have to ask are we really serious about tackling this problem? It would be in our interests to give European aid to countries such as Colombia, Pakistan and other exporting countries to stop exporting these illegal drugs. If we are to give them financial aid it would be cost effective because we would save money by not having to deal with this problem when the fire is very much alight on the ground and the situation out of control. If aid to these countries is not acceptable as an inducement to behave as they should, then the European Community should take a collective diplomatic offensive against these countries. Everybody knows the countries in which these drugs are manufactured and exported from. It is time the European Community took action at Community level. It is not good enough simply to wait until people's lives are destroyed, until families have been destroyed and people are in the later stages of HIV or AIDS as a result of drug abuse. It is too late then. The problem needs to be tackled at that level, but it also needs to be tackled at European level, and at international level. However, it is not being tackled effectively at international level.
Welcome and all as this response from the European Community is, it is a feeble response. Why is this response so feeble? Have the sinister influences got a grip on the EC? Why is the response not stronger? It should be stronger. The problem is crying out for action at European level. Why is there not agreement between the member states for stronger action? Does somebody have the inside track on one of the member states? I am not suggesting it is Ireland. Certainly it is sinister that this response is so feeble. When will we see some real action being taken?
It is ironic that this Europol Drugs Unit is being given powers to pursue illegal money laundering activities associated with drug trafficking between two or more member states at a time when our own Government is proposing to allow the repatriation of laundered money, some of it surely related to illegal drug trafficking. This is a multi-million pound holiday bonanza for the drug barons courtesy of the legitimate citizens and honest businessmen. Where is the consistency between Government proposals on repatriation of so-called hot money and this EC attempt to combat the activities of criminal organisations involved in money laundering activities? The Government is making a nonsense of the law by allowing hot money to be brought back to this country irrespective of how it was raised. Lack of action on money laundering is in direct conflict with existing EC law. Every penny brought back to this country should be investigated to see if it meets the requirements of this new Europol Drugs Unit in relation to criminal activities and, in particular, drug trafficking activities.
If there is to be a Europol Drugs Unit head office, I hope the Minister will put in a bid to have that office located here and, specifically, to have it located in Dublin. I believe that we are far too laid back in pushing our case to have more and more European agencies located here — I do not associate this just with the existing Government. If this were to prevent us from having a major agency located here then I would not be pushing this case because we do need a major agency. We should be looking for our share of EC agencies to be located in this country.
The Minister said that one of the most effective measures that can be taken against drug traffickers is to deprive them of the profits gained from their illegal activities. In the last few years a number of drug barons have been imprisoned but, as far as I am aware, no substantial amounts of money have been seized. I understand that under one of the Finance Acts of the early eighties it is possible to seize or to impose a very penal tax on income derived illegally or immorally. If that is the case, why has such a tax not been applied to the income of these drug barons? Presumably it is because the Revenue Commissioners do not know the whereabouts of these large bank accounts which many of them must have. Is that because these accounts are located abroad? If so, are we now in the process of allowing those funds to be brought back here tax free or for a very small penalty?
This whole question of allowing the repatriation of these funds, particularly funds which I will go so far as to say are held abroad because they were raised in criminal circumstances related to drugs and to the drugs flood into this country in the early eighties, is questionable. How can we justify the repatriation of any of that money? It should all be seized and penalties imposed, not small amounts of tax.
The Minister said that the amounts of heroin, cocaine and ecstasy imported are small by international standards. By international standards this is a small country but if one looks at the amount of seizures in recent times, which I suspect is simply the tip of the iceberg, then I do not believe that the importation of illegal drugs into this country is any less than that into Great Britain or comparable countries.
We will be supporting this motion but I do not think that it goes far enough. I hope the Minister has noted some of the points I made and that she will take up with her colleagues at EC level the suggestions I have made about a diplomatic offensive and the possibility of a full drugs enforcement agency.
I want to make two clear proposals to the Minister arising from our debate here on drugs. First, there is a strong case for the establishment of the headquarters of the new Europol Drugs Unit in Ireland. Second, a national coast watch service should be established in Ireland. Those specific proposals need to be addressed by the Minister.
As yet there is no agreement on the location of the new unit. It will be decided at the EC Summit in Copenhagen next week or at the meeting of the Justice Ministers of the Community the following week. There are two principal reasons why a strong pitch can be made for the location of that headquarters in Ireland. The fact that no EC institution of consequence is located in Ireland should put this country at the head of the queue in regard to the location of this unit. Secondly, my area in west Cork has recently been established as a major gateway for the importation of drugs. This label is unwelcome, but it reinforces the case I am making for the establishment of the unit in Ireland.
It is essential that a coast watch service be established here. It should be the eyes and ears of the Garda Síochána and the Customs officials along our coastline. I am sure more Deputies have visited west Cork and know there are hundreds of miles of indented coastline, dozens of coves and bays and hundreds of islands there. It is impossible for the relatively small number of gardaí and Customs officials to constantly watch that stretch of coastline and therefore, we should have a national coast watch service. There is a growing demand for the establishment of this service and I am disappointed that to date neither the Minister nor any member of the Government has responded to this serious proposal.
There appears to be some confusion about the extent of the drugs menace. The Minister in her speech implied that the drugs problem here is not enormous. Furthermore, she stated that the indications were that the landings of cannabis were for the most part intended for consumption on the home market. She also says that Ireland is not part of an international drug trafficking route. Those statements must be questioned and I would ask the Minister to reflect on some additional points I wish to raise in connection with this matter. It is my view that the extent of the importation of drugs may be far greater than originally realised and that landings in Ireland are being made for onward transmission to the UK.
A report in The Sunday Times last Sunday states that Irish authorities have confirmed that an estimated three tonnes of cannabis with a street value of £30 million is being landed in Ireland each month. That is a serious problem and the Minister should respond to the suggestion that drug landings are of that level. That report alleges that the bulk of drugs imported end up in the UK, mostly through Northern Ireland. There appears to be some corroboration of that report in a report in The Cork Examiner on Tuesday on comments by the Taoiseach on his visit to Cork on Monday.
He referred to the need for EC funding and insisted that the EC provide £13 million to seal off the west Cork drugs gateway. To support his argument he claimed that the problem of the importation of drugs was a "European crisis". Who is correct in regard to the level of drugs imported to Ireland? The Minister would lead us to believe that it is a relatively modest problem mainly related to the domestic market but is there a European wide problem with substantial landings being made and areas like west Cork being used as a gateway to Europe, particularly to the UK? What was the Taoiseach referring to when he talked of a European crisis? The Minister should clarify this matter.
I wish to refer to some of the points raised by the Minister in her speech. She referred to the equipment used by the Garda Síochána. It is not acceptable, in the context of points raised on that issue, to merely say that "technical surveillance is readily available as required". I raised this matter on the Adjournment last Wednesday. The Minister should tell us whether the most modern equipment is available to the Garda Síochána. The Minister did not respond to my question last Wednesday in this regard. There is a need for such modern equipment, specifically high powered binoculars. Surely they are an obvious requirement for people guarding the coastline. There is a need also for night-sight equipment, infra-red cameras and scrambler radios. The Minister may think I do not know what I am talking about but I would remind her I come from west Cork and I have talked to the people there who are dealing with the drugs problem. I accept the gardaí and Customs officials have equipment but do they have the most modern equipment to defeat the drug smugglers? The Minister should revise her approach and make moneys available to ensure such equipment is available.
On scrambler radios, what good is a radio system into which the smugglers can tune? The purpose of a scrambler radio is to ensure that such interception does not take place. I will not go into detail on this point as it might be a sensitive issue. The most modern equipment should be available and money should not be spared for the provision of it.
