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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 24 Oct 1995

Vol. 457 No. 4

UN Fourth World Conference on Women: Statements.

I headed the Irish delegation to the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women which was held in Beijing from 4 to 15 September. Also present for parts of the conference were the Minister for Education, Deputy Bhreathnach, and the Minister of State at the Department of the Taoiseach, Deputy Doyle. The delegation also included officials of my Department, the Departments of Foreign Affairs, Health and Education, four Members of the Houses of the Oireachtas — three Deputies and a Senator — and representatives of the Employment Equality Agency, the National Economic and Social Forum, the National Women's Council of Ireland, the Irish Countrywomen's Association, Dóchas/Banúlacht and the Irish Aid Advisory Committee.

The conference was essentially intergovernmental in character with a parallel forum for non-governmental organisations. However, I appreciated the support of my colleagues who were present from the Oireachtas. I was pleased to be able to facilitate the Oireachtas Members on this occasion by including them in the official delegation.

The conference held particular significance, coinciding as it did with the year of the 50th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. In recent days we have heard much concerning the inadequacies and shortcomings of that organisation but, nonetheless, it provides the only forum through which countries with widely diverging cultures and outlooks can meet and formulate strategies with the common objective of improving the status of women.

The World Conference on Women was the biggest event of this type to have been organised by the United Nations to date. Around 5,000 delegates of 189 states and of many international organisations attended. During the first week of the conference, and during the week preceding it, an NGO forum was held near Beijing. This was attended by around 25,000.

The world conference itself operates through a plenary session at which statements were made by representatives of participating states and organisations and through working groups and subgroups which discussed the content of the Declaration and Platform for Action which constituted the output of the conference. I made the statement on behalf of Ireland to the plenary session. Under the rules of the procedure, speakers were encouraged to concentrate on commitments of their governments and in line with this I made commitments to aim to ensure that women constitute at least 40 per cent of the membership of State boards; strengthen and extend the scope of employment equality legislation and outlaw discrimination in non-employment areas on grounds of gender, marital and parental status and on other grounds; follow through on the process of consultation with women's organisations and bodies responsible for the health of women concerning a discussion document, published by the Minister for Health, which reviews the health status of Irish women and examines how the health services can better meet their needs, and prepare a plan; implement a policy to develop a comprehensive family planning service within the public health system; in the education system, provide for equal participation by females in all areas of the curriculum; provide that, at third level, each educational institution will have to develop and publish a policy promoting gender equality; increase Ireland's official ODA by 0.05 per cent of GDP each year in order to achieve the UN target of 0.7 per cent of GDP; implement the 20/20 concept as included in the Copenhagen programme; provide for appropriate involvement of Irish NGOs in the implementation of the platform to be agreed at this conference; continue to mainstream gender in Irish aid programmes; and enact legislation to extend further protection for women and children in situations of domestic violence.

As Deputies will note, four of these commitments relate to my area of responsibility. The remainder are solely for other Ministers and inquiries on their implementation should be addressed to the responsible persons. These commitments are, of course, examples rather than a comprehensive statement of the Government's policy on equality. In fact, all the actions agreed in the platform constitute commitments of the participating governments on the basis on which they were agreed.

With specific reference to those commitments for which I have responsibility, the Government has the ambitious objective of ensuring that women constitute at least 40 per cent of the membership of State boards. I am at present examining, as a priority, possible legislative measures which would facilitate this outcome.

I hope to publish the Employment Equality Bill during the current Dáil session and to publish the Equal Status Bill as soon as possible in 1996.

I will deal with the follow-up to the world conference at greater length later in my statement but Deputies can be assured that there will be an appropriate role for NGOs as there has been in the whole process up to now.

With regard to domestic violence, the draft legislation to extend further protection for women and children in such situations is currently before the Oireachtas. In the run-up to the conference some felt the prospect of a strong Platform for Action was poor, given the amount of unagreed text following earlier preparatory committee meetings.

Despite much preparatory work the conference was faced, at the beginning, with a draft Platform for Action which had a considerable number of unresolved questions. About 40 per cent of the text was the subject of disagreement.

The principal difficulties were in the areas of human rights, sexual rights, health, resources, respect for cultural and religious differences, sexual orientation, the definition of the family, parental responsibilities, inheritance rights, use of "gender" instead of "sex" and, of course, the possibility and content of a declaration to accompany the Platform for Action.

For the most part, these issues were resolved in a satisfactory way. The difficulty of securing agreement among the whole community of nations, embracing diverse philosophies and cultures, was obvious. The platform was agreed with reservations entered by some states which had difficulty with certain sections. The successful result of the conference is a tribute to all the participants. The Declaration and Platform for Action are important for women worldwide, and should help to ensure that equality comes about for women everywhere.

The documents agreed at the conference cover all aspects of women's lives and set out strategies to advance the goals of equality, development and peace. In particular, they call for the promotion and protection of the human rights of women and girls as an inalienable, integral and indivisible part of all human rights and fundamental freedoms. The consensus and progress made at previous world conferences in Nairobi, Rio de Janeiro, Vienna, Cairo and Copenhagen are reaffirmed and endorsed with the addition of important new commitments. Measures which feature prominently in the conclusions of the conference are the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women and girls and the removal of all obstacles to gender equality and the advancement and empowerment of women; the full participation of women on the basis of equality in all spheres of society, including the decision making process; the prevention and elimination of violence against women and girls; the elimination of unequal access to health-care and related services; the promotion of people centred sustainable development; steps to ensure the advancement of women in the context of peace, and the attainment of general and complete disarmament; and the promotion of women's education, including education with emphasis on science and the new technologies, economic independence and the eradication of poverty.

In advance of the conference Ireland expressed the desire to see a strong, positive and progressive Platform for Action, which built on previously agreed standards and texts, in particular the conclusions of Vienna, Cairo and Copenhagen. Ireland attached great importance to the human rights of women and the girl-child, and the recognition of women as actors, not as victims. Ireland also supported a strong condemnation of all forms of violence against women, whether physical, sexual or psychological, including violence perpetrated or condoned by the State.

In negotiations on the Declaration and Platform for Action the EU Presidency spoke on behalf of the Union. National concerns were pursued at EU co-ordination meetings. The approach of the Irish delegation was to: (a) support the retention of positive language agreed at previous conferences such as the World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna and the International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo; (b) support references to the prohibition of discrimination on grounds of sex, sexual orientation and parental status in employment and to legal protection against sexual and other harassment, in line with Government policy in this area; (c) support recognition in the platform of the additional disadvantage faced by some women, for example, members of racial or ethnic minorities; (d) ensure that the EU did not pursue positions which we could not accept, particularly due to constitutional or legal factors; and (e) ensure that recognition of the vital role of women in development was strongly reflected in the development aspects of the platform.

I am very happy with the contribution made by the Irish delegation during these negotiations. In particular, I am pleased that the Irish delegation was able to help in achieving agreement on contentious issues, especially in the final days of the conference, when Ireland was represented by my colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Doyle, on a high-level group dealing with the most difficult subjects.

When the report of the conference, including the text of the platform becomes available, I will lay it before the House and endeavour to make it available to interested persons and organisations.

The UN Fourth World Conference on Women was the culmination of a long preparatory process at national, European and international levels. Ireland played an active and important part in this process.

