Jim O'Keeffe
Question:8 Mr. J. O'Keeffe asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will give his reaction to recent murders and violence in Northern Ireland.
Ceisteanna—Questions. Oral Answers. - Northern Ireland Violence.
Everyone in Northern Ireland is entitled to lead his or her life in peace, free from the threat of murder or maiming by paramilitaries. In this House and elsewhere, I have made clear my total revulsion at and condemnation of the activities of groups which seek to achieve their ends by violence, from whatever side they come. Their actions bring in their wake death and misery, they undermine hopes of economic and social progress and deepen divisions within Northern Ireland. Just as I condemn Republican paramilitaries, whose repeated acts of violence make a mockery of their declared objectives, so I condemn the murderous activities of Loyalist paramilitaries who last year and this year have been responsible for more deaths than any other group. I reject in particular their attempts to justify their recent violent attacks on elected political representatives by invoking the spectre of a so-called "pan nationalist front".
Last week, I stated at the General Assembly of the United Nations that the continuation of violence is the single greatest obstacle to the realisation of our hopes of a way forward in Northern Ireland. It must surely be clear that an end to violence could open up new possibilities in the search for a lasting settlement on this island, and thereby set us on the path to peace.
I am very glad to endorse every sentence and syllable of the Minister's response to my question and in particular to make it clear that his utter condemnation of violence, Loyalist and Republican, has the full support of this side of the House. Does the Minister anticipate a cessation of that violence or even a ceasefire in the near future? Will he accept that the only real response to the violence will be provided by way of a political solution? Does the Minister accept that the only real response ultimately will be by way of a political solution, regardless of whatever security measures are taken, leading to a total ending of violence? Bearing in mind the concern of this House and the goodwill of its Members towards the work he is trying to do, will he map out the steps he envisages taking in the coming months to achieve a workable solution acceptable to both communities in Northern Ireland?
Deputy O'Keeffe has reiterated my own strong condemnation of violence on this and on other occasions and I welcome it. That has been the view of this House for many years. Obviously we want a political solution that has the consent of the people of Northern Ireland and indeed the consent of the people of this island. As I said in reply to Deputy Owen, that will require the best political skills available in this island, the co-operation of the Irish and British Governments and of the parties in Northern Ireland. The late Professor Opsahl said that if you can remove the violence from the conflict it should provide the key to solving it. Obviously there is a very strong desire to solve the conflict. The vast majority of the communities and the people in Northern Ireland do not want a continuation of violence. Political leadership is required to find the mechanism whereby we can bring about an end to violence and allow the people of Northern Ireland to live their lives in a peaceful manner.
I appreciate that it is Government policy to try to re-establish the talks and to get the constitutional parties back to the table. If that does not work will the Tánaiste give an indication as to what alternative strategy he may have in mind from the point of view of trying to achieve that political solution to which we referred? For instance, does he consider that the first proposals of the late Professor Opsahl, involving the establishment of an official commission, would be of any assistance if the talks do not get underway? Does he feel that any alternative strategy from the point of view of both Governments presenting jointly agreed options to the various parties would be helpful? Is he in a position to give an indication to the House what the approach might be in the event of the talks not getting underway in the near future?
I think it would be unhelpful if we were to attempt to pursue hypotheses such as if the talks do not resume, if the present process does not come to anything. What is important is that the Government and all politicians apply themselves to the present process.
We have been striving, albeit with difficulties, since the Government took office to have a resumption of the talks. That has proved to be a difficult task, but notwithstanding that, the Government is determined to continue with the British Government the dialogue we have been having over many months. The Deputy will be aware that in the past number of weeks the Secretary of State and his colleagues in Northern Ireland have been undertaking a round of bilateral discussions with the parties in Northern Ireland. I will be discussing the outcome of those discussions with the Secretary of State at the next meeting of the Intergovernmental Conference this month. The Government may then be in a position to see what progress can be made.