The Minister referred to co-operation. There is a degree of friendly rivalry between the Garda Síochána and the Customs officials. While they have a common objective there is a slight difference in how they approach this problem. The job of the Customs officials is to prevent landings or seize the drugs already landed but the job of the Garda Síochána is to apprehend the people involved. Perhaps there should be further discussion to ensure that the lines of communication between those two are cleared because there is a slightly different approach by both. It is the Minister's responsibility to resolve this matter and she should do so quickly to ensure that this friendly rivalry is channelled towards a common objective.
I agree with the Minister's views in regard to intelligence gathering. It fits neatly into the point I made regarding a national coast watch service. I am glad the people of west Cork have been providing the authorities with information. I am pleased telephone calls have been made. There is a tradition here going back to O'Flaherty and "The Informer" that people should not give information to the Garda Síochána. I am delighted at the maturity of the people in west Cork that they are supplying information to the Garda and the Customs officials. I would ask them to continue to do that; but often it is only a chance reaction where somebody notices, for example, a suspicious looking yacht and a telephone call may be made. It is a responsible reaction, but it must be done on a co-ordinated basis, that is, through a national coast watch service. Otherwise, we are relying on chance. That is the answer to the point raised by the Minister regarding intelligence.
The question of the extent of the problem here is not the real issue. I was a member of a ministerial drugs committee back in the early eighties when there was a crisis, particularly in relation to the heroin problem in Dublin. I am glad that the steps we took at that time achieved useful results. It is obviously an area that must be continually monitored. However, the issue before us now is not so much that aspect of the problem but our reaction as a country to drug importation and how we cope with that. It involves also our reaction as part of the Europol Drugs Unit and how we can both contribute to that and avail of the pooling of intelligence with our neighbours in the European Community.
The Minister has a major problem on her hands. It is a much bigger problem than what is implied in her speech. The growing menace of drug smuggling along our coastline is reaching epidemic proportions. One cannot be absolutely certain, but I am aware personally of landings that took place which where never traced and landings which were only partially traced. That is common knowledge in west Cork. We must have a committed response at national and European level. Unless this is forthcoming I fear that the problem will continue. As a legislator I have a particular interest in the problem from the national point of view, but particularly because of the unwelcome "tourists" in my area of west Cork. West Cork is the premier tourist area in the country — I see the Minister does not totally agree with me on that — but these are "tourists" we can do without. Even though the tourist season may not be at its height we must put up the warning signals to these people. We must stop this activity. It is unwelcome from the west Cork point of view, and the national point of view and the European point of view. I ask the Minister to seriously take on board the points I have raised because unless she does this the problem will continue.
I am happy to support the establishment of the Europol Drugs Unit. It is regrettable that it has taken so long for this unit to be established because, as the Minister said in her address, it was during the Irish Presidency in 1990 that the mechanism was put in place for the establishment of an agency to exchange intelligence and so on in relation to drug trafficking. No one country, particularly a small country such as ours, can deal on its own with the problems that arise from drug trafficking. Co-operation and intelligence are, as the Minister said, the key to law enforcement in this area.
In the context of the Single Market, where thankfully we now have the free movement of goods and persons, it is important that that freedom is not abused; and where that freedom leads to the growth of organised crime, racketeering or drug trafficking, we must have the measures in place to deal with those problems. We must harmonise our laws on indictment and ensure that our extradition legislation is in order. We must co-operate fully with all member states and not become paranoid in regard to confidentiality and secrecy. We must assist in the fullest measure possible with the detection of crime.
The Minister made available figures in relation to the amount of drugs that have been seized here in the past two years. This is estimated at £26 million. I agree with others who say that is an under-estimation. For example, if we look at the prison population in Mountjoy, one-third of the prisoners there are intravenous drug users. The statistics for juvenile crime indicate that 40 per cent of crime is committed by juveniles. Many experts believe that much of that crime, perhaps 80 per cent, is drug related.
If we examine the problem in Cork, for example, it is only a year and a half ago since the State Solicitor there, Mr. Barry Galvin, said that Cork was being used to smuggle drugs into Ireland. The then Minister for Justice, the Minister's predecessor, dismissed that statement saying it was inaccurate. We do not have sufficient information with regard to this problem and in quoting statistics of any kind we are probably only tipping the iceberg. The problem is much greater than we realise and this will be the case as long as those who are engaged in drug trafficking can make money from their crime. If crime pays there will be people engaged in it. That is a simple fact. Removing the incentives for money to be made from crime will go a long way towards substantially reducing not just drug trafficking but organised crime generally.
Deputy Gay Mitchell referred to the powers of the Revenue Commissioners to tax those who make money from illegal activities. It seems extraordinary that it was only in the eighties we gave the Revenue Commissioners powers to tax the earnings of criminals. Until that time not only was the money made from crime not seized but one was not required to pay tax on it. That was obviously an appalling loophole in our tax legislation. Al Capone was not apprehended for racketeering, but for tax evasion. This is often the most effective way to apprehend those involved in serious crime.
I am sure the Revenue Commissioners have raised substantial moneys by way of tax collection from those involved in crime, but unfortunately that is not sufficient. As a matter of urgency we must introduce legislation here, not just minimalist legislation but broad based comprehensive legislation to allow for the seizure of the assets of those involved in crime. That means it would not be sufficient for somebody to have to prove that the money was made from criminal activities. If particular individuals who have not worked for a number of years have a large number of houses — and in one case eight or nine cars, I understand — and if they cannot explain how they acquired that wealth, it should be sufficient grounds for those assets to be seized. I would not like to see legislation being introduced which would make it difficult for the authorities to prove that the earnings were derived from criminal activity.
I realise our law is based on the presumption that one is innocent until proven guilty, but in relation to the accumulation of assets, if someone cannot explain how they acquired those assets and if there are reasonable grounds for believing they were acquired through criminal activities, that should be sufficient to have those assets seized. Those moneys could then be applied, for example, towards criminal injuries awards, because the amount allocated for this is appalling — a total of £1 million is indicated in the Estimates this year. Those who are the victims of crime get nothing for pain and suffering. All they receive are out of pocket expenses and they must wait as long as three years to obtain those.
There is much we can do by way of helping the victims of crime, the people who suffer. The greatest measure any Minister for Justice could introduce, not just in relation to drugs but to many crimes, such as racketeering and so on, which are so rampant in our society, would be to seize the assets of criminals.
We need also to change our education system. The Minister is right in that if we limit the market for drugs we will go a long way towards restricting the powers and control of drug barons. Our education system needs to be much more value-based. Many of the values people grew up with in the past no longer exist. The concept of right and wrong must be a much stronger element of our education system. It is appalling that young children commit serious crimes, deface property and have no respect for their own property or that of their neighbours or their communities. In the context of the reforms that are under way in education and the consideration being given to the submissions on the Green Paper, I hope there will be a move towards a more value-based education system, which is badly needed.
In 1989 the G7 countries established a task force to help them co-ordinate and exchange information on the proceeds of crime. The purpose of the group, known as the international Financial Action Task Force which was set up in Paris in 1989 by the G7 countries, the world's seven leading industrial powers, was to co-ordinate action to recover and control the proceeds of crime. I will quote from the group's first report in 1990 because it puts in perspective what we are talking about this morning. It states that the proceeds from drug trafficking in Europe and the United States then waiting to be laundered were approximately $85 billion and that there is no shortage of places to put that money.
