Vol. 434 No. 3
3 Mr. M. McDowell asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the steps, if any, he intends to take to ensure that lines of communication are opened between the State and politicians in Northern Ireland representing the Unionist Community; and if he will make a statement on the matter.
5 Proinsias De Rossa asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will make a statement on the outcome of the meeting of the Anglo-Irish Conference on 10 September 1993; the terms of reference of the working groups reported to have been set up by both Governments following the Conference; the reason no reference was made to these working groups in the statement issued following the Conference; if he has yet received a report or briefing from Mr. John Hume regarding his recent meetings with Mr. Gerry Adams; if he has met with or intends to meet with Mr. Hume to discuss his talks; and if he will make a statement on the matter.
43 Mr. M. McDowell asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if officials in his Department are working on proposals for constitutional arrangements in Northern Ireland; if he will submit such proposals in the context of any forthcoming talks; and if he will make a statement on the matter.
72 Mr. Clohessy asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs whether he has established a study group in his Department to evaluate the status in national and international law of Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution; the constitutional and legal implications, both North and South of the Border, of any possible amendment to the Articles; and if he will make a statement on the matter.
88 Mr. J. O'Keeffe asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if Government policy is to contribute to constructive talks leading to a political solution for Northern Ireland in coming months; whether he expects such talks to get underway; and if he will give alternative Government policy if such talks do not materialise.
I propose to take Questions Nos. 3, 5, 43, 72 and 88 together.
It has been the policy of this Government to reach out in every way possible to representatives of the Unionist community in Northern Ireland.
The Programme for Government underlines the importance which we attach to dialogue with the parties in Northern Ireland in the pursuit of peace and of lasting political progress.
The Taoiseach and I have made abundantly clear our desire to enter into dialogue with Unionist political leaders. Through a variety of channels, we have emphasised our interest in hearing their views and concerns at first hand and in discussing with them ways in which a lasting accommodation can be reached between the two traditions in Ireland. I am satisfied that Unionist leaders are fully aware of our interest.
The Government is deeply committed to the recommencement of political talks with the aim of achieving peace and reconciling the legitimate rights and aspirations of both traditions. We are working in every way possible to achieve a resumption of the process of dialogue with the parties in Northern Ireland and the British Government. Our goal is a fair and comprehensive settlement which will address all of the key relationships and will be conducive to lasting peace and stability.
At the most recent meeting of the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Conference on 10 September, both Governments underlined the urgency and importance of the search for political agreement. We agreed to continue to co-operate closely and actively to promote political progress by every possible means. We also agreed to continue to seek common areas of agreement.
Consultation between both Governments on ways of achieving political progress in relation to Northern Ireland takes place on an ongoing basis within the framework of the Anglo-Irish Conference. Officials of the two Governments are in continuous contact for the purpose of preparing discussions at meetings of the conference.
As regards the question of whether I have established a study group in my Department to evaluate the status in law of Articles 2 and 3, I can assure the Deputy that the Government devotes detailed and ongoing attention to all issues which are relevant to the pursuit of a lasting settlement.
We are ready to make our contribution to the search for agreement. As I made clear in my address to the United Nations General Assembly last week, we will bring to any resumed talks the resources of goodwill, flexibility and imagination which we believe all participants must display. We are ready to accept the need for radical and innovative compromise as part of a new accommodation.
I believe strongly that there is no greater imperative for the two Governments and the parties than to sit down together and to seek a lasting political accommodation through dialogue. The people of Northern Ireland are trapped in a murderous cul-de-sac and all of us have a part to play in leading them out of it. The Irish Government will do everything in its power to find a basis for lasting peace, stability and reconciliation on this island.
The two Governments have a shared responsibility to lead the search for a solution. That responsibility will remain even if a resumption of the talks process finally eludes us or if resumed talks do not succeed. In such circumstances, the two Governments would clearly need to consider other ways in which progress might be achievable.
If lines of communication are open to the Unionist community, is the Minister willing to signal to them publicly how he reconciles the notion that Article 1 of the Anglo-Irish Agreement recognises that the status of Northern Ireland will not change without the consent of the majority of people there and, as the Taoiseach reiterated yesterday, it is not the Government's intention to seek any change in that principle, with the suggestion that there is a right of collective self-determination on the part of the Irish people as a whole? Will he indicate to the Unionist community which of those two principles predominates in his approach to the matter?