Each participating state was asked to prepare a national report outlining progress made towards the advancement of women in preparation for the conference. Reports were to review and appraise national progress and outline future strategic goals and objectives. Ireland's national report was submitted to the UN in October 1994. A committee chaired by my Department and representative of other relevant Government Departments, the social partners, the Employment Equality Agency and women's organisations co-ordinated Ireland's preparations for the conference. The Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Burton, organised an information seminar on the subject in May. A number of regional meetings have been held by the National Women's Council of Ireland and the ICA and the former body organised a national conference on 19 July.

Five regional preparatory meetings under the auspices of the UN regional economic commissions took place in 1994 and agreed regional platforms for action. The preparatory conference for Europe and North America took place in Vienna last October. I led Ireland's delegation to the Vienna preparatory conference, as I believed this conference was an important milestone on the way to Beijing and important in its own right. The Platform for Action agreed at Vienna was positive and progressive and parties to it sought to ensure that it was adequately reflected in the Beijing Platform for Action.

The preparatory committee for the world conference was organised under the auspices of the UN Commission on the Status of Women and met twice in 1994 as well as in March-April 1995. The remit of the 1995 meeting was to finalise the draft Platform for Action but, despite an extension of the meeting, it failed to reach agreement on a large portion of text. There was substantial disagreement on many issues in the platform with most of the text subject to reservations by delegations or groups of delegations. There was a perception that some states wished to dilute language agreed at previous similar conferences on issues such as the human rights of women and girls, reproductive rights and health. There were also differences on economic, resource and environmental issues between the developed and developing countries. In view of the many issues in dispute in relation to the platform, informal consultations took place on some sections of it in New York on 31 July to 4 August. This meeting managed to reach consensus on some of the contentious issues and these agreements were affirmed at the start of the world conference.

At European Union level an ad hoc group was established at the end of 1994 to co-ordinate activities. The group met on several occasions during the year and met throughout the conference in Beijing to co-ordinate the EU position. Meetings were held at ministerial level in Beijing also which helped to maintain the unity of the EU position as the negotiations evolved.

The overall outcome of the negotiations was satisfactory from the point of view of Ireland and the EU with our stance prevailing in some cases and not in others. The rules of procedure provided that all possible efforts should be made to ensure that the work of the conference and the adoption of its report were accomplished by general agreement. Each part of the documents had to receive the assent of all or almost all of the participating states. If a small number could not accept a text it was adopted and the dissenters had the opportunity to record their reservations.

The European Union wanted sexual rights, a concept not previously agreed at a world conference, to be guaranteed in the platform. These rights were to include the right to have control over and decide freely in matters of sexuality, free of coercion, discrimination and violence. This proposal evoked opposition from many states. However, though the term "sexual rights" is not used these rights are now in the platform. Ireland supports this important development.

All references to sexual orientation in the platform were deleted as they were unacceptable to a substantial number of countries. These references were supported by the EU which had proposed including sexual orientation in the platform as a ground on which discrimination in employment should be prohibited. Age, race and religion, which had been proposed by others in the same context, were deleted. For our part we could have accepted mention of all those grounds but when many other countries objected compromise was necessary. Useful additions to the platform in the course of the conference were references to the central role of religion in the lives of many people and to the role of women as mothers. These two elements helped to counter a criticism which had been made of the Beijing process, namely, that it was imposing a specifically western model of the promotion of women. The paragraph on religion has important references to the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion and to the fact that any form of extremism may have a negative impact on women and lead to violence and discrimination.

Paragraph 9 of the platform provides a saver for states in implementing the agreed actions inasmuch as it recognises that this has to be the sovereign responsibility of each state. This paragraph was the subject of much disagreement at the conference and the text as finalised is a compromise which is acceptable because, while affirming the prerogatives of states, it emphasises the need for the full realisation of all human rights and fundamental freedoms of all women and provides that implementation must be in conformity with these rights and freedoms.

A satisfactory compromise was reached to ensure that references to human rights were not qualified by the words "universal" or "universally recognised" which the EU viewed as restricting the enjoyment of these rights.

The economic independence of women is crucial to the achievement of equality and women must have access to secure, well-paid employment as a key to tackling other problems such as violence, poverty and exclusion. Strategies to promote the increased involvement of women in economic life must include positive action, family-friendly conditions of employment, increased sharing of family responsibilities and access to high quality, affordable, child-care.

Experience has taught us that legal measures alone are not sufficient to ensure that equal opportunities for women and men become a reality. To change society, and the relative levels of power within society, it is necessary to change attitudes and behaviour as well as the legal and administrative context.

As I have said, the Government attaches great importance to equal participation of women and men in decision-making roles and is committed to a radical programme of action in appointing women to State boards. Each country has a duty to examine the obstacles existing to women's full participation in public life. Political parties, the social partners and public institutions have a role to play here.

Proposals coming to Government must already include an assessment of the probable impact on women of any policy change. This is an important mechanism for sensitising decision-makers. The Government has also built the objective of equality for women into the Structural Funds, through specific commitments in the National Development Plan on gender-proofing and child care. These have been followed through in the Community Support Framework and in individual operational programmes. This is very much in line with current European thought on mainstreaming.

A feature of recent world conferences has been the ever-increasing role of non-governmental organisations. This is encouraged by the UN system and by participating states. I have already paid tribute to the Oireachtas Members who went to Beijing and I also wish to express my appreciation of the role of Irish NGOs both as members of the official delegation and for their active participation in the NGO forum. During my stay in China, I had the welcome opportunity to visit the forum site, see at first hand the activities of Irish NGOs and participate in discussions with them. I arranged for daily briefings of NGOs by officials from the Irish delegation and understand that these were found to be very helpful.

The overall allocation at my disposal for the world Conference and activities associated with it was £100,000 in 1995. This covered the cost of the members of the delegation from my Department who attended, the expenses associated with preparatory meetings and the publication of a supplement to our national report. The expenses of Ministers and officials of other Departments who went to Beijing were borne on their own Votes. From my allocation, I set aside an amount to fund conferences organised by the National Women's Council in the run up to Beijing. I also used it to pay expenses of the NGO representatives on the official delegation. Other NGOs were funded by me subject to the following maxima: Irish National Organisation of the Unemployed £2,300; National Traveller Women's Forum £2,700; Forum of People with Disabilities £2,300; Women's Aid £2,700; National Youth Council £1,200; Cork Federation of Women's Organisations £2,300; Inishowen Women's Network £1,200; Women of the North West £2,300; and Tallaght NOW £1,200. In deciding on this allocation, I wished to assist a mix of organisations: broadly based organisations like the National Women's Council and the ICA, organisations dealing with women experiencing double disadvantage such as disability, young women, grassroots groups and, in the case of Women's Aid, an organisation dealing with violence against women which is an important area of concern in the Platform for Action. I decided I would not assist women's groups of political parties because, if I were to do this for all parties, it would eat up the funds which I had for NGOs in general to go to Beijing. While a decision on which organisations to fund and which to refuse is always a difficult one and is bound to be disputed, I believe that my allocation of resources, which are necessarily limited, has met with general acceptance on the part of women's organisations. The Departments of Foreign Affairs, Social Welfare and the Environment assisted NGOs in their sphere of activity.

While it was gratifying for all of us who attended the conference to see agreement reached on the Platform for Action, especially after the uncertainty and pessimism of the preceding months, it is not on this that the success of the conference will ultimately be judged. Instead it will be judged on the actions which result from it throughout the world. Only after a period of years and in the light of the development or lack of it in bringing about equality, will we be able to say whether the effort expended on this world conference was worthwhile. I am hopeful that Beijing will provide the impetus worldwide not alone to governments but to society generally to make substantial and measurable progress in this regard.