When Gacha, one of the leaders of a Colombian cartel involved in the illicit drug trade, was finally tracked down and caught by the Colombian police it was found he had $130 million in 82 different bank accounts in 16 countries. I refer to that matter in the context of the proposed tax amnesty to be introduced here. I cannot stress strongly enough that if this country is to be used to launder money from drug trafficking and organised crime it would be an appalling reflection on society. I ask the Minister for Justice in particular to ensure that in drafting legislation dealing with the tax amnesty, people who made their money from illegal activities, particularly drug trafficking, are excluded.
What would stop Gacha and other drug barons around the world laundering their money through Ireland? I understand it could be done in a matter of seconds. The report states that electronic transfers and satellite links can shift money around the world several times in 24 hours, from the Cayman Islands to Jersey to the Isle of Man, or wherever, in a matter of minutes. It could be laundered through this country by the use of an address here or by way of an Irish resident. When the tax amnesty is introduced the Government should not allow anyone who has made money through organised crime to launder it through Ireland.
In regard to the resources at the disposal of the authorities here the Minister of State chairs the National Drugs Co-ordinating Advisory Group which is about to make recommendations in relation to changes in the legislation. We need to co-ordinate the forces that are at work here such as the Naval Service, the Garda Síochána and the Customs officers. There is a plethora of agencies and bodies in Ireland and we are very good at setting up new quangos, but unless there is co-ordination and people work together in a particular unit there will not be effective action and controls. We saw an example of this yesterday in relation to the Department of the Environment. When nobody has charge of co-ordinating matters mistakes are made. Lack of co-ordination and a failure to bring people together can often be very costly, particularly in terms of the illegal importation of drugs.
In regard to the request to the European Community for £13 million to assist in the upgrading of radio equipment, the supply of a naval patrol vessel, new computer equipment, aerial surveillance, sniffer dogs and so on, which are required by the Customs authorities, perhaps the Minister would say under what heading an application is being made to the Community for this money. The Taoiseach referred to that matter in Cork in the last few days.
I concur with Deputy O'Keeffe's comments in regard to equipment at the disposal of authorities such as the Garda Síochána, Customs officials and so on. Greater use should be made of the helicopters and aerial surveillance generally. It has been shown in the United States that this is a much more effective and cheaper way of detecting crime because a helicopter may have a radius of 25 miles whereas a ground vehicle has a radius of about a mile at the most. While it has been discovered that this is a much more effective and cheaper way of detecting crime we rarely if ever use helicopters in the direction of what were regarded as non-terrorist crimes — I do not think the Garda Síochána has at its full-time disposal helicopters or aerial equipment. Perhaps the Minister would clarify that matter. We live in an age in which crime has become so sophisticated that unless the Garda Síochána has the necessary equipment it will not be effective in detecting crime.
A conference was held in Dublin earlier this year by the MAG information system, a group of maritime countries who came together to exchange intelligence in relation to crime, particularly drug trafficking. Will the Minister say how the Europol Drugs Unit will fit in with the maritime organisation? Crime detection should not stop at European level; we must go much further because the drugs boundary does not end at the boundary of the European Community. There needs to be much more widespread co-operation than simply between the 12 member states.
Will the Minister say from what rank the Garda Síochána liaison officer will be appointed — for example, will it be above or below the rank of inspector? I know a final decision has not been made but I would like an idea of the rank of the officer who will do that job. I would also like to know whether the officer will be appointed on a full-time basis. If the cost for the remainder of this year is only £4,000 presumably that relates to travelling costs. Will the liaison officer be located at a temporary location or will he have occasionally to travel to meetings? I would like the Minister to clarify how the unit will operate.
The ongoing disputes between various member states about the location of new agencies are regrettable as they delay the introduction of many fine measures. A dispute between Italy and France on whether the Europol police office is located in Strasbourg or Rome has delayed the establishment of that office and that is most regrettable. I would like to think that at heads of Government meetings, Ireland would make a very strong case that until such time as disputes between member states are resolved these bodies should be established in Brussels — the location of the European Commission and centre of European activity generally — as soon as decisions are made, rather than long-fingering proposals for many years. That happens in relation to the European Environment Protection Agency and many other bodies. It is regrettable. It delays much excellent work and makes a farce of many of the fine Council meetings if the measures adopted cannot be put in place because a location cannot be agreed between competing countries.
We need to increase the powers of the Customs officers to give them the same powers of arrest and detention as the Garda Síochána have in regard to persons found with drugs. We need to give additional powers to prison officers. Prisons are used for the sale of much of the illicit drugs. Already this year two prisoners have died. A 17 year old prisoner in Wheatfield hanged himself after a drugs overdose and a Greek prisoner died in Mountjoy as a result of an overdose. I wonder why so many drugs are getting into our prisons. There is no point in having health programmes in the prisons to rehabilitate offenders if they can get drugs. Visitors for example, should not be allowed to bring bags or presents to prisoners. Money can be left for the purchase of goods. In Cork prison some time ago a person was arrested, convicted and given a suspended sentence for bringing a tennis ball with 20 grammes of cannabis into the prison.
In order to stop drugs coming into the prisons we need to stop visitors bringing in bags or gifts. We could also introduce random searches, although that method involves some danger, and we can give prison officers the power to arrest and detain visitors found to be carrying drugs, until the Garda arrive. We could also, perhaps, punish inmates by banning for a length of time visitors who have brought in drugs. Whatever method we adopt we must root out the drugs supply into prisons. It costs on average £110 per day to keep a person in prison. For some prisoners at least it should be an effective way of making sure that they will not commit crimes when they are released. If a person is in prison for drug-related offences he will not be cured if the drugs supply is there. Those who supply drugs to prison inmates are not doing the prisoners any service and one must question the motives of such visitors.
We need to place heavy emphasis on health education. Drug barons are destroying society. Many young people become hooked on drugs at a very early age. I understand from Garda sources that young people are given drugs free in order to get them hooked and when they become dependent they have to rob to feed the habit. That is appalling. It destroys the health and lives of families of many of our young people. Much of the crime in urban areas is committed to feed a drug habit. If we root out the drugs problem we will solve much of the crime in this country. Drugs experts tell me that it would cost a minimum of £60 a day to feed even the mildest drug addicts and the cost goes much higher depending on the quantity and nature of the drugs needed. No person can afford that and certainly a teenager cannot get his hands on that kind of money without committing serious crime.
In that regard, the new directive issued to the Garda Síochána under which they may now take somebody to a Garda station, question him and let him off with a summons to follow, will further increase the number of crimes committed in order to feed a drugs habit. Bringing a person to court is a deterrent and it indicates the grave nature of the crime. When a person is allowed walk out again the crime will not be considered very serious. This directive is a mistake. I heard Mr. P. J. Stone speak about that this morning and any garda to whom I have spoken has felt strongly that this will escalate crime and will lead to many difficulties. This directive is not directly related to the debate this morning, but if we want to be effective in combating drug trafficking and abuse we will have to make sure that our criminal jurisprudence and procedures are effective.
Will the Europol police office be given additional powers over and above powers in relation to organised crime, racketeering and drug trafficking? This morning we are simply giving approval for the establishment of a drugs unit and somewhere down the road a European police office will have powers to deal with racketeering and organised crime. Is it intended to go further? Is it intended to have a European police force to deal with particular crimes and will the members have powers to cross boundaries in order to apprehend those who are engaged in serious crime? The boundary limit and the fact that nobody can cross a boundary provides a loophole that will allow criminals to walk free. We need a European police force. Is that on the agenda and, if not, why not? It would be of invaluable help in combating crime.
