Loyalist Paramilitary Organisations' Cessation of Hostilities: Statements.

The Taoiseach

I warmly welcome the decision of the loyalist paramilitary organisations to cease universally all operational hostilities from midnight. They have set out their own stated reasons for their decision, but it has been taken in the light of the continuing IRA ceasefire. Since I have always regarded the IRA ceasefire as permanent, I regard the loyalist ceasefire as permanent also.

This decision effectively signifies the end of 25 years of violence, and the closure of a tragic chapter in our history. It is my hope and my conviction that there will never again be political violence on our island. We are at the dawn of a new era. Everyone should now work together in a spirit of goodwill, reconciliation and forbearance to consolidate a just and lasting peace, so as to ensure that all the people of Ireland are rid of the gun and the bomb from Irish politics forever.

I welcome the clear recognition in the loyalist statement that there must be respect for difference and that all future battles must be political battles within the democratic framework. This is what the Downing Street Declaration of last December set out to establish — a level democratic playingfield from which all attempts to influence political developments by violence or the threat of violence would be removed. For the first time in over 100 years, this will make a new type of politics possible in the North, a politics of consent and agreement involving both sides equally.

I also welcome the element of contrition in the loyalist statement, expressing abject and true remorse for all the innocent victims of the past 25 years. The recognition of wrongs committed on all sides, political as well as paramilitary, must be an element in the process of healing and reconciliation. The memory of all the victims of violence will be cherished.

I pay tribute to those individuals who have worked for peace and restraint in times of crisis and who helped to bring about a loyalist ceasefire. A special tribute is due to the Reverend Roy Magee and Archbishop Eames who exercised their influence to bring this about. Both the Tánaiste and I have continued to maintain our contacts in this community in order to support those trying to bring about a loyalist ceasefire.

The concerns of the loyalist community will continue to receive the attention of the Irish Government at the highest level, as they have in the course of the Downing Street Joint Declaration and its clarification. A significant statement of part of the political philosophy of the loyalist organisations has been incorporated into paragraph 5 of the Downing Street Declaration, in addition to other paragraphs which address Unionist and Nationalist concerns.

We must all work now for the consolidation of peace and for demilitarisation. The question of law enforcement and policing, prisoners and the safe and permanent disposal of weapons arises in this context and affects both communities.

We must also try to make political progress with all possible speed. The establishment of the Forum, which will remain open to all, will follow at the end of this month. The conclusion of the Framework Document and the recommencement of the talks will allow the negotiation of a lasting settlement which will be put to referendums North and South concurrently and which, taken collectively, will be an exercise in self-determination, both in part and in whole, assuming results point in the same direction.

This is a wonderful moment, a tremendous and exciting opportunity for all the people of this island. Let us all look forward with hope and confidence to a new and different future.

I intend to get in touch shortly with the leaders of all the churches to suggest that we may have a national day of thanksgiving for peace.

Mr. J. Bruton

The announcement today of a loyalist ceasefire is extremely welcome. It is important to say that it flows directly from the Downing Street Joint Declaration. All involved in that Declaration deserve credit. That in turn flowed from the Anglo-Irish Agreement which established the principle that any change in the status of Northern Ireland must be made with the consent of both communities. I am glad almost nine years after the Anglo-Irish Agreement established that principle, the loyalists now realise that it means what it says and there is no justification for any armed activity by loyalists. Their position is secure until a majority decide to change it by democratic dialogue and decision.

The loyalist ceasefire will bring a sense of relief to people all over this island. There are people who will worry until midnight tonight that they might be abducted while out shopping or that a knock on the door will be a prelude to something awful for themselves and their families. The sense of being able to sleep easy, converse with neighbours and move about easily is beginning to seep into the population in Northern Ireland and is a direct result of the successful political process which has led to today's announcement.

It is important to recognise in these discussions the perspective of the victims of violence — the families who have been permanently scarred by violence. In the case of loyalist violence, we are talking about people who have been bereaved simply because the person murdered was a Catholic. People were murdered for their religion and not for any political involvement. That has come to an end and is an enormous improvement in our position.