I will be paying particular attention to follow-up in Ireland and intend to take decisions shortly on the structure which will co-ordinate this. Chapter 5 of the Platform for Action calls for the involvement of NGOs in formulating strategies for the implementation of the platform and, in line with my approach to date, I will ensure that this is a feature of our follow-up.

The policies initiated by the last Government and continued by the present administration facilitate the implementation of the platform as do the equality activities of the European Union. I am thinking in particular of our targets of gender balance on State boards, the introduction of new equality legislation and, at the European level, the Fourth Action Programme on Equal Opportunities between Women and Men which is now being formulated. The EU Social Affairs Council has already reviewed the outcome of Beijing at a recent open session. It has also decided to return to the topic at least once a year.

It is my intention to publish a White Paper during the period of office of this Government which will include a review of our plans on equality in the light of the actions agreed in Beijing.

As I have indicated, in the lead-up to the conference there was profound uncertainty about the prospects of agreeing conclusions. There was also a degree of unease about arrangements for the event itself and the related NGO forum. I am fully aware of the criticisms which have been made of China's record on human rights and of the amplification of that criticism which occurred in the run-up to the conference in Beijing. In focusing international attention even more closely than before on these issues, I would hope that the conference would have beneficial effects on all in China, women and men. My colleague, the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Spring, ensures that we take up the issue of human rights with the Chinese authorities at every appropriate opportunity, including of course the grave ongoing problem of Tibet.

Bearing in mind the various constraints, I am satisfied that the conference was a success both in terms of organisation and of the documents which emanated from it. It will always be difficult to reconcile the widely different views that exist on aspects of the subject matter of the conference but I am confident that, in the Declaration and Platform for Action, we have the basis for the advancement of women as we face the 21st century.

Senator Ann Ormonde represented us at the conference. Deputy de Valera is indisposed as is Deputy Mary Wallace, chairperson of the Joint Committee on Women's Rights.

That is not an indisposition, it is a happy occasion.

Pardon me, then it is a very happy occasion.

We wish mother and child well.

I got a message to say Deputy Mary Wallace was indisposed and would not be present.

It speaks volumes as we discuss the women's conference that the birth of a child is regarded as an indisposition.

I was not aware of that; I delivered the message I received. Deputies Wallace and de Valera are disappointed they are unable to be present.

As the Minister said, this important conference on women provided an opportunity for a ten year review of progress on a worldwide basis and for a fresh commitment on the part of governments and NGOs to a new Platform for Action over the next decade. The people of Ireland, and both sides of Dáil Éireann, share a common vision of a new society which will be just and equitable and in which women and men can participate equally as full citizens ensuring the right of every woman to participate with dignity and independence.

The huge attendance of NGOs out of 25,000 representatives, indicates the strength of the non-governmental organisations throughout the world. Ireland was well represented in that sphere and Cork, where many women's groups have been formed, had a special representation. The fact that there were 5,000 delegates from 189 states and from many international organisations and that there were five times as many non-governmental organisation representatives speaks volumes for the role of those organisations throughout the world.

The Minister was in the happy position that he had a good story to tell and was happy with the contribution made by the Irish delegation during these negotiations. That was the story he had to tell and it reflects the fact that good work was done. The Minister had a good story to tell, a record of much progress in Ireland over the past ten years and a considerable volume of work in progress in 1995. Much remains to be done.

It is clear from the conference that virtually every system of government has failed to achieve equal participation for women and men in decision-making. Women are less represented in the middle and upper levels of management than men and that is the case in both the private and public sectors.

Prejudice against women is still a widespread phenomenon in top management. The percentage of women at principal officer level in the Civil Service in January last was only 12.1 while only 5.5 per cent had reached assistant secretary level. A new approach of positive action is needed to overcome prejudice against women and remove obstacles which prevent women's full participation in the public and private sectors. Women do not need discrimination in their favour; they need positive action to give them an equal opportunity to achieve their potential.

The economic dependence of women is one of the hallmarks of our society which needs to be addressed. If women are to achieve equality then they must achieve economic independence. They must have access to secure, well paid jobs as a key to overcoming poverty, exclusion and domestic violence. Access to education at all levels is essential to achieve this advancement.

I note that the Minister referred to the commitment to gender balance on State boards and the employment equality legislation to which we are looking forward. He also mentioned the education system and the need to provide for equal participation by women in all areas of the curriculum. I would add education and training, an area in which women do not have equal opportunities.

While educational opportunities for young women have increased at a rapid rate, women who have worked unstintingly in the home are currently denied access to FÁS courses, community employment schemes and second chance education. This practical discrimination against women must be dismantled, although I appreciate it may have to be done in a phased way. This is real discrimination to which we should turn our attention because it has an important bearing on the economic independence of women which the Minister referred to as a vital requisite for the future.

We need action programmes to increase the involvement of women in the economic life of the country. Positive action can ensure family-friendly conditions in the workplace, more sharing of family responsibilities, better access to child care facilities and protection for the legal rights of women to equality in the workplace. A changing feature of society today is sharing responsibilities, especially among young parents. One of the great difficulties in this regard, however, is access to child care facilities.

No positive action programme will be complete unless it includes adequate measures to deal with the provision of child care facilities. The State also has a responsibility to ensure that adequate standards and safeguards are available for the protection of children and their good health and safety while in temporary care. It should be noted that Ireland currently has one of the lowest levels of child care provision in the European Union.

The whole question of child care facilities needs urgent attention. Much good work has been done by women's groups who help disadvantaged women in particular communities. That has developed in recent years and it is particularly important for lone parents and other disadvantaged persons trying to get back into the workforce. Some of the changes in social welfare have facilitated that development and the transition of lone parents in particular into the workforce.

We must address the whole question of child care facilities and set up a programme which deals not only with cases of disadvantage and special disadvantage, which deserve our support, but with the wider issue of child care facilities for women in society and the supports needed if they are to have the opportunity to participate fully in the workforce. Although responsibilities are shared in a much more forthright way today than in the past, a special programme on child care facilities is urgently needed.

The participation of women in the workforce is low and the average income in 1993 was 61 per cent of average gross male earnings; only 34 per cent of women of working age were in the labour force in 1992, earning an independent income through paid work, in comparison to 70 per cent of men. In addition, some 85 per cent of low paid part-time workers are women. That is why we tackled the difficulties faced by part-time workers in recent years and extended social welfare provision to cover part-time workers. In practice we found that over 85 per cent of part-time workers were women and in that way they were being discriminated against indirectly.

The fact that two-thirds of women are not in the labour force has important implications and long-term consequences for women. They do not benefit from the income and the independence associated with being in the labour force and, in the long-term, are excluded from many other opportunities, including social welfare participation and participation in training and educational opportunities. This contributes to a state of dependency, an issue which must be tackled.

It is important to provide options and support for women through the provision of child care facilities, social welfare inclusion and equal access to training and work experience programmes. I do not intend detailing those as everyone participating in this debate will appreciate that many women are excluded from training opportunities because they do not have an individual social welfare payment due to their state of dependency. That is a major problem which has wide implications but it can be dealt with in a phased way.