Was a promise made in relation to the seizure of assets of criminals? I know that most member states have ratified the Council of Europe Convention in relation to the seizure of assets. Will the Minister clarify that for me? Regardless of European requirements we need that sort of law. I could give the Minister chapter and verse about organised crime in this city where many business people have to pay high insurance premiums because of the protection racket operating in the city. It initially affected the north inner city but now it affects the south inner city. If traders do not pay protection money their premises will be burnt and their staff threatened. In one case to which I referred here before, a young businessman was shot. It is appalling in this day and age that it is not an offence to pay protection money. If we want to prevent crime we must make it an offence to pay protection money. Will the new public order legislation deal with that? When I moved a public order Bill in the House in February the Minister said that there was no need for changes in the legislation, that the Garda had not told her there was any need to change the law. Has the Minister consulted with the Garda since and does she now realise the urgent need to change the law in this regard?
It is a good thing to have a debate here on these matters. I know that the justification for the debate was that the Attorney General advised that under Article 29.5.2 of the Constitution where there is a charge on public funds, approval must be given in the Dáil. Even where the approval of the Dáil is not required, I believe that as a matter of course we should debate such agreements in this House. In fact, in some European countries — for example, in Denmark — before any Minister of the Government can agree to sign or participate in conventions or agreements at European level, he or she must first obtain the approval of the national Parliament. I know many Ministers, particularly when they chair Council of Ministers meetings, often feel that that procedure leads to long delays, that the Danes delay everything because they must first seek the approval of their Parliament. I believe the Danes are right. I believe there is greater accountability within that type of system and that it strengthens the hands of a Minister if he or she has first obtained the approval of their Parliament or, as in our case, the Houses of the Oireachtas. The pattern and experience here has been that sometimes we cannot even discuss what happens at European level but are merely treated to statements after important Council meetings have taken place. Rather than seeking in advance the advice, assistance and support of the Members of Parliament who represent the public, these statements amount to merely telling us what went on. If the European Community is to act, if we are to deal with the great democratic deficit about which everybody speaks, then we must have more accountability, more debates, more consultation and greater participation by the Members of national Parliaments.
This is a good measure — a small step, but one in the right direction. No one country, particularly one of our size, can fight drug trafficking alone. It is particularly in our interest to have the strongest possible support system in place at European level and indeed beyond. We need that because, as the Minister herself has said, it is through intelligence and information that enforcement can take place. I hope that this measure we are agreeing today for the establishment of the Europol Drugs Unit will not be delayed any further and that at the end of the meeting in Copenhagen at the end of this month the Justice Ministers will agree to the establishment of this unit at a temporary location, even if there remains dispute about its permanent location. Its establishment is important and urgent, particularly within the context of the remaining EC barriers having been removed at the beginning of this year.
It is most important that that which we all sought — a free and open market, the free movement of persons and goods within the Community — is not abused and/or used for the greater perpetration of crime, the supply of drugs and so on, with more people throughout the world being made even wealthier. It is in all our interests to ensure that this is not rendered more easy. Drug trafficking in this small, island country on the periphery of Europe can be very easy, since there are so many places on our shores where somebody can land a boat and import large quantities of drugs. It is crucial that we have a mechanism in place to ensure that such does not happen.
Deputy Gregory has indicated that he is spokesperson on behalf of the Technical Group. The Deputy has 30 minutes.
Cuirim fáilte roimh an deis atá agam labhairt ar an Europol Drugs Unit.
I join Deputy Harney in a number of the sentiments she expressed, in particular when she began by saying that the drugs problem is indeed much greater than many of us realise. In my view probably it is our single greatest social problem today after unemployment. That is definitely the case in Dublin city, where one-third of our population now live. I cannot say whether it is the case nationwide in other towns and cities. I am sure other Members who represent those areas will be able to so indicate. But I am in no doubt that if the drugs problem spreads as quickly and as devastatingly to other cities and areas nationwide as it has done in Dublin city, the same will apply there.
I do not believe that the authorities vested with the responsibility for dealing with the problem realise its seriousness. It is my belief that, certainly in Dublin, the authorities have adopted a policy of containment, of acceptance, that this is something that is happening in particular areas and is part and parcel of modern society, that if it can be confined to those areas with minimum pressure, they believe they can proceed on that basis. That is a disastrous approach to adopt. If that is the approach of the relevant authorities, I predict that the problem will continue to fester, that it will get totally out of control and reach crisis point, when it will be extremely difficult to deal with or counteract.
I join Deputy Harney also in her remarks about the proposed tax amnesty, to which I am fundamentally opposed in any shape or form. If and when the Government propose introducing legislation allowing for its introduction, the very least they can do is ensure that organised criminals, particularly those who ply the heroin trade destroying so many young lives, should not be enabled to avail of that amnesty to launder their illgotten profits. I fear very much that, no matter what shape or form such a tax amnesty takes, that is what will happen, that people who have amassed considerable fortunes here from their drugs trade will avail of the opportunity to launder such money, render it respectable and invest it for their long term benefit. That was one reason I was particularly disgusted to hear that the Government had decided to propose such a tax amnesty.
As one of the elected representatives of an inner area of this capital city, one that has been devastated by heroin abuse in particular, I welcome the decision of the 12 TREVI Ministers in Copenhagen to establish a drugs intelligence unit constituting the first phase of a European criminal intelligence office. Despite the lack of detail with which we have been furnished about this development and the almost laughable allocation of £4,000, which does not make much sense to me, the fact that the Europol Drugs Unit is being established, is in itself an indication of the seriousness with which the problem is being approached at European level. Indeed, its establishment is evidence of the increasing seriousness of international drug trafficking in Europe and its effects on our society, not that we are in need of any such evidence. Certainly nobody representing Dublin city should need to be reminded of the dreadful problem already obtaining here.
While the events of recent weeks might appear to highlight the timeliness and necessity for the establishment of this Europol Drugs Unit — I am thinking of the seizure of the cargo of cannabis in west Cork — I regret having to admit that I see a much more deadly reason for its establishment day in day out in Dublin's inner city than is necessitated by any discovered cargo of cannabis no matter how large, no matter how many millions of pounds it may have yielded for those involved. There is a very real danger that high profile discoveries of tonnes of cannabis can have the effect of diverting attention from the real scandal and deadly damage that hard drugs trafficking is doing in this country. As I have done on so many previous occasions in this House over the past 11 years, I refer to the dreadful social problem of heroin abuse in Dublin, not merely within the inner city but in many other working class areas of the city and its suburbs. Perhaps some ten years ago, because the problem was in its infancy, it was perceived as a major problem, referred to as the heroin bush fire devastating particular communities. It was so dramatic it received huge coverage on the part of the media and much time was devoted to its discussion in the House here. However, the problem is much worse today because it is no longer confined to particular areas of the inner city; it is now rooted in virtually every working class area and suburb of the city.
I have raised this problem at Question Time, on the Adjournment, in the debate on the Misuse of Drugs Act and other debates but I regret to say that at ministerial, departmental and senior Garda level the seriousness of the problem has yet to be recognised. Lip service has been paid to it and every reply to every Dáil question is full of the usual cliches. I exempt the Minister from this criticism as she is not long enough in office to be included. I hope, however, that she will tackle this issue and ensure that it receives the attention it deserves.
During the past 11 years there has been no decisive response at senior Garda and departmental level to the hard drugs problem. I do not blame gardaí at local level. Indeed, with inadequate resources, they have made great attempts to wrestle with the problem despite the limitations imposed because of a lack of direction at ministerial and departmental level.