I draw attention to the fact, as has the Taoiseach, that in their statement the loyalists expressed sincere regret and atonement for the hurt and harm they caused. That is a notable feature of their announcement and is something which all those who have ceased violence enunciate. There are, however — it is important to apply this principle to all cessation of violence declarations — questions to be answered. Our approach to this ceasefire should be the same as our approach to the IRA ceasefire — the application of the principle, trust but verify. It is part of my function to ask questions that need to be asked. Will the loyalists cease the punishment shootings and beatings they have continued throughout the year against members of their own community? These people may be loyal to the United Kingdom but they are victims and Irish people. We, in this House, must be concerned about their welfare. This year 58 punishment shootings were carried out in loyalist areas by loyalist paramilitaries. The statement does not make it clear that these have come to an end. They have spoken about an end to operational hostilities but have not referred to the application of what might be called policing actions within their own community. If there is an end to violence in the true meaning of the term, these forms of punishment must also be brought to an end from midnight tonight. The loyalist statement does not make that clear to date.

Likewise, we must have evidence from the loyalists that their activities in racketeering, the collection of protection money and the drug trade will be brought to an end. That does not come within the category of operational hostilities and is not covered by the statement. If one is to accept that there is a complete cessation of violence and a return to law abiding political activity, operational hostilities must also be declared to be at an end.

There is the very important question of what will happen to the IRA's and loyalists' stocks of arms. In recent years the loyalists accumulated large stocks of arms. They are very well equipped. It is understood their level of equipment is equal to if not greater than that of the IRA. There can be no true acceptance that they have ceased violence unless they make a clear declaration of their intention to put their arms out of commission. It is very important that this matter be clarified by them also.

It is regrettable that they have not used the word "permanent" in their declaration of an end to violence. The word "permanent" is included in paragraph 10 of the Downing Street Joint Declaration and is the word used by the Irish Government as much as by the British Government as a precondition for entry to normal politics by any political party. I hope it is possible for the Ulster Democratic Party and the Progressive Unionists to be admitted to normal political activity and be invited to participate in the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation meeting in Dublin. If that is to happen we must be satisfied, and they must be willing to say, that their cessation of violence is permanent. The problem is, they say their cessation of violence will continue for as long as the IRA cessation of violence continues, and for some reason or other the IRA are unwilling to use the term "permanent" contained in the Downing Street Joint Declaration which was inserted by both Governments. It is important that both organisations use that word. We are not asking either organisation to be a prophet or to speak for future generations and say violence will never occur in the future.

No one in any area of activity is a prophet, but it is important for the IRA and loyalist paramilitaries to say that their intention or, to use the legal term, mens rea, is that there should be a permanent end to violence. If they do this they will meet the terms of the Downing Street Joint Declaration. Neither side has yet done so, and this is as much a matter of concern to the Irish Government as it is to the British Government in that we live on this island.

I welcome the Taoiseach's suggestion that we have a national day of thanksgiving for peace. This could do nothing but good. It would act as a focus for all our hopes and desires and provide a means for all of us to show solidarity, tolerance and an openness to a new beginning in Irish and British political life. I heartily endorse this positive suggestion by the Taoiseach and am willing to co-operate with him in any way possible.

I compliment everybody involved in this achievement — the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, the British Prime Minister, in particular, Mr. John Hume, Rev. Roy Magee, Archbishop Eames and Cardinal Cahal Daly — and all those who have been involved in persuading the paramilitaries on both sides to recognise something they should have recognised long ago, that violence leads only to a cul-de-sac. We are now on the high road for a better life for all.

Miss Harney

I hope that today, 13 October, will, like 31 August, soon be confirmed as an epic milestone in the centuries old quarrel between Orange and Green, a day when those differences will finally be resolved through peaceful democratic means.

Unionism and Nationalism are incompatible and the challenge for all of us is to find ways of accommodating both traditions on this small island. That accommodation cannot be achieved through bombs and bullets but rather through argument and debate. As I said on 31 August, if one form of words has to be used so that some people may save face, or for historical reasons, and at the same time we are going to save lives it would be churlish not to accept that at face value.

For too long, 25 years, the images of this country throughout the world have either been ones of evil, eerie, hooded men carrying their weapons of war or of unfortunate victims walking behind the coffins of their loved ones. The first person I met on my way to my office this morning was Senator Gordon Wilson who recalled the thousands of victims who have suffered at the hands of the paramilitaries on both sides of the divide. As the Taoiseach and Deputy Bruton said, we should remember those people today, and their loved ones, whose loss can never be replaced. In all our deeds and actions, these people must be uppermost in our minds.