We should be extremely cautious and careful not to enter into the realms of speculation and not to attempt to hypothesise the various scenarios. I think everybody in this House is committed to working for a peaceful resolution to the problems and that is certainly my determination and that of the Taoiseach and the Government. That is what we should pursue.
Does this mean the Minister no longer holds the view he expressed in the interview he gave to The Guardian on joint sovereignty as an option for Northern Ireland? He told us not to speculate and not to hypothesise.
I refer the Deputy to the full interview so that she can read my views on joint sovereignty. What I said very clearly in the context of a document published by the British Labour Party was that anybody should be allowed to bring forward proposals in relation to joint sovereignty or other options. At all times I have said that we should be allowed to enter into discussions and dialogue without preconditions. I do not think it is helpful if people on any side lay down preconditions. Some of the difficulties in getting a resumption of the dialogue were because parties and individuals laid down preconditions. We should not lay down preconditions but if the Deputy is wondering if the Government's option is joint authority, it is not.
I am sympathetic to the Minister's position. However, I find it difficult to accept the advice that we must be patient, given that we do not know what is going on. In the absence of hard information there will inevitably be speculation. My concern is that in the current process there is no doubt that the position of the IRA and Sinn Féin is being strengthened and as a consequence the position of the Loyalist paramilitaries is being strengthened. My contacts in Belfast indicate to me that the fear in Belfast is palpable.
I must dissuade the Deputy from making a statement.
It was by way of preamble to my question. Will the Minister indicate at what point he feels he can give us hard information on the process? Our fear is that while it is being promoted as a peace process it may in fact lead in the opposite direction.
I am very conscious that any action on my part or on the Government's part should not lead to an increase in the violence in Northern Ireland. We have made it clear at all times that we do not wish to threaten or coerce either the Loyalists or the Nationalists in Northern Ireland. Any solution to the problem must be brought about by consent of the people of Northern Ireland. If the people of Northern Ireland are listening to the comment from Dublin today, they should not have any fears about this process.
The Deputy is in the same position as my Cabinet colleagues in relation to information and I believe it is the prerogative of the Taoiseach and me to consult our Cabinet colleagues at the earliest opportunity and then to make the decision to make the information available to this House.
Bearing in mind that the Minister said in a published speech at a conference in Cambridge recently that the elements of the jigsaw are already there and it is largely a matter of piecing them together in a political process, will he say whether that stands in view of the subsequent developments that led to the latest round of interest in the Hume-Adams process? Will he indicate in that context whether he thinks it is satisfactory that the army council of the IRA should be aware of the contents of these documents but that Dáil Éireann should be kept in the dark?
The remarks I made in Cambridge in early September still stand. I believe there is a possibility in terms of the discussions taking place between the British and Irish Governments that we can find a way of piecing together the many complex parts in working towards a solution to our problem.
In response to the other part of the Deputy's question, it is extremely important that anybody who wants to be part of the process should make it very clear that he does not want to be associated with violence and that the killings and the bombings should stop. It is moral and political blindness to imagine that one can inflict such harm on fellow Irish people and expect to be part of the political process.
I am conscious of the fact that Members of the House and the Leaders of the Opposition parties do not have the information but our Cabinet colleagues should be the first to receive it.
During the summer the Minister mooted the idea of a peace envoy and the former President of the US, Mr. Carter, was approached. Was this approach taken with the assent of the Government? What is the status of that proposal at present?
The Deputy would want to read the reports he is commenting from a bit more carefully. To give the background, the appointment of a peace envoy was raised in the context of the American elections last year. The matter was discussed by the Taoiseach and President Clinton in March of this year and it was raised with President Clinton on my visit to Washington. The American people, who have been extremely helpful in terms of economic and political assistance to this country, wish, if it is desired by the British and Irish Governments, to play a helpful role. There has been no recent discussion with the American administration in relation to it and I understand the position is as stated by President Clinton and the Taoiseach on 17 March this year.