There has been the odd, sporadic success, such as the recent yacht cargo which was uncovered. I do not want to take from that achievement but it seems that it was a group of people on a picnic on a beach who dug up the first consignment of hash or cannabis. The final consignment was uncovered in a drain or bog by a local farmer. Nonetheless, this was a significant find. However, as so many others have said, it was just the tip of the iceberg in relation to the cannabis trade between this country and Britain and other countries.
The much more deadly problem of heroin trafficking has been allowed to fester and ruin thousands of young people in Dublin city. If this is not sufficient evidence, all we need do is consider the many treatment centres and drug treatment projects which have been undertaken. Recently we were circularised with information on the Merchant's Quay project — a drugs-HIV service in the inner city — which is run by the Franciscan Friars who are doing tremendous work, like so many other groups. However, for the unfortunate people who attend these centres it is far too late.
The official attitude seems to be that as long as the heroin problem is confined to the poverty-stricken, disadvantaged areas of Dublin there is no need to take the necessary steps to deal with it. This is almost what one would expect given that no remedial action is taken by the Government to tackle any social problem in acutely disadvantaged areas, including the lack of access to second or third level education which is a parallel problem in areas where there is a serious drug problem. In my own area, approximately 1 per cent of young people go on to third level education. This has been the subject of far more reports than those relating to the drugs problem but nothing has ever been done about it. No one should be surprised, therefore, or wonder why so little has been done about the hard drugs problem in Dublin city.
I am not going to stop at education; the deplorable housing conditions go hand in hand — these lead to young people abusing drugs such as heroin — with massive unemployment and serious welfare problems. If anybody stops to think why so many young people abuse a devastating horror drug such as heroin the answer lies in these social problems. The lack of a Government response to tackle the hard drugs problem and other social problems has led to young people going down the cul-de-sac of heroin addiction.
I do not say lightly that during the past ten or 11 years no one at Government level appeared to care enough to confront the problems, and it is not as if they are not familiar with them. As we are aware, members of the Government also represent these areas. I am not the sole representative in this House of a disadvantaged inner city area; the Lord Mayor of Dublin, Deputy Gay Mitchell, spoke strongly about the problem on the south side of Dublin where it is equally horrifying. However, little or no action has been taken to deal with the problem. I would love to know the reason.
I hope in the coming weeks and months, when decisions are made on the way the Structural Funds should be allocated, someone at Government level will stop and think and suggest that some of this famous £8 billion should be spent in the devastated areas of Dublin's inner city, just around the corner from O'Connell Street. We should think of the damage that is being done to one of our more important industries, the tourism industry, even in strict economic terms. Nine times out of ten, when a tourist is attacked or bludgeoned, it is a young person who is desperate to feed his habit who is involved. Each time this happens another nail in the coffin of the tourism industry is hammered in. Millions of pounds have been spent in Temple Bar to turn it into a tourist haven while literally across the street, off O'Connell Street, we have one of the most, if not the most disadvantaged urban areas in the country. This does not make sense. No concerted effort has been made at interdepartmental level to deal with the social problems in that area. Even now it is only a handful of young people who are involved in drug-related crime. However, it is not too late to deal with it; what is required is the political will.
I have no axe to grind with any Government, but during my time in this House no Government has ever had the political will even to think about confronting this problem. Indeed, I would go a step further and suggest that there has been a consistent refusal by the Government even to recognise that a problem exists until such time as it reaches crisis proportions, at which stage there is the usual inadequate fire brigade response from the Government in an effort to create the impression that something is being done about the problem.
I do not wish to give the impression that I am in the business of making wild, unfounded or unsubstantiated accusations. I wish to give a specific example of the Government's inaction and refusal to accept that this problem exists. On 4 February last, two medical doctors at the National Drug Treatment Centre published a report in the Irish Medical Times which stated, and I quote:
Figures available at the [Drug Treatment] Centre for 1991/1992 indicate that the level of opiate abuse both illicit and prescribed is again on the increase.
Illicit heroin abuse which had previously stabilised shows a marked increase in 1991 and 1992. This is in keeping with Garda Drug Squad figures which confirm this trend. In 1991, 161 grams of heroin were seized whereas in 1992, 450 grams were confiscated.
I thought that article might be of interest to the Minister for Justice, and I tabled a priority question on this matter on 17 February last. My question asked the Minister for Justice her views on whether the availability of heroin, in particular, was again on the increase in view of the worsening crime problem in Dublin city and the high incidence of drug-related crime, and whether more specialised and increased Garda resources were necessary to confront this serious problem. The first three lines of the Minister's reply are very interesting, particularly in light of my quotation from the article in the Irish Medical Times written by people dealing with the problem on the ground. The Minister said, and I quote:
I am informed by the Garda authorities that there is no evidence to suggest any significant increase in the supply of heroin to this country.
That is what I mean when I say the Government refuses to accept the extent of the problem. In fact, that type of statement regularly features in replies to parliamentary questions about heroin. It is as if there is an official policy that the Government do not want people to know that holy Catholic Ireland has a major heroin problem. I cannot think of any other reason for giving such replies. It should be possible for the Minister to say that the Garda and the Department are dealing with the problem, etc. A reply to a subsequent parliamentary question in March gave the lie to the Minister's original reply in February — I received an apology from the Minister at a later stage. Nobody should think that I am exaggerating the position in any way — a deliberate lie was told to cover up what was evident to the Garda who are dealing with the problem at local level, the community workers who are dealing with the victims at local level and all those concerned about the problem.
The Minister in her reply to my question in February went on to back up her statement that there was no significant increase in the supply of heroin to this country by saying:
The preliminary 1992 figure, in fact, equates with the 1990 figure
When one throws around statistics one can fool whomever one wishes to fool.
and is 20 per cent less than the average heroin seizure figure for the decade concerned. In fact, the Garda authorities have indicated to me that factors such as the very low percentage of pure heroin contained in the quantity seized and in the increasing usage of heroin substitutes would normally suggest a limited supply of heroin.
She went on to give the usual platitudes, and I quote:
Having said that, the Garda authorities are keenly aware that there are some heroin dealing activities associated with certain areas of Dublin and very special attention is being given to these areas. Specific measures have been taken by the Garda to counteract such activity and these measures have resulted in a considerable number of detections of drug related offences.
It has to be put on the record — this matter has to be dealt with at some stage — that when a Member of this House puts down a parliamentary question on the extent of the drug problem in this country the replies always refer to Garda seizures. The logic behind these replies is that if there are only a few Garda seizures there is no problem, but if there are many Garda seizures then there is a lot of heroin on our streets and there is a big problem. I must have a twisted attitude because I have a reverse approach to these matters. My approach is that if there are many Garda seizures then something is being done about the problem and we can be satisfied about this, but if there are very few Garda seizures and there are queues to get into drug treatment centres, then there is a major problem. We are continually told that there is no problem if the number of Garda seizures is down. The number of Garda seizures seems to be the only criterion used for assessing the extent of the problem.
This gets away from the fact that it is exceptionally difficult to catch people with heroin on them. Heroin is available on a widespread basis. The Garda, through their intelligence work, know exactly who is involved in supplying drugs and the extent of the problem. However, they can have great difficulty in catching people with a significant amount of heroin on them to make it worthwhile bringing them to court and having them convicted, thus getting heroin off the streets. I make this point in defence of gardaí working in local units. I am not criticising these people. Rather I am criticising the policy pursued in the Department at ministerial level and, presumably, at very senior Garda level also. I am fed up with the approach that if the number of seizures is down then there is no problem. Other criteria should be used to determine the level of the problem and we should not attempt to cover up what all Members who have spoken in the debate regard as a major social problem.