We should also pay tribute to the courageous people in Northern Ireland who have never chosen the paramilitary route, politicians in the Official Unionist Party, the SDLP, the Alliance Party and others.

Mr. J. Bruton

Hear, hear.

Miss Harney

They are the real people of courage and it is their courage which has brought today's development about. They have shown that violence is not the way to achieve agreement on this island. I agree with the Taoiseach that we should have a day of thanksgiving for peace. I hope it will be a truly ecumenical day when people of all religions and of none can come together and give thanks for what has been achieved.

I want to pay tribute to all those who have been involved in bringing about today's achievement — Archbishop Eames, Rev. Magee, the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste. I have been critical of the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste during the past few weeks but I have to pay tribute to them for their achievements in regard to Northern Ireland. To be fair, the Tánaiste has played a very important role which may have been underestimated. I also want to pay tribute to the British Prime Minister who has made an enormous impact, even if we would prefer progress to have been somewhat more rapid.

We are facing a huge challenge and it would be foolish to underestimate the political difficulties involved. I hope that the future scenes and images of Ireland will be ones of politicians sitting around a table arguing, debating and seeking to resolve those difficulties and of generous people both on this side of the Border and in Northern Ireland. The challenge facing all of us is to create a truly political society in Northern Ireland, a society where Unionists and Nationalists can give their allegiance, a society where both traditions are respected and are seen as equal. That is the challenge facing everybody involved in politics and it is a particular challenge for those involved in politics in Northern Ireland. Those politicians will have to show real courage and leadership on a scale they have never shown before. One has only to think of the refusal by Belfast City Council to hold a civic reception for the Down football team to realise the long road we have yet to travel. There will be other days and other fora to deal with political matters.

It is important to recall some of the awful atrocities carried out by loyalist paramilitaries — the McGurk's bar attack, the Dublin-Monaghan bombings, Greysteel and Loughinisland, all of which were on a scale equal to anything ever done by the Provisional IRA. Sometimes people take the view that we are not consistent in the way we express our condemnation, but everybody in this House and every sane person on this island rightly condemns those atrocities with the same vigour with which they condemn the atrocities carried out by the Provisional IRA.

I am pleased we have an opportunity to discuss this matter this morning. As the Taoiseach said recently, if we are to make progress on this island we must have talks which are really inclusive. Any person who has a role to play, anyone who chooses to go down the political route and decides to resolve their differences through politics, must be facilitated in every way possible. Nobody must be excluded: we want to create an island which is genuinely reconciled and genuinely inclusive of all the different traditions and shades of opinion. Like politicians in Northern Ireland, we in this House have an enormous role to play in that regard. I hope that this role will be understood and appreciated.

Today's development is very important but the path which lies ahead is very difficult and complex and it will take a long time to dismantle the war economy which is Northern Ireland. For example, many people whose jobs depended on violence and a war economy now face unemployment. Their concerns and fears will be the same as those of people in the South and we must deal with their sensitivities and understand their difficulties. We talk about the peace dividend but their is an enormous cost in terms of economic matters in Northern Ireland which flow from peace in the short term. We must be prepared to deal with these matters and be generous in terms of any financial contributions we make, in the same way as we demand financial contributions for others. Dismantling the war society in Northern Ireland and creating a genuinely political normal society will take an enormous amount of time. However, the task and challenge facing us will be much easier from today than it might have been otherwise.

Proinsias De Rossa

I warmly welcome today's announcement by the combined loyalist command of a ceasefire by the UDA and the UVF, and the historic potential that decision carries with it. It means that another important piece of the jigsaw has been put in place and that the people of Northern Ireland can now really begin to hope that they will at last be freed from the terrible cycle of violence and destruction which has so scarred this island for so long.

In my statement to the Dáil on 31 August last, following the IRA ceasefire, I expressed the hope that the loyalist paramilitaries would follow suit and declare a ceasefire also. That they have now done so really opens up a new chapter of hope in the troubled history of Northern Ireland.

In that debate I expressed the hope that the IRA ceasefire would be permanent and unconditional and I now make the same appeal to the loyalist paramilitaries. I have heard only brief reports of the loyalist announcement, but it would appear that in their statement they have gone as far as could have been reasonably expected at this stage. The firm and resolute message from democratic politicians to all paramilitaries in Northern Ireland is that violence has advanced neither the cause of nationalism nor unionism, but has diminished both: it is time to put away guns permanently to seek to promote political views by force of argument alone.