The Minister referred to a considerable programme to which we can look forward. I recognise that much work will be ongoing during 1995 but we must now look to 1996 and beyond to determine what tasks should be undertaken by Government to ensure that the position of women generally in our society is enhanced.

The conference was particularly valuable in that it reasserted many of the rights, entitlements and standards with which we have become familiar and to which we have become accustomed. It committed all the nations to continuing progress along the lines set out in the declaration. In that sense, the conference had two objectives, to consolidate the positions already achieved and to look to the future and obtain commitments from all countries which would not only help us with our work but ensure that through the United Nations we could also help disadvantaged women throughout the world.

I must comment on the extensive and valuable preparatory work done by Irish women's groups and representatives. The report they produced was particularly helpful. We can look to this conference as one at which we presented a strong official position and contributed substantially to plans for the future. We represented our position well as a member of the European Union and the Minister's speech at the conference strongly highlighted the nature of current needs. The Minister did well in this regard and it was a very valuable conference.

I asked a parliamentary question today about the organisations who were refused participation. I notice the Minister referred to the organisations he supported and pointed to the fact that he decided not to assist women's groups in political parties because to do so for all parties would eat up the funds available to allow NGOs in general to go to Beijing. That is a funny statement because there are only six parties if one includes the Green Party. At £2,300 a head, one is talking about a total expenditure of only £10,000 to £12,000.

The women who participate in the political parties, whether in Fine Gael, the Progressive Democrats, Fianna Fáil, or the Labour Party, voluntarily contribute an enormous amount of their time to developing and promoting the needs of women and ensuring those needs are represented in policy documents and so on. They play an important part in this work. The Minister's decision was wrong; he should have included them. A number of them approached the Minister for some assistance to send even one person but that was refused. The Minister has given his reason here but it is not a good reason. He had £100,000 and it was hardly a big issue for the Government to provide another £5,000 to £10,000 for others who requested support.

I have always strongly believed in supporting community development and non-governmental organisations because of their importance to society. There is a tremendous number of voluntary organisations in this country. I prepared a charter for them which is lying somewhere on the Minister's shelf. They play an important role but the women who participate in the democratic process of the political parties play an equally important part. It is a denigration of our democratic process to say they are not important enough. It is a mistake. Too often we have people saying that politics is more or less the butt end of things.

I regard politics as the ultimate in public service and remember President John F. Kennedy making that point very strongly. I spent a good deal of time studying public service in the Institute of Public Administration and serving in the public service. Those who participate in and contribute voluntarily to the political process should be recognised and have their say. Decisions such as the Minister's contribute to the thinking that there is something wrong with politics. Politics is the ultimate democratic process. When the guns were set aside on the streets in Dublin and throughout the country this Chamber became the debating forum in which people worked out their differences and pressed for change.

Apart from that issue, the Minister has done a good job and represented us very well. There is a good programme in place which needs to be revitalised next year. We will certainly help the Minister with that process.

I am pleased we have this opportunity to make statements on the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing. Very often there is no feedback from such conferences whether on women or other issues of national import.

The British author and journalist, Paul Harrison said in his book Inside the Third World:

Women not only constitute half of humanity, they are the nurturers of all future generations. Poverty, including poverty among men, cannot be eradicated unless at the same time all the particular mechanisms for oppressing women are eradicated as well.

That is essentially what the Fourth World Conference on Women was all about. In the run-up to the conference Gertrude Mongella, the General Secretary of the Fourth World Conference on Women, said:

I emphasize again and again that women and men must tackle women's problems together, for they are society's problems. If we cannot do this, we will soon be in a situation in which today's women confront yesterday's men.

That is a very telling statement.

Very often not much is expected of international years, world conferences, government summits and similar events but they achieve some benefit, particularly if the discussions receive worldwide media attention. I regret that the media attention on this world conference was minimal. That is significant in terms of how high women's issues appear to be on the agenda. They are obviously not high on the agenda of the media in this country and that is regrettable. At least, because of the stars of the conference and the difficulties experienced during parts of the conference, there was more media attention than would otherwise have been the case. It is extraordinary that the media isolated controversial elements without concentrating on the positive aspects of the conference.

Both government and non-governmental organisations are prompted into action by such conferences. It is often forgotten that such events present an opportunity for better North-South co-operation. The day-to-day misery in the developing countries does not normally make headlines and conferences present just such an opportunity.

The history of the women's conferences is also the history of the growing importance of non-governmental organisations. They have been heavily involved from the beginning and have been used alongside governments to implement policy. The Minister paid tribute, as I do, to the many NGOs which contributed, not only at the conference but especially to the preparations for the conference. Their extraordinary input enriched the programme and helped enormously to achieve a successful conclusion to it.

The NGOs have had a considerable influence on all the conferences following the meeting in Mexico at the beginning of the decade in which several thousand of their representatives took part. They have also had a considerable influence on the action programme for the second half of the United Nations decade for women. For example, in Copenhagen it was agreed to adopt a proposal by the German delegation to set up a network of centres to implement equality at all political levels from local to national and to include grassroots structures. These are the measures needed to ensure monitoring of events. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women was adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1979. By 1990, 102 states had ratified or acceded to the convention — 28 in Africa, 30 in Latin America and the Caribbean and 12 in Asia — while 45 states — 16 in Africa, two in the Caribbean and 24 in Asia — had rejected it. At world conferences we turn around the decision of these countries.

The Nairobi conference in 1985 became the symbol for empowerment. At the conference a participant from Senegal said: "Only if we have power will we have influence and money, without influence and money there will be no end to the oppression of women and the whole population will continue in misery". This says everything about what we must do to empower women and ensure that they take their rightful place not only in Ireland but throughout the world.

It is interesting to read the draft Beijing declaration put together during the middle of the night and approved by the main committee. It expresses the determination of governments to intensify efforts and actions to achieve the goals of the Nairobi forward looking strategies for the advancement of women by the end of the century. I do not believe in that timetable but those strategies provided a framework for action at national, regional and international levels to promote the empowerment of women and their enjoyment of human rights. The draft declaration states that governments assert their determination to promote women's economic independence, including employment, and people centred sustainable development, including sustained economic developments through the provision of basic education, lifelong education, literacy and training and primary health care for girls and women. It also states that governments express their determination to ensure peace for women and, recognising the leading role women have played in the peace movement, work towards general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international controls and support negotiations on the conclusion without delay of a universal and multilaterally and effectively verifiable nuclear test ban treaty.

The draft declaration calls for the elimination of all forms of violence against women and girls and states that governments pledge to intensify their efforts to ensure equal enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms for women and girls and, above all, give a commitment to implement the Platform for Action, ensuring that a gender perspective is reflected in all their policies and programmes. They urge the United Nations system, regional and national institutions and all women and men to commit themselves fully to action. As someone privileged to attend the conference I was struck that the one word which kept arising was "implementation". This is the crux of the matter in terms of our programmes.

I congratulate the team of Irish officials who worked at the conference. Their dedication and hard work was extraordinary and as an Irish participant I was particularly proud of their ability to work on proposals and arrive at satisfactory conclusions. I wish to pay tribute to our Ministers and, in particular, to the Minister of State, Deputy Doyle, who helped to achieve a satisfactory result during the final days of the conference. It is important to make these points.

This was not a political conference in the sense that we understand it, it was a conference about improving the status of women and the programmes we need to embark upon to ensure this happens. I was very glad to hear the Minister enumerate the commitments he made on behalf of Ireland at the conference. I could be very critical and say that some of these are aspirations but at least we have a list of commitments and can call the Minister to account if we believe he is not realising these. This relates to the point about implementation.