I have said on many occasions, it is the desire of both the Taoiseach and myself that there would be dialogue between the Unionist leaders and the Irish Government. We believe that would be helpful to the whole process of establishing and working for peace on this island. The Taoiseach affirmed yesterday to this House that Article 1 of the Anglo-Irish Agreement makes it very clear that the "the two Governments affirm that any change in the status of Northern Ireland would only come about with the consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland". That is the Government's position. There is no intention to vary from it because that is the accepted position under an international agreement lodged with the United Nations. As I said in reply to the first question from Deputy Owen, it is important at this stage that there is an opportunity for the Government to reflect on the discussions which we have had to date and to consult on how we can further this process. Nobody on this island wants to see a continuation of the violence which has been prevalent on this island for the past 25 years and it will require reflection, assessment and political skills to bring back the parties on this island to the talks. In relation to the Unionist leaders and, reports in today's newspapers that Mr. Molynaux may seek a meeting with me, I would welcome such an invitation from Mr. Molynaux and I would make every effort to take up that invitation.
In relation to the report that working groups were established following the last meeting of the Anglo-Irish Conference, will the Minister indicate what those working groups were and their terms of reference? Will he indicate the length of time which he expects the period of reflection will take on the report he received from John Hume today? Does he not agree it is important that all of the parties in this House have an opportunity to reflect on what John Hume has agreed with Gerry Adams? Will he avail of an early opportunity to have a statement made in this House — if possible next week — with regard to that matter so that the House can be given an opportunity to discuss it?
May I appeal for brevity?
I shall conclude on this question. Will the Minister indicate — this is not covered in the statement issued by him and the Taoiseach today — whether he will call on Sinn Féin and the IRA to stop their campaign of killing?
Let me start with the latter request. I will certainly repeat a call which has been made many times by the Taoiseach and myself, including this week. I appeal again to the Provisional IRA, and indeed to the Loyalist paramilitaries, to stop the violence in Northern Ireland and allow the possibilities for the peace process and dialogue to recommence. I value the commitment in this House to the democratic process, to finding a peaceful resolution to the conflict on this island. Certainly, I shall be mindful of the requests by Deputies De Rossa and Owen that the parties and Members should be informed at the earliest opportunity. I do not want to put a time constraint on the Government's reflection. At the same time I say to Members that there is a genuine feeling in Government that we accord the highest political priority to establishing a basis for peace on this island. In that respect there will not be any delay on the part of Government in assessing and forming views in relation to the discussions that took place this morning.
Both Governments, obviously, are committed to re-launching dialogue aimed at a comprehensive settlement. It is obvious that prospects for dialogue cannot be realised without the agreement and co-operation of both Governments and both Governments are fully aware of this. The issues under discussion essentially are how their co-operation and resources can be brought to bear on the situation in the manner most conducive to the progress both Governments wish to see. In this connection there is sustained contact with the British Government, both at political and official level, within the framework of the Anglo-Irish Agreement. This is part of the ongoing process, that officials are available for a regular exchange of views and ideas to ascertain whether we can make progress and find ways forward.
The time allocated to questions nominated for priority is practically exhausted. I should very much like to deal with the one remaining question nominated for priority.
I have one further brief question to put to the Minister.
I am sorry, that will frustrate my endeavours.
I am known to do that on a regular basis, a Cheann Comhairle.
The Chair seeks nothing more than fairness and equity at this time.
Of course, and I shall endeavour to assist the Chair in doing so.
In view of the Minister's statement in New York, in which he indicated that we all needed to assess our assumptions about Northern Ireland and the overall Irish situation, will the Minister say whether he would agree with the late Professor Torkel Opsahl, that the concept of national self-determination in divided societies, such as that in Northern Ireland, in unhelpful? That was the view the late Professor Opsahl expressed in his report. He indicated it was one of the reasons, one of the designs, behind nost of the conflict and war in the former Yugoslavia.
Let me avail of this opportunity to pay my respects to the work undertaken by the late Professor Opsahl whose untimely death was a sad loss to anybody involved in the peace process and, indeed, to the establishment of human rights. There are many historic complexities in relation to the conflict in Northern Ireland. As Deputy De Rossa said, I consider what is most important at this stage is that, if possible, we shake off the baggage of our history. We must approach this conflict and problem with a new enlightenment. As I said on many occasions, it will be difficult, will involve political risk, involve patience and, indeed, determination but, most of all, it will involve compromise and generosity on the part of both communities in Northern Ireland. I hope both communities, within the context of a resumed dialogue, will work for a peaceful settlement and try to ascertain whether we can find a solution that will allow both communities, neither being threatened by the other, to live in peace in northern Ireland.