The same welcome that was given to the IRA ceasefire must now be extended also to the loyalist statement, but it must also be subject to the same degree of caution. Paramilitaries have made a major step forward but there is more required on both sides before their democratic credentials can be fully accepted. I would particularly hope that all paramilitaries would follow up on their ceasefire statements by also ending the totally barbaric practice of so-called punishment shootings and beatings.

There is also the question of arms. I look forward to the proposals the Taoiseach may put forward in relation to what he described as the "safe and permanent disposal of all weapons". That also is a key step that must be taken to guarantee the peace we all want.

It is important that we ensure the potential of the new situation is not lost. A mechanism must be found to allow those whose views are reflected by the loyalist paramilitaries to have an input into the next phase of the process. The same doors that were opened for Gerry Adams must now be open to the loyalists.

In particular I appeal to loyalist paramilitaries to accept that the people of the Republic are not their enemies, to acknowledge that despite the diverse political traditions a way must be found to allow us all to live on this island in peaceful co-existence.

This time last year Northern Ireland was going through one of its bleakest periods as it appeared that the paramilitaries were attempting to outdo each other in terms of sheer viciousness. Nationalists brought carnage to the Shankill Road; loyalists devastated Greysteel. In the context of what has happened over the past 25 years, even six weeks free from violent death has been a remarkable achievement. There is clearly a new sense of hope, a new spring in the step of the people of Northern Ireland. People who for years have lived in fear of the terrorist gangs can now sleep easily in their beds.

That new sense of hope and optimism has to be tempered by the realisation that there is a long way to go before we can be sure that the political conditions have been created which will guarantee lasting stability and a lasting peace. The obligation is on all democratic politicians, in Britain and in the Republic of Ireland but primarily in Northern Ireland itself, to build on the new situation, to ensure that the opportunities presented by the present situation will not be lost and that political structures will be developed which will be capable of winning genuine cross community support.

I particularly welcome the proposal from the Taoiseach with regard to a national thanksgiving day. I appeal to him to bear in mind that this would be an opportunity to express the clear diversity on this island and to include the Muslim community in this day of thanksgiving. Up to now they have not, to my knowledge, been included in any of our national events.

Minister for Enterprise and Employment (Mr. Quinn)

That is not correct.

Proinsias De Rossa

On my own behalf and on behalf of many people on this island who do not accept the guidance of religions to take them forward, will the national thanksgiving day give space to the many thousands of people, humanists and secularists, in both Northern Ireland and in the Republic? Many of us feel out of place at religious ceremonies which do not include a space for us. It is important that we begin not only to state rhetorically what our acceptance of a diverse society is but to put it into practice.

Mr. Sargent

On behalf of the Green Party, Comhaontas Glas, and the Green Party in Northern Ireland — two sister parties — I welcome the loyalist ceasefire wholeheartedly. As the Green movement has among its members off-spring of the old guard of Nationalists and the old guard of Unionists, it is hoped that the tensions between those two traditions can be lessened and that they will work together even more following today's decision by loyalist paramilitaries.

I thank the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and all those who worked both politically and in church circles including Reverend Roy Magee, Dr. Robin Eames, Dr. Cahal Daly, Fr. Denis Faul and all the others who cannot be mentioned here, who took brave decisions at times when it was neither popular nor profitable to do so to pursue the peace process. We should not forget the many people without any labels or titles who, in their daily lives, have tried to tear down the barriers built around them, both mentally and physically, in their communities. While I was in Belfast during the local elections, I walked down the green, white and orange and red, white and blue footpaths. It was clear that there were huge divisions.

As part of this continuing process I ask that we should not be led down the same cul-de-sac of referendum after referendum where there are only two options and where people have to make decisions based on those options which would continue the polarisation. We should explore the politics of consensus which look neither at one nor the other extreme but try to find the most acceptable compromise or middle ground. There would be a role for a preferendum rather a referendum in pursuing this process.

I remind the Taoiseach to take careful note on Monday next when a book will be launched in the Mansion House on that subject, The Politics of Consensus, and to see whether that can be worked into the whole process of reconciliation.

