Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle, as seans a thabhairt dom an ceist phrainneach seo a phlé.
I returned recently from London where I was an observer at the judicial review in the British High Court, brought about by Lancashire County Council and Greenpeace, challenging the British Government's decision to license THORP. About 500 people from Britain, Ireland, Germany and Switzerland stood outside during the proceedings to support the case for a public inquiry on THORP.
The Minister, Deputy Cowen, told me that six EU member states, including Ireland, also demanded such a public inquiry. I thank the Minister and the Department for the work they put into the Irish Government's submission on THORP during the consultation period. The reason for this Adjournment Debate is the conviction, as contained in the Minister's submission, that any attempt to operate THORP without a legal public inquiry would be in breach of EU laws on several counts.
In this motion I am outlining once again the serious points of law on which a case needs to be taken. Lest anyone in Government is afraid of taking a case for fear that the British authorities will be upset by our actions, such a case would have widespread support in Britain, given the Greenpeace UK is entirely funded by voluntary subscriptions from the British public, and Lancashire County Council can be described as part of the British establishment. Let us not wait for an accident such as the "Braer" or the most recent tragic sinking off our south-west coast. If the strength of feeling in Britain is such that a voluntary group and a local authority could take a case, surely the Irish Government cannot continue to ignore the overwhelming public outcry here for legal action on THORP and, more generally, on Sellafield.
I have in my possession a Greenpeace Ireland briefing prepared today on the various grounds for taking legal action to stop THORP — I am sure the Minister's Department has a copy also. All the various directives mentioned in my motion are covered in this document as well as the reference to the Paris Convention. Some further elaboration of Article 79 of the Euratom Treaty, however, might be useful. Article 79 requires nuclear installations to keep and provide records to the European Commission in the case of the transport of source materials and special fissile materials which includes plutonium, the raw material for THORP. I urge the Minister to check with the European Commission whether it has been provided with such records from Sellafield. My information is that none of the deadly shipments has been notified to the Commission. I understand also that BNFL is reluctant for commercial reasons to give information on the flasks being used.
I argue that the Minister is in a similar position to those wondering whether to help the Bosnians: people have died, are dying and I fear that unless the nettle is grasped, many more will die. Will the Minister allow — in spite of his personal conviction — a 1,000 percentage increase in aerial discharges and a 900 per cent increase of marine radioactive discharges into the Irish Sea, the most radioactive sea in the world, as the British Government has admitted? The Minister, through the Irish Government, must immediately challenge the UK Government within the framework of the Paris Convention arbitration process if he is serious in his efforts to stop THORP. He will have my support, the support of the Irish public and the co-operation of many other countries. I urge him to grasp the nettle on THORP before it is too late.