While the conference was an incredibly important occasion there were two days of particular importance. One of these was the parliamentarians' day during which the members of parliament "resolved" to bring certain matters to the attention of governments, etc. This type of language is very important as it gives impetus to the efforts to ensure that programmes are implemented. A declaration was drawn up by the Members of the European Parliament and the parliaments of the member states which will help in the efforts to ensure that programmes are implemented. It states that the members of the parliaments of the European Union take the view that the European Union should implement the decisions taken on the Platform for Action and assume the role of catalyst with regard to efforts to achieve equality for women in political and economic life, the family and society in general. This is an extremely important statement given that we were present at the conference as a member of the European Union, negotiating as part of a team and helping to influence in a very positive way the outcome of the conference.

It goes on to state clearly and equivocally that women's and children's rights are an integral, inalienable and indissoluble part of universal human rights and that this includes sexual and reproductive rights. There was some difficulty about the inclusion of such wording in the document. It was important for us to do a solo run, so to speak, on that issue. It calls on all states which have not yet ratified the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women to do so and to take active steps to remove reservations. This is an interesting statement given the many criticisms about the venue for the conference. It calls on the United Nations, in view of the numerous problems experienced in obtaining guarantees for freedom of expression, access to the conference and visa authorisations, to reinforce existing criteria which must be fulfilled before taking decisions on a site for any future conferences and to insist strongly on compliance with the criteria on the part of the host government. These criteria would include an assurance of acceptable conditions for NGOs and people with disabilities. I think representatives of NGOs agree that some of the situations in which they found themselves were intolerable.

It goes on to state that they reaffirm their commitment to the notion of equality between women and men as opposed to equity; stress the need for a gender perspective in all legislation, policies, programmes and structures, ensuring mainstreaming in all areas; underline the need to take specific measures to ensure women's equal access to and full participation in power structures and decision making; consider the empowerment of women as a critical factor in the eradication of poverty which is a persistent and increasing burden on women and believe that economic independence for women is essential in order to attain true equality. These sentiments were echoed by our colleagues from the Third World. They stress the importance for women of global sustainable development; call on governments to ensure equal access for all girls and women to education, vocational training and the labour market and to realise measures to reconcile professional and family life for men and women; stress the right of all women to attain the highest standard of sexual and reproductive health; reject, in the strongest possible terms, all forms of violence against women and girls, whether this be physical, psychological or sexual and call for a specific initiative against trafficking in women; consider that due attention should be given to the particular situation of migrant and refugee women.

I am not putting this forward as an alternative, but members of the national parliaments of the member states of the European Union and of the European Parliament who are in a privileged position should always seek to act as a catalyst for change in the empowerment of women, particularly those who find themselves in less fortunate circumstances than ourselves.

Much work remains to be done here on women's rights in terms of access to employment, training and so on. While, to a certain extent, we should count our blessings, it should be realised that there is a need to give a lead and ensure that at conferences such as this we are able to stand over our record when it comes to the empowerment of women so that no one can point the finger and accuse us of preaching.

While implementation of policies is important, monitoring is essential if we are to reach our targets. I was glad the Minister said he intends to publish a White Paper which will include a review of the plans on equality in the light of the actions agreed in Beijing. That is welcome. In relation to the Platform for Action we need to be aware of developments bearing in mind that the agenda for the conference in Beijing resembled that for Nairobi. That was extraordinary. I hope this will not be repeated in ten years time.

I am glad we have been given this opportunity to discuss what happened at the conference. It behoves all of us, as parliamentarians, to ensure that the action plan is implemented.

I had the privilege of attending at the request of the Taoiseach the Fourth UN Conference on Women which took place in Beijing in September. I also represented the Fine Gael Party and the Fine Gael women's group.

I thank all those at an official level who made our participation at the conference possible and so worthwhile, including the Secretary of the Department of Equality and Law Reform. Mr. Bernard McDonagh, all the officials at that Department and Anne Webster and John Bigger of the Department of Foreign Affairs.

I single out for particular mention Thelma Doran who was Irish Ambassdor in Beijing at the time. Her help, practical advice and hospitality knew no bounds. She made our stay extremely pleasant and memorable. I thank her for the way she looked after the Irish delegation.

I also thank my secretary, Gerry Cassidy, while the Department of Health was ably represented by Ruth Barrington.

The conference was also attended by Deputies Helen Keogh, Séamus Pattison, Frances Fitzgerald and Senator Ann Ormonde and by the back-up staff to the representatives of the committees which were represented.

The officials who supported the official delegation worked throughout the day and night. They were present for a briefing session in the lobby of the hotel at 7.45 a.m. each morning and briefed the NGOs during the break for lunch. Their commitment, expertise and example knew no bounds. Their contribution was noted by one and all.

The Chinese through the Irish Embassy in Beijing made superb arrangements for us, including transport arrangements. In particular, I thank the Chinese Ambassador who met and briefed me before I left for the conference. A lovely conference centre was put at our disposal. Matters were more difficult during the NGO conference the preceding week when unfortunately, it rained for the entire week. We had clement weather which made our trip much more pleasant.

Despite some initial pessimism — the question had been asked why China had been chosen — the governmental conference in Beijing was successful. Representatives of 189 countries agreed a declaration and a most important document, the Platform for Action, which commits governments to take steps to address during the next decade or so inequalities and repression of women. There is general agreement that the Platform for Action is an important step beyond what was agreed at the third UN Conference on Women which took place in Nairobi some ten years ago and that this will create a momentum in favour of women throughout the world.

In the run-up to the conference some felt that the prospect for a strong, vibrant Platform for Action was poor, given the amount of unagreed text following earlier preparatory committees. The draft Platform for Action contained over 40 per cent of unagreed text. The difficulty of securing agreement among the entire community of nations representing many diverse philosophies and cultures was obvious. The successful result of the conference is a tribute to all participants. The Declaration and Platform for Action are important for women and should help to ensure that equality becomes a reality for women in the immediate years ahead.

The strength and unity of the European Union was an important factor in securing the Declaration and Platform for Action. The EU played a leading role at the conference. EU consensus was reached in a spirit of partnership and co-operation. I pay a special tribute to the Spanish Presidency, to Minister Christina Alberdi, who handled the negotiations on behalf of the EU so effectively.

Ireland expressed the desire to see a strong, positive and progressive Platform for Action which built on previously agreed standards, in particular the conclusions of Vienna, Cairo and Copenhagen. We attach great importance to the human rights of women and girl-children and the recognition of women as actors, not as victims. We also supported a strong condemnation of all forms of violence against women, whether physical, sexual or psychological, including violence perpetrated or condoned by the state.

The Beijing agenda included 12 critical areas of concern to women: poverty, education, inequalities in access to health and related services, violence against women, armed conflict, the economy, women in decision-making, mechanisms to promote the advancement of women, human rights, the media, the environment and the situation of the girl-child.

As the Minister for Equality and Law Reform, Deputy Taylor, has outlined, the principal difficulties were in the following areas: human rights, sexual rights, health, resources, respect for cultural and religious differences, sexual orientation, the definition of the family, parental responsibilities, inheritance rights, the use of the word "gender" instead of the word "sex" and, of course, the possibility and content of a declaration to accompany the Platform for Action.

