I propose to take Questions Nos. 18 and 75 together.
The Government is seriously concerned at the deteriorating situation in Bosnia where, in recent weeks, there has been a dramatic increase in violations of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement. This agreement, which came into effect on 1 January 1995 for a four-month period, had been generally holding, other than in the Bihac area. If it collapses and significant progress cannot be made towards a solution, there is a strong possibility that Bosnia will be plunged into a renewed war with tragic results for the region as a whole.
This critical situation in Bosnia has been precipitated by military offensives undertaken recently by Bosnian Government forces in the Tuzla and Travnik areas. Bosnian Serbs have retaliated against Tuzla, Gorazde, Mostar, and around Sarajevo.
It would be a tragedy for the people of Bosnia should the limited progress towards a political solution be lost at this stage. In my answer to a question on 24 January, I outlined the elements of the Contact Group's plan for territorial delimitation in Bosnia and for its preservation as a single union within its internationally recognised borders. This has been accepted by three of the four key participants in the conflict — the Bosnian Government, Bosnia's Croats, and the authorities in Belgrade who represent the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, i.e., Serbia and Montenegro.
Only the Serbs in Bosnia itself continue to reject the plan. Pressure is being applied to obtain their agreement. The Security Council, in September 1994, reinforced and extended the sanctions which had been imposed earlier on the Bosnian Serbs. Provision was made to prevent all economic activities in member states by persons or entities resident in areas under control of Bosnian Serb forces; the freezing of Bosnian Serb assets; and the exclusion of Bosnian Serb civilian and military authorities from the territories of member states of the UN. These sanctions, together with those already in place, are among the most stringent measures ever adopted by the Security Council. For their refusal to accept the Contract Group's plan, the Bosnian Serbs are now isolated politically, materially and physically.
Belgrade's decision, in August 1994, to end its support for the Bosnian Serb leadership and to close its border with Bosnia, has brought further pressure on the Bosnian Serbs. A mission of the International Conference on former Yugoslavia, to which Ireland is contributing four personnel, is monitoring this closure. To encourage Belgrade's belated co-operation in the peace process the Security Council has suspended a limited number of sanctions — for example on sports and cultural contacts — but not the core economic sanctions. While pressure is being maintained on the Bosnian Serbs to accept the Contact Group's plan, the European Union is working to advance the peace process on a broader level. We are endeavouring to bring about the mutual recognition of the former Yugoslav states. This would be a clear signal that the aspirations of the Bosnian and Croatian Serbs for a "greater Serbia" are not attainable and would improve the prospects for political settlements in Bosnia and Croatia.
At this critical time we, with our European Union partners and the UN, have made it clear that the Bosnian parties must cease their military operations; they must abide by their commitments under the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement and permit its renewal; they must co-operate with the Security Council's decision last week, which we fully support, to renew UNPROFOR's mandate; and, vitally, they must now begin negotiations on the basis of the acceptance of the Contact Group's plan.
We are continuing to work with our European partners to achieve these objectives.