A standard response is given to parliamentary questions on the extent of the heroin problem in this country — I have tabled most of these questions over the past ten years. It is a highly questionable if not a laughable basis on which to make an assessment of the level of our drug problem, particularly as the replies appear to indicate that the number of Garda seizures is the sole criterion used to assess the extent of the problem. The logic is that if the Garda are effective and succeed in taking possession of large quantities of heroin — according to the reply, apparently this has to be pure heroin — then there is a serious problem. Deputy Harney and Deputy O'Keeffe referred to the laughable lack of resources available to deal with this problem.
One local drug unit which was attempting to carry out a very serious operation to get heroin off the streets of Dublin could not get the use of a second Garda motor cycle or car to carry out the operation. That is indicative of the resources available to the unfortunate Garda, who show great commitment in trying to deal with the problem at local level. It is going a step forward to talk about the electronic surveillance equipment they should have, but the joke is that the pushers are far better equipped electronically, mechanically and in every other way than the unfortunate gardaí who are trying to confront the problem in the inner city and other parts of Dublin. The local Garda drug units were set up with such drudging resentment that by the time the official policy to establish them was put in place the problem had grown way beyond what a small local unit could deal with.
The Deputy has about two minutes in which to conclude.
I have quite a lot to say, but I will not be able to say it all in two minutes. To the best of my knowledge local drug units — I tried to tease this out further in parliamentary questions — are not solely and specifically assigned to drug related crime. As soon as there is another serious crime in the area I represent, the gardaí assigned to the local drug unit — probably the most effective gardaí in the area — are taken off drug related activities and sent to investigate the serious crime, whatever that might be. Since I referred earlier to a further reply from the Minister, I want to put on record that when I refused to accept what I knew to be a false and misleading reply, I persisted on further questioning and on Tuesday, 23 March, I received the following reply:
In regard to 1992 I indicated in a reply to parliamentary questions on 17 February last that the preliminary Garda figure for 1992 equated with the 1990 figure and was 20 per cent less than the average annual heroin seizure over the previous ten years. More up-to-date figures, which are, however, still provisional, have since been supplied to me by the Garda authorities which indicate that the 1992 figure will be somewhat higher than they previously anticipated. The preliminary figures given to me by the Garda for the purposes of my reply on 17 February did not include a substantial amount of heroin which came into the custody of the Customs Authorities in late November last. I regret that the Deputy and the House were given inaccurate information on this matter and I will ensure that definitive figures are provided as soon as they are available to me.
I am not sure if the definitive figures have since become available, but I have not seen them and I am very interested in doing so. However since I received that reply there have been further and even larger seizures of heroin in the Dublin area. I welcome the action the Garda are taking which has resulted in those seizures, but too little by way of man-power and resources is allocated to this task.
The Minister was not present to hear my comments — I accept that was not her fault — but perhaps she will consider the criticism I have made at a later stage. I have great respect for the present Minister for Justice. I believe that if the proper information is made available to her on the extent of the problem and the inadequacy of resources in terms of man-power and equipment available to the local drug units in the front line dealing with the very serious heroin problem in Dublin city, she will take the necessary steps to deal with it.
I am glad to see that the Government recognises that we have a very serious drugs problem. I came into public life approximately two years ago and since that time I have been campaigning to convince people of our very serious drugs problem and particularly about the importation of drugs around our coastline. The establishment of the Europol Drugs Unit is very welcome and represents the coming together of police and other law enforcement agencies in the EC member states to form a non-operational team to exchange and analyse information about illicit drug trafficking. The major drug seizures off our south coast in recent weeks highlights the need for increased surveillance by and search powers for the Naval Service, in particular, and the Drugs Squad. As a former member of the Naval Service I have quite a lot of experience of patrolling our coastline. We need to establish a crack force to tackle the problem. I know that in the not too distant past special drug units were formed, but I believe this is not working properly. I suggest that a team comprising of Garda and Customs personnel should come together as a separate body with its own headquarters. The obvious place to locate the headquarters of such a force is at the naval base at Haulbowline, Cobh, County Cork, as the facilities are in place there for fast craft.
The Naval Service polices our waters, but we have the ridiculous situation at present where it does not have the power to board or arrest trawlers or private craft off our coastline unless crew are accompanied by a Garda or Customs official. One of the ships in the fleet is fitted to take a helicopter on board, but to date the ship has not got the helicopter which was promised at the time of her construction ten to 15 years ago. On a recent visit to Haulbowline I was amazed to see that five of the ships were tied up in the naval dockyard, and only one was at sea to protect our coastline. I call on the Minister for Defence to recruit staff to the Naval Service immediately so that our ships are fully manned and can be sent to sea at the one time to prevent drugs being smuggled into the country. The Minister for Defence, Justice and Finance should co-operate to ensure that our Naval Service has the power to board ships when it suspects that drugs are being smuggled into the State.
The role of the Customs and the Garda will have to be defined. The staff in the Customs service have years of experience of dealing with people coming through our ports and with the importation of goods. In the UK the Customs service deals with all imports and the police deal with the internal matters of the State relating to drugs and other matters. The UK Navy have responsibility for patrolling their coastline and I believe the Irish Navy should have total responsibility for goods coming in through our waters.
In recent times we have spent a great deal of time speaking about tax amnesties and repatriating moneys that have been taken out of the country. Drug barons can take money out of the country. As we know, £180,000 was taken out of the country in the last number of weeks and nothing can be done about it. I appeal to the Minister to enact laws to confiscate money that is taken out of the country illegally, because this money can be used to buy drugs in Holland and elsewhere. We should confiscate the money at the time it is leaving the country instead of trying to conficate the smuggled drugs, because those fat pigs are getting fatter at the expense of our youth. It is a disgrace that drug barons can walk around freely and buy up property in the State. In the not too distant past one of my constituents, who was used by drug barons to carry drugs into the country, died on a flight from England to Ireland, a tragedy that has wrecked the lives of his family. Their young son died because we in this House were not doing our job properly.
It is time the Government got its act together, put money into the type of crack squad I have proposed and gave them the facilities they require to prevent drugs coming into the country. I am informed by some of those involved in the search that resulted in the first big find off the Cork coast that the lack of night surveillance equipment hindered their search completely. I am told that with proper equipment, they could have captured some of the culprits. It is time the Government recognised that we must fight this drug problem which is affecting so seriously the youth of Ireland. I appeal to the Minister to take those remarks on board.
The need for concerted action against the growing threat of drug misuse and abuse is widely recognised by the international community. The nineties have been designated by the United Nations as the decade against drug abuse. Traditionally the developed countries of western Europe, North America and Australasia were the consumers of narcotics produced in the developing countries of Asia and Latin America but these countries are now suffering from very high levels of addiction also. Reports indicate that 20 per cent of the world's 40 million illicit drug users live in these developing countries. Obviously drug abuse and misuse leads to increased crime, lower economic productivity and social deprivation. Corruption leads to rows between rival gangs and this has threatened the political security of some countries and has caused general political unrest.
The Europol Drugs Unit now being set up is important and is a first step. If a major godfather of a drug ring were to read the contribution of the Minister for Justice he would undoubtedly give a measure of credit where credit is due in terms of seizures and minor activities, but would treat it as a joke because their operation in getting drugs here and in using this country as a conduit for other countries is a much bigger and very sophisticated operation with a degree of ruthlessness we find difficult to match legally.