The Government considers that the documents agreed at Beijing should be the blueprint for the future. Ireland takes the commitments in the Platform for Action very seriously and will follow-up appropriately, as the Minister for Equality and Law Reform indicated this evening. The Government is already committed to an ambitious and wide-ranging programme to ensure equality becomes a reality in all aspects of society.

Why China? Why Beijing? I am fully aware of the criticisms which have been made of China's record on human rights and of the amplification of the criticism which occurred in the run-up to the women's conference in Beijing. In focusing international attention even more closely than before on these issues, I hope the conference will have beneficial effects on all in China, men and women. We take up the issue of human rights with the Chinese authorities at every appropriate opportunity including, of course, the grave ongoing problem of Tibet.

Not surprisingly, the Platform for Action identifies improving the health of women as one of the major priorities for action by UN member states. The platform calls on governments to review health policies and legislation to ensure they reflect a commitment to women's health. It calls on governments to design health programmes, in co-operation with women's organisations, which address the health needs of women throughout their lives and take into account their multiple roles and responsibilities. In particular, governments are asked to strengthen preventive health programmes for women; to take measures to protect their reproductive health and to promote research and information on women's health.

I commend the Minister for Health, Deputy Noonan, who has already moved on this issue with the publication earlier this year of the discussion document on women's health. A consultative process is now following on its publication whereby women's groups throughout the country are being given an opportunity to discuss women's health. This process puts this country in good shape to implement the health commitments of the Beijing Platform.

Health is an area on which particular progress was made in Beijing. As an example of how the consultation took place and how matters were teased out at the conference centre in Beijing, I wish to deal with this extremely contentious issue. One of the greatest successes of the conference was the acceptance, in paragraphs 96 and 97 of the health section of the Platform for Action document, of the concept that sexual rights are human rights. It may seem strange that before the conference in Beijing, as far as the UN was concerned, there was no reference to sexual rights being human rights. That is a particular success, given the diverse cultures, philosophies and backgrounds of the women representing 189 nations who discussed the particular text. Those of us who were in Beijing will realise that in the draft Platform for Action, with which we set out for Beijing, much of paragraphs 96 and 97 were actually in brackets. In the draft text, paragraph 97 read:

(Sexual rights include the individual's right to have control over and decide freely on matters related to her or his sexuality, free of coercion, discrimination and violence. Equal relationships between women and men in matters of sexual relations and reproduction, including full respect for the physical integrity of the human body, require mutual consent and willingness to accept responsibility for the consequences of sexual behaviour.)

To the European delegation, the American delegation, the Canadians, Australians and many more, the draft text was perfectly acceptable and would represent a viewpoint held by our countries at this stage in our development. Particular difficulty was expressed by the many Islamic states, particularly the fundamentalist Islamic states, the Vatican, Malta and Peru and it was interesting to see on how many issues the Vatican and the Islamic states were on the one side of the fence. After hours of discussion between what one may broadly call the developing versus the developed world, between the Islamic states and many of the Judaic-Christian states, with the exception of Malta and the Vatican, a compromised text was reached. The EU states, the Americas and others had to accept a compromise paragraph 97 in the Platform for Action to ensure that women in the developing world, particularly in Islamic states, were not shut out from the final agreed document. We had to give to ensure those from the less developed countries could be kept on board in terms of what was finally agreed.

The final agreed text for paragraph 97 was:

The human rights of women include their right to have control over and decide freely and responsibly on matters related to their sexuality, including sexual and reproductive health, free of coercion, discrimination and violence. Equal relationships between women and men in matters of sexual relations and reproduction, including full respect for the integrity of the person, [we should note how that was changed from "including full respect for the physical integrity of the human body" in the draft require mutual respect, consent and shared responsibility for sexual behaviour and its consequences.

It is not quite as sharp as the draft text of paragraph 97 but it is an example of how we had to compromise and accept a consensus which represented the huge disparity in the cultures and backgrounds of the different countries represented at the conference.

Deputies will see that by accepting that wording as part of the health programme, the Islamic states, the Vatican, Malta and Peru accepted the concept of sexual rights in the context of health and human reproduction. One might wonder why such a difficulty arose and why we had to sit through the Thursday night of the conference to agree a final text for the declaration, and for paragraph 232 (f) of the Platform for Action, when we wanted to repeat what had been agreed in paragraph 97.

It was not to be. I am afraid that for different reasons, mainly because of how it would be presented to governments, most of the countries which had difficulties with paragraph 97 in the health section could not agree to paragraph 232 (f) in the declaration, which, again, wanted to refer to sexual rights. Indeed, the term "sexual rights" had to be omitted completely from the declaration. While the concept of sexual rights is included — and it is a huge step forward — in the health section in paragraph 97, those countries which had difficulties in coming to an agreement on the text of the concept of sexual rights, even as part of women's health, could not go that final step and allow the whole concept of sexual rights to be put in the declaration, which was a synopsis or summary of the Platform for Action. We had to find another formula of words, after hours of debate and discussion, which represented as near as possible a consensus on that point.

I will give the House just one example of how the debate and arriving at a consensus was extremely difficult. There were many other areas where this difficulty existed too, an example of which was the whole problem with sexual orientation which does not appear anywhere in the final document, despite objections from many countries and representations by many of the gay and lesbian groups to the delegates to respect their particular sexual preference. We arrived at a consensus in this area. There were trade-offs to get an agreed document. As the concept of sexual orientation introduced new language for the UN with which it was not familiar and had not accommodated in any text heretofore, reference to it was finally dropped. There was broad agreement among developing countries, particularly the Islamic states, the Vatican, Malta and Peru to name but a few, that they would not accept a reference to sexual orientation in any form. However, I would put forward the view that the final agreed text of paragraph 97 that the human rights of women includes their right to control over and decide freely and responsibly on matters relating to their sexuality, including sexual or reproductive health, free of coercion, discrimination and violence can be freely interpreted to include matters of sexual orientation. It means that women are free to decide matters of their own sexuality free from coercion, discrimination and violence and, as far as I am concerned, matters of sexuality include matters of sexual orientation.

The progress made on paragraph 97 in the health section will allow, in its interpretation, progress in terms of accepting sexual orientation. It does so without putting states with cultural and religious differences offside to the extent that they would not accept the final document. It is a consensus. It is not quite what many states would have liked but, in its interpretation, those who have difficulty with the reference to sexual orientation being dropped can be accommodated.

There were long discussions about the inheritance rights of girls and the right to equal inheritance. Interesting matters were raised and we learned to understand one another's cultural backgrounds and philosophies. There was a great cross fertilisation of views. There is a problem in Islamic states regarding equal inheritance. Under their law men are obliged to look after widows, single sisters, orphaned women and women in their society who are not married and, as such, get a greater share when it comes to inheritance. That is a point we had not considered.

Consensus on inheritance was finally reached at the eleventh hour even though it was difficult and protracted. Again perhaps it did not go as far as the western world would have liked but we had to accommodate the internal laws and customs in countries with a different philosophy and tradition from ours. I will not deal at length with the use of the words "gender" and "sex". We knew before we went that this would be difficult and it proved to be so.