When the Lord Mayor of Dublin from my party and the Unionist Lord Mayor of Belfast met recently it was felt that a trust, which could be the guiding light, was being built between sane individuals from whatever political background on this island who could pursue the welfare of all traditions through a peaceful means. I hope the politics of consensus will be actively pursued by the Greens in whatever forum is set up by the Taoiseach or anybody else in the other jurisdiction and that it can be taken on board by all parties in this House.

Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs (Mr. Spring)

I have heard with great satisfaction of the decision announced by the Combined Loyalist Military Command that they will universally cease all operational hostilities from midnight tonight. This decision is a further significant contribution to the creation of a genuine and lasting peace, and will be welcomed by all who have sought the abandonment of violence as a means of advancing political objectives on this island. We look forward to it being put fully into effect on the ground, and trust that the overwhelming consensus for peace which has been demonstrated on all sides will be supported by all other groups and individuals.

Taken with the earlier decision by the Provisional IRA to end its campaign, today's announcement opens the way for an enduring peace such as we have never previously known on this island. There is a responsibility on all concerned to seize this historic opportunity and contribute to building a lasting accommodation which will forever make political violence a thing of the past.

The Government is confident that the transformed situation in which violence has been taken out of Irish politics can contribute in a major way to the search for a new political accommodation which threatens no one and which is based on equal respect and esteem for the Nationalist and Unionist traditions.

For the first time in many decades we have a situation where politicians on all sides can address the task of crafting a just and lasting accommodation between our traditions without having to look over their shoulder at the threat of violence from either side. This is both an opportunity and a responsibility for all who are committed to the democratic process. It is incumbent on all of us to ensure that this opportunity is used to its full potential.

The Government restate their commitment to contribute actively to the consolidation of peace by a generous and flexible approach. Central to the Government's approach are the principles set out in the Joint Declaration of 15 December 1993, and the acceptance by the Irish Government that the democratic right of self-determination by the people of Ireland as a whole must be achieved and exercised with and subject to the agreement and consent of a majority of the people of Ireland, North and South respectively.

The Government is determined to maintain the present momentum for progress. Over the coming weeks we will be working closely with the British Government to reach agreement on the Framework Document which we hope will be quickly followed by talks involving all the parties. We will also continue preparations for the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation which we envisage playing an important role in promoting the kind of mutual understanding and reconciliation essential to political dialogue. The democratic system provides the only way foward for all groups and communities on this island as a whole. Moreover, against the background of an end to paramilitary violence it is essential that we do not lose sight of the many economic and social problems which are experienced by both communities in Northern Ireland and in Border regions. It is our intention, in conjunction with our friends in Europe and the United States, to ensure that in the new climate which has been created these issues are actively addressed.

I thank the party leaders for the generosity of their remarks this morning. The matters raised by Deputy Bruton are firmly on the Irish Government's agenda. As the Taoiseach stated, very strong messages were delivered to Northern Ireland regarding the punishment beatings which are, and will continue to be, totally unacceptable regardless of from which section of the community they come. The Anglo-Irish Conference will also be discussing racketeering and the drugs trade. We hope normality is returned to all aspects of life in Northern Ireland quickly once we have taken the violence out of the conflict. We have made our views very clear in regard to the storage of arms. That is unacceptable and both Governments collectively will endeavour to ensure that arms are taken out of circulation. If there is no violence in the conflict there is no reason for the retention of arms by any section of the community in Northern Ireland.

Nothing can undo the tragic loss of life on all sides in the past 25 years. The Government hopes that from today families will never again have to suffer the pain and misery caused by paramilitary violence. A lasting peace is the most fitting memorial we can offer to those for whom the developments of the past few weeks have come too late. I express our appreciation to the many people involved in bringing this process to a conclusion. As the Taoiseach stated, the Reverend Roy Magee and Archbishop Robin Eames, in particular, have played a major and significant role, behind the scenes most of the time, in bringing about today's announcement.

The ending of the paramilitary campaign offers the chance of a new beginning. Our objective is to move forward quickly to create the lasting peace for which we have all longed. I assure Deputy De Rossa that the celebration on the national day of thanksgiving for peace will be an inclusive one, including everybody. On a lighter note, if he has difficulties about entering the church we shall provide facilities to allow him to lurk with intent in the near vicinity.

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 13 Oct 1994