There are five main areas of attack in dealing with this issue. First, there is the measure itself. The Europol Drugs Unit will promote international co-operation in order that there might be a reduction in quantities of supplies being brought in here from abroad. Second, there is the effectiveness of the Customs, police enforcement and controls. Third, there is the necessity for effective deterrents and tight domestic controls. Fourth, there is the necessity for education and for publicising prevention. Last and unfortunately there is the necessity for treatment and rehabilitation.
The then Pompidou group in the Council of Europe did much analysis and preparatory work on the kinds of problems countries face as a result of drug abuse. Literally there is available a mountain of material for our drug squad and for the new Europol Drugs Unit when set up. There were several UN conventions in 1961, 1971 and 1972. Perhaps the most important was the 1988 UN convention against illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances which required States to establish criminal offences relating to illicit trafficking in these drugs and that money laundering be outlawed. Legislation was also required to track, to freeze and to confiscate profits resulting from the proceeds of drug trafficking.
In Afghanistan in terms of the crop substitution programme the profit from opium is five times that of wheat. When internal wars and restrictions reduce the economic level of activity of any country, naturally those involved in this area will go for the cash crop. Under the 1988 UN convention there is an EC requirement that this country should introduce legislation against money laundering. That is critical in terms of an extension of the drugs unit being set up. Every major drug baron understands that a proportion of drugs will be lost or intercepted on the way to the consumer but, even allowing for that the profit margins are huge. What is required is an effective rate of detection of organisers — the Minister referred to this in her contribution — for the presentation of hard facts and for clear intelligence.
It is possible to identify high level drug dealings through financial arrangements. Traffickers will, of course, exploit the confidentiality of banks and will use the modern very sophisticated financial operations to do their dealings. In Ireland we do not have legislation to deal with money laundering, yet we propose to introduce an amnesty to bring money back into the economy. Who is to say that some of the money which may come back, if the amnesty is introduced, was not made, in the first instance, through the unfortunate sale to drug users of drugs imported illegally? It is necessary, therefore, that we have intelligence in a legal sense and also in a tracking sense. If the amnesty is introduced and if drug traffickers have money in bank accounts the full rigours of the law should apply. The traffickers should be nailed to the cross and any such money confiscated should be used for the rehabilitation and treatment of unfortunate drug users. From that point of view it is absolutely necessary that the legislation on money laundering be introduced quickly.
I accept the Minister's proposal to set up the Europol Drugs Unit. Calls have been made for the international headquarters to be sited in Ireland, that may or may not happen. It is fine to speak about the successes in detecting drug trafficking but in a national sense there are thousands of miles of coastline where trawlers of any description can come in at the dead of night. For example, in a little bay in Mallinbeg, County Donegal, a number of weeks ago, locals reported to me that a car and two trucks drove there at 4 a.m. Following headlight signals a boat landed at the pier. Garda investigations took place but I am not sure what type of illegal activity was taking place. On the west coast from Killala to the northern tip of Connemara there are numerous bays which cannot be patrolled and where in small boats coming off bigger trawlers, any quantity of drugs can be brought in at night. While the equipment referred to by the Minister may be valuable and workable it is not state of the art equipment.
Why have the Garda Síochána and the drug enforcement officers not got night scopes, listening devices and state of the art tracking facilities? Helicopters have been referred to; these, too, are important. The objective of the Department of Justice, in the context of this European development, in the next half century should be to make this island a drug free haven so that western Europe and every other country would recognise that if you deal in drugs in Ireland you will not get away with it. The Department of Justice, the Minister and the Government will have the backing of every Member and party in this House in nailing drug suppliers and traffickers and in providing treatment for those unfortunate enough to need rehabilitation.
The establishment of the Europol Drugs Unit is a small but important step in dealing with the drugs problem. When the drug godfathers in Italy, France, Germany, North and South America and Asia read the Minister's speech they will conclude there is still no problem in using Ireland as a conduit to other countries. We must use the authority of this House to emphasise the case being made by the Minister, and her Department, to our European counterparts that we need financial assistance to provide a proper coast watch system and that if, unfortunately, drugs are imported illegally the matter can be dealt with by the Customs authorities and the Garda. The rigours of the law should apply and be seen to apply to any drug traffickers. I wish the Minister, and her Department, well in their endeavours in this regard and I hope the Minister, and the Minister of State, are serious in their intent regarding this development.
We are all aware that the abuse of drugs has destroyed many lives, broken up families and wreaked havoc here and throughout the world. Drug trafficking is big business and we must recognise that people are in it for profit. Drug pushers have significant resources but very few scruples and will go to any lengths to achieve their end, namely, to make as much profit as possible. The importation of drugs to this country hit the headlines in the past few weeks because of the seizures along the west Cork coastline. I congratulate the gardaí involved in those successful seizures.
There has been a number of illegal drug imports through the inner harbour in Cork covering areas such as East Ferry, Aghada and Whitegate. The Garda made a number of requests for an inflatable dinghy or a suitable craft to carry out searches around the inner harbour area, but such a facility has not yet been authorised. Will the Minister reconsider that request because it is important that that facility is provided? The manning of lighthouses in the past provided a watchful eye on all traffic around our coastline but that source of information is no longer available. Therefore, a national coast watch service is required and the Minister should examine that matter.
The remit of the Navy should be extended. Much of its time is taken up with protecting our fishing waters but it could play a greater role in the control of smuggling and so on around our coastline. The legislation which requires that a garda accompany Naval personnel when boarding another vessel should be reexamined. I appreciate the provision of such services would require more funding but as the drug problem is an international one and drugs are smuggled here en route to Great Britain and other European countries, the EC should be asked to fund our increased protection costs.
The Revenue Commissioners should examine the excessive prices which are being paid for land and businesses here. It was reported recently that the economy of a region in northern Spain was adversely affected by money laundering. The Revenue Commissioners should home in on excessive expenditure in this regard. I welcome this motion. It represents a step in the right direction for our country, our children and grandchildren. I am glad it has the agreement of the House.
I welcome the decision to sign this agreement as there is a serious worldwide drug problem. The dismantling of EC borders created further difficulties and I agree with Deputy Enda Kenny in regard to the potential for major drug barons to use Ireland as a warehouse for drugs. Deputy Kenny referred to the tax amnesty. I voiced publicly my concern that the drug barons around the world might exploit the amnesty. The Minister for Finance must put definite safeguards in place in the forthcoming legislation on the proposed tax amnesty. If such safeguards are not put in place the drug barons will have no problem exploiting that amnesty. Those people are anxious to launder their money because they are dealing in big sums. Illegal drug exporting is big business in South America and elsewhere. Large sums of money are being made from drug trafficking in many parts of the world and such money must be laundered by those people. Therefore, we must be extremely vigilant.
The drugs hauls in Cork and Rosslare demonstrate that we are exposed to the possibility of large drug barons smuggling their drugs into Ireland en route to the European scene. I welcome the Minister's proposal to introduce stringent legislation in the autumn to confiscate the property of those suspected of drug dealing and who cannot prove the source of their income. It is important that resources are made available to us but, more importantly, because drug trafficking is a huge business, the countries of Europe, and not just those in the European Community, should combine in a more cohesive manner than that proposed in this agreement in an effort to have the best, most sophisticated state of the art technology and expertise available to take on the wealthy, ruthless and immoral operators.
I thank Deputies from all sides for a most stimulating debate. I assure Deputies that I have noted carefully the many excellent suggestions they made and they will be taken on board as far as practicable.