I was surprised at the resistance from America towards increasing development aid and the hours that were spent talking about "increasing" development aid versus the provision of "adequate" development aid. "Adequate" is open to individual interpretation. We might think that what we contribute to development aid is adequate. We would have preferred a reference to "increasing" the governmental contribution to development aid but the French and the Americans did not want a reference to "increasing". We would be told about our net allocation from the EU if we made too much of how we increased our ODA over the last year or two. Thankfully the Minister for Finance has plans to increase it over the next few years. We had to be sensitive as a nation that gained from EU aid that we could not blow our own trumpet. We would have been told quietly: "of course you did but you are getting most of it from abroad anyway". These sensitivities which might not be immediately obvious to us must be taken on board. I was disappointed, as was the Irish delegation, at the final wording in relation to resources which refers to "adequate" rather than "increasing" resources.

The greatest success of the conference is that, for the first time, the United Nations accepts that sexual rights are human rights. It stunned me initially that this was not always assumed. I operated in my life, as do most of us, as if that were taken for granted. It is not and never has been throughout most of the world. For the first time the UN has accepted that as a concept. I welcome it and hope there will be further progress in this area.

The Platform for Action addresses the burden of poverty in a thoughtful and comprehensive manner. It looks at the curse of poverty as it affects women everywhere, not only in developing countries but in the so-called developed world as well as countries in transition, the former Eastern European countries for example. It makes the point that there is poverty in all countries — as mass poverty in developing countries and as pockets of poverty amid wealth in developed countries such as Ireland. It highlights the plight of low paid workers and the destitution of those who fall outside the social welfare system in some countries — those who have no safety net. The document points to the growing problem of the increase in the number of women living in poverty; the feminisation of poverty in our world. The majority of the more than one billion people living in poverty are women. The majority of those living in absolute poverty are single heads of households and thus responsible for the care of children, aged parents and other dependants. The document does not limit itself to describing and condemning the extent of women's poverty. It looks at the concrete measures that must be implemented if poverty is to be alleviated.

Some of the more interesting proposals for government relate to the need to promote women's economic opportunities and equal access with men to funding. The need for governments to target the basic social, educational, particularly in the science and information technology areas, and health needs of women, especially those living in poverty, is also highlighted as is the urgent need to develop specific policies in support of female headed households which tend to be even more marginalised by poverty.

Some of the proposals relate to conditions which predominate in the developing world such as women's lack of legal entitlement to inherited land or to obtain credit. From that we can take the message that women's shared experiences can form links upon which we can build and so move towards shared solutions to the problems which affect women everywhere. The great strength of the conference is the intense dynamic and sense of common purpose it has engendered between women everywhere. We heard of the problems encountered — the banishment of the NGOs to Huairou, the difficulties with transport, the rain and mud. However, a real effect of the conference on those participating was the creation of a sense of belonging and a belief that it would succeed.

Ireland stands committed to the principle that human rights are indivisible. The rights of one are the rights of all. As the American First Lady, Hillary Clinton, stated at the conference: "If there is one message that echoes forth from this conference it is that human rights are women's rights and women's rights are human rights". No system based on a universal commitment to human rights can survive if the rights of women are not seen as an integral factor in the equation. The one clear message that came from the Beijing conference as we spent hours negotiating and teasing out disagreements in relation to the draft text was that for all the cultural, philosophical and religious differences of the women of the 189 states who participated in the conference there was far more which united us as women than divided us.

While in Beijing I took the opportunity to have three bilateral meetings. I had one with Minister Cheryl Gillan of the UK delegation at which we discussed equality in both jurisdictions and educational matters. I thank Carmel Foley for accompanying me to that meeting. I had two meetings with Chinese Ministers on their public sector reform programme. The first was with the Ministry of Supervision, Mr. Li Zhi Lun who is responsible for the country's administrative apparatus, identifying and rectifying problems and ensuring that officials comply fully with all state laws, decrees and policies. He is also responsible for eradicating any incidence of corruption among state administration officials and for maintaining the highest standards of integrity throughout all levels of state administration, provincial, county and municipal.

He gave me many examples of how he did his job in which I was particularly interested given my current, primary role as Minister of State with responsibility for public sector reform, particularly in the customer services area. He pointed out to me that his ministry acts as a kind of ombudsman, investigating complaints and recommending courses of action against any offending officials. For example, an official may receive, first, a warning, followed by a minor or major demerit, demotion or, ultimately, dismissal. One of the violations of state policy cited was the failure of an official to adhere to the family law policy which limits families to one child. Many other violations were cited.

The Minister explained to me that punishment was meted out to violators through a 31-point code of administrative behaviour, pointing out that there were many exemplary punishments. Thus, potential wrong-doers are educated by the exemplary punishments meted out to convicted wrong-doers.

The Ministry of Supervision is conscious of its role in ridding the Chinese public administration of corruption wherever that exists given that China is a country many of whose citizens still live below the poverty line. In striving to maintain the highest standards of behaviour, the Ministry of Supervision constitutes a kind of quality control mechanism.

I had a most interesting two-hour bilateral meeting with the Chinese Minister accompanied by my officials and others from the Irish Embassy. I will not detain the House with all the details. Suffice to say that the whole concept of public sector reform is alive in China. While we have quite a good deal to do in that area, China has a great deal to do. I was amazed at how even the concepts prevailing here in delayering, down-sizing, early retirement, voluntary redundancy, redeployment, natural wastage, a newly emerging social security system to compensate all, were alive and well in the parlance of public administration in China, which was an eye-opener to me.

I thank Mr. Gu Jiaqi and Mr. Li Zhi Lun, the two Ministers I met in the course of my bilateral meetings in Beijing for their time and attention to me and my delegation.

I found my visit to Beijing extremely worthwhile. Perhaps I was somewhat cynical before leaving, being somewhat unsure what to expect, but I am delighted to have had the opportunity to participate actively in the Fourth United Nations Conference on Women. I thank the officials of the many Departments who accompanied and advised us while there. I was delighted to represent the Minister for Equality and Law Reform for the last week in Beijing. He had to return home to further his preparations for the impending referendum on divorce.

I found the whole mission extremely worthwhile. I hope all women will benefit, before the next United Nations conference on women, from the deliberations that took place in Beijing. I hope the platform document, together with its declaration, will be implemented in full by all the 189 nations that took part.

I was rather amused at the last statement of the Minister of State, Deputy Avril Doyle, on her meeting with the Minister responsible for supervision in the People's Republic of China. I was particularly interested in the minor and major demerit and final dismissal provisions. That Chinese Minister might be a very interesting adviser to our present Minister for Transport, Energy and Communications although no doubt the punishment he might mete out would not be acceptable to the Minister.

Like all other Members, I compliment those representatives of Government, the three women Ministers and the Minister for Equality and Law Reform who attended with Deputies Frances Fitzgerald and Keogh and Senator Ann Ormonde who attended on behalf of Fianna Fáil. Their contributions were significant, both on behalf of our Government and their respective parties. I was privileged to have been nominated to represent the Select Committee on Social Affairs but felt it more appropriate that its chairman, Deputy Pattison, should attend. I am sure it was a very worthwhile experience for all who attended and actively participated in the various deliberations. Those of us who were not present who watched the very limited media coverage — here I agree with other Members that press coverage within the print and electronic media was very scarce — will have felt that such coverage did little justice to the tremendous amount of work put in by all participants.

There is a profound developmental and educational challenge facing women, in effect, a re-positioning, a reworking of how society perceives us and how we perceive ourselves. In that respect the Fourth United Nations Conference on Women probably was a reflection of that challenge. If ever one has been the first woman to have done or achieved something one finds oneself with the exception label on one's forehead: for example, "the first woman Cabinet Minister", "the first woman President", "the first woman party leader", but the problem is that, being the first, does not necessarily mean one is followed immediately by many others. Everybody becomes happy that the equality issue has been taken care of by the presence of one woman so nobody follows on. I very much regret that the Taoiseach did not avail of the tremendous, capable, efficient and effective talents of women in his political party and appoint a second woman Cabinet Minister. If and when a future vacancy occurs, I hope he will draw from that pool of very experienced women and appoint one of them to the Cabinet.

The great temptation of any woman is to congratulate herself on having got so far, particularly when it was not easy for any woman to have got that far and to kick out the ladder after one has climbed it or at least become fairly impatient whenever it is suggested that it remains very difficult for women to climb to the top of that ladder. The laws on equality are there but the vast majority of women are log-jammed at the bottom, in the cheap, least fulfilling jobs. While the framework is in place women can still run into an assumption indicating fairly basic, active prejudice which can place a constraint on career development.

A group of women, including me, spoke recently in a public office in this city about harrassment and such issues. One of the youngest women present said that what galled her most — which she considered gave the simplest example of chauvinism at work — was when a male patted her on the back and said "good girl". While some of us might be somewhat surprised at that reaction, she made the point forcibly that, coming from a male, the plaudit "good girl" was patronising.

I suppose we should not talk about prejudice because that is not the main factor that holds women back. We hold ourselves back; we do not allow ourselves to be ambitious and we allow ourselves to be frightened by other ambitious women. We must change that attitude.

I was re-reading Úna Claffey's book the other evening on the women who were elected to this Dáil — we are delighted to have had elected two additional women Members since then, Deputies Fox and Lynch — and I was surprised how few women Members said they would even like to be a Minister, would want to be a party leader or even become Taoiseach. I suspect that, were the same number of male Members interviewed, most if not all, would respond that they wanted to be a Minister, party leader or Taoiseach.

In women's organisations while ambition, drive and determination to achieve may be acceptable, even laudable, the fact is that within society generally women often are regarded as harsh, hard or unfeminine, if and when they possess precisely that ambition and drive.

I do not know where the notion originates that femininity is the same as weakness and softness. It is rubbish, particularly in this country where women have always had to be strong. If we read any of the great poems such as "Cúirt an Mheáin Oíche" or "Caoineadh Airt Uí Laoghaire" we encounter magnificent, unafraid, vivid, sensual women who knew what they wanted and saw nothing wrong with going out to obtain it. We need to celebrate women who are strong without typecasting them. I refer to something which many female Members of the Oireachtas have experienced. People are very willing to congratulate us on how well we have done but seem to feel that we are one-dimensional. The perception seems to be that we have not experienced any bad times or been hurt or bruised. That is a mistake. We should not have to parade our miseries and vulnerabilities to be understood as fully human.

We need to celebrate women who are strong while at the same time empowering women who are trapped by their circumstances. We will be privileged to empower such women when we decide whether spouses whose marriages have broken down should have those marriages brought to a legal end leaving them free to remarry. That is a very simple issue but an agonising one. It is simple, threatening and provides an opportunity to prove that we can debate issues which touch on relationships, religion, standards and lifestyles in a way which allows us to differ without enmity. I believe that our laws, like the rest of our society, need to be continually shaken up. Much has been done in this regard by various Governments but the process needs to continue. Governments continually need to be refreshed with regard to their understanding and treatment of women.

The Minister of State, Deputy Doyle, inquired as to why Beijing was the site of the conference. Many people were critical about the exercise of the United Nations organising the conference in Beijing. When we moved past the cynicism and criticism we began to realise it was a good thing, that it focused international attention on a part of the world which does not often receive such attention. It was equally important that people were allowed to come from all nations to debate issues which are fundamentally important to women. These include sexual and human rights, women's rights to education, self-fulfilment, promotion and to be respected as individuals within their own societies.

I did not attend the conference. However, I found it interesting, watching the small amount of television coverage it received, that there was such major triumphalism in relation to the presence of the First Lady of the United States of America, Mrs. Clinton. Before the conference, many people asked whether she should attend and suggested that, if she did, she would make such a politically correct speech that it would be of very little benefit. We saw that this woman was prepared to be the strong woman we have come to know her to be. She was prepared to point a finger at the authorities in a country known for its appalling violations of human rights, which was important and significant. Many questions were raised at the NGO forum and the major conference in relation to the human rights issue. That was also important and significant and should be welcomed by everyone.

I was delighted that the Minister made commitments — with which we all agree — on behalf of Ireland at the conference. A commitment was made, for example, for 40 per cent female membership on State boards. My party made that commitment while in Government with other parties in this House and supported it in Opposition. It is a very important and significant step forward. It was a great pleasure, each time a Minister came before Cabinet to make suggestions as to who might be appointed to a particular semi-State board, to see how many of those recommended were women and how many of the existing membership of that board were women. It focused our minds on that issue. I am glad the Minister followed through on that commitment in Beijing on our behalf.

The Minister also made a commitment to strengthening and extending the scope of employment equality legislation and outlawing discrimination in non-employment areas on grounds of gender, marital and parental status, etc. There is now quite a body of legislation on the Statute Book which deals with equality legislation but more needs to be done to change the prejudices against women and the idea that they can be pigeonholed, placed in a pink ghetto or that the glass ceiling will remain forever. We need to work on these issues together.

The commitment with regard to women's health is very important. We will have an opportunity to discuss the fundamental document dealing with women's health issues in the near future. That is an area about which we should all be concerned. Professionals, Members, my party and others have sought a decision to extend a national breast cancer screening programme which was discussed at Question Time. This is an indication of women taking responsibility for their own health. We need women to do this and to apply the pressure for the developments they wish to see in that area.

When I first entered this House 20 years ago, many people had difficulties even discussing the issue of family planning and a family planning service within the public health system but, thankfully, that has changed. We now have a nationwide and comprehensive system. Perhaps it is not as comprehensive as we might like but it is a major change from the situation 20 years ago.

With regard to the Minister's commitment in relation to the education system and providing for equal participation by females in all areas of the curriculum, the first Oireachtas committee on women's rights was set up in the 1980s and I was privileged to be its first chairman. We considered a range of policy areas on which the committee should focus. The first area we decided to work on was education. We felt that all the early prejudice in a child's life began when they first entered school and originated from working with the kind of text books which were then available. Members will recall those books from their time at school. The committee's first report dealt with the area of education and made several recommendations. Most of these were put into practice by the two previous Ministers for Education, former Deputy Hussey and Deputy O'Rourke.

The Minister made a commitment that there would be a promotion of gender equality in each third level educational institution. This has been done in various areas of Government. One of the areas where it is neglected, however, is that of the committees of this House. Gender equality does not exist in this regard despite the fact that there are more women Members than ever. An opportunity exists to provide and promote gender equality when political parties are nominating Members to serve on committees or when political partners decide their nominee for chairperson of a particular committee. All political parties are guilty of not promoting gender equality when housekeeping issues regarding the committees of this House are involved. Gender equality should be at the top of the agenda of every manager and senior management person in the public service and State and semi-State organisations.

It was regrettable that the NGO forum took place away from the main conference in Beijing. It caused unnecessary friction at the very beginning and slight difficulties and tensions. While I accept that tensions are healthy it would have been better to have had the NGO forum side by