Deputies Liam Fitzgerald and Enda Kenny referred to the exploitation of the proposed tax amnesty by people laundering the proceeds of crime. I thank Deputy Fitzgerald, and others, for bringing this to our attention publicly. That is a pitfall in introducing a tax amnesty. Nevertheless, I assure the House that the detailed legislation dealing with the tax amnesty will be designed specifically to deal with that matter. In addition, the Government proposes to introduce legislation to deal with money laundering and the confiscation of the proceeds of crime before the end of this year. I assure Deputies that anyone seeking to use the tax amnesty as a means of laundering the proceeds of crime will have plenty to worry about. I hope people try to do that because I would love to see them getting caught and convicted which is what will happen if the tax amnesty is used in that way.
Deputy Batt O'Keeffe requested better co-ordination between the Garda national drug administration office and the Garda Síochána. That matter is being examined.
In regard to coast watch, extra facilities for the Navy and the use of helicopters, Deputies will be aware that the Air Corps, the Naval Service and the Defence Forces can be used as an aid to the civil power. At present the Minister for Justice is having discussions with the Minister for Finance to see how we can make more use of the Air Corps and the Navy. I expect that a decision will be made on that very soon and we will then be speaking to the Minister for Defence with a view to making the necessary arrangements.
Deputy O'Keeffe also wanted to know if the £4 million scam in Cork city, which I understand relates to the activities of an unofficial insurance broker, is linked to the drug trade. It is the subject of a criminal investigation. If part of the money was used to purchase or deal in drugs, I have no doubt that the Garda Síochána will uncover that in their investigation. Since the rate of interest being given was 110 per cent, I would not be at all surprised if it was linked to drugs.
Deputies O'Keeffe, Harney and Gay Mitchell mentioned the possibility of giving the Customs authorities more powers. This matter was raised at the National Drug Co-ordination Committee, of which I was chairman. The people in the Customs authority want powers, similar to those the Garda have under the Criminal Justice Act of 1984, to detain and question suspects and to draw inferences from the non-communication of information that suspects are requested to give. We have been in discussion with the Office of the Attorney General about that and we are extremely worried about the constitutionality of such a proposal. During the debate on the Criminal Justice Bill, 1984, the question of the constitutionality of giving those powers even to the Garda was raised. We were satisfied at the time and we are still satisfied that it is not unconstitutional to give those powers to the Garda. However, our advice is that we could face serious constitutional problems in trying to extend those powers to Customs officials.
I take the point made by Deputy Jim O'Keeffe that there is a need for a clearer demarcation and more co-ordination between the National Drugs Squad and the Customs authorities, because their functions are basically different. The function of the Customs officers is to prevent the landing of materials and the function of the Garda Síochána is to apprehend and prosecute to conviction the people who are trying to import drugs into the country illegally. We are alive to the need for more co-ordination and clear demarcation and are working on it.
Various Deputies have raised the possibility that Ireland could be used as a route for international drug trafficking. That is a very real danger, because EC borders have been removed since 1 January. The source of many illicit drugs on distribution throughout the world is Asia, South America, particularly Colombia, and, to an increasing extent, the United States. There is the possibility that Ireland, as an island country on the western borders of Europe and with a large coastline, could be used in trafficking drugs. Some Deputies are of the view that this is happening already. The Minister for Justice does not fully subscribe to that view. All we in the Department of Justice can do is consult the Customs authorities and the Garda authorities to see if this is happening. Before they could reply to us our Garda and Customs authorities had to speak to their counterparts in other EC countries. They have done this and have come back to us with a detailed report. The conclusion is that we have not arrived at that situation yet in this country and it is our intention as a Government to ensure that we do not.
Deputy Gay Mitchell and Deputy Jim O'Keeffe made the point that the headquarters of the Europol Drugs Unit should be in Dublin and that we should be looking for this at the Copenhagen Summit on 21-22 June. Deputy O'Keeffe said that as we do not have a major EC agency located here we should be at the head of the queue for this. That is a fair point. However, we will not be pressing very hard for this because it would be of far greater economic benefit to the country to have the proposed European Medicines Agency located in Dublin. That will be our priority. We may have to fall back on something else if we do not get that. There is severe competition from Barcelona and other potential locations. Substantial economic benefits would flow to the country with the location of that agency rather than the Europol agency and that is what we will be fighting for.
Deputy Gay Mitchell and others said that the £4,000 towards the cost of the Europol Drugs Unit was a paltry sum. Let me explain. The salary of the liaison officer that we will be sending to Europe is not included in that £4,000. It is part of the cost of providing the Europol agency with desks, equipment, personal computers, telecommunications equipment etc., which we understand will be about £300,000. Our proportion of the cost is about £4,000. Deputy Harney wanted to know if the liaison officer will be in Europe fulltime or will be commuting back and forth. Initially the liaison officer will not be there fulltime, but it is envisaged that in the not too distant future the liaison officer will be working fulltime in Europe. Deputy Harney also wanted to know what rank in the Garda Síochána the liaison officer would be. That is not agreed, but discussions are taking place with the Commissioners. I understand it will be an officer of fairly senior rank and that it will depend to a certain extent on the rank of liaison officers in other EC countries.
Deputies Jim O'Keeffe and Enda Kenny raised the question of the sort of equipment available to the Garda and to the Customs authorities. We have been in touch with the Garda about that and all the drug squads throughout the country that we have contacted, including the Cork Drug Squad referred to by Deputy O'Keeffe, tell us that they are satisfied with the equipment they have at the moment. If they want more up-to-date equipment they will inform us of that. We will keep in touch with them and respond quickly and generously to any request they may make. I am not speaking just about personnel but resources and equipment, particularly technical equipment.
Deputy Harney had a number of technical questions. First, she wanted to know when we are going to introduce the legislation to allow us to seize the assets of those involved in crime. That will be in place this year. Deputy Kenny suggested that such funds should be used to fund drug treatment centres and Deputy Harney suggested they should be used to fund compensation for the victims of crime. She mentioned specifically the Criminal Injuries Compensation Tribunal. I agree with both suggestions. I have suggested myself that part of the proceeds relating to drug trafficking should be used to fund drug treatment centres. I understand that that happens in certain states in the United States and it is a good precedent to follow.
Deputy Harney wanted to know under what heading the £13 million was requested from Europe. It was not under any specific heading. I understand that the European Community provides funds to protect our external borders. It was for that purpose that we made the request for the £13 million. The request was first made two years ago. So far it has not been acceded to, but it has acquired a new urgency now and we are going to press very hard for it.
I have dealt with the request for more aerial surveillance. Deputy Harney wanted to know if there would be a link up between the various maritime organisations and Europol. I would say that ultimately there will be. We are setting this up, hopefully, on 21 June and it will develop from there. Deputy Harney also wanted to know what our position was in relation to a European police enforcement squad that could cross borders. This was advocated for some time by the Germans, because Chancellor Kohl sees Europol as something akin to the FBI that can cross borders to deal with particular types of crime. There is resistance to that from various member states. Indeed, we are not exactly in favour of it ourselves because we have particular problems in relation to the Border, and the question of hot pursuit, is a very sensitive topic. Naturally, we have some difficulties with the principle of non-Irish police forces having powers to cross over here and pursue criminals. It was agreed in the negotiations for the Maastricht Treaty to include a statement in the declaration that there would be a meeting no later than 1994 to increase co-operation, but there is no question at the moment of an international drugs enforcement agency along the lines the Deputies have suggested.
I do not have the time to deal with all the points made. Again, I want to thank Deputies for their contributions. The setting up of the Europol Drugs Unit is only the first step in international co-operation to combat the scourge of drug trafficking. In specific reply to Deputy Harney, it will deal not just with drugs but with other areas. It will extend to international terrorism and various types of racketeering, and at the end of the day the sky is the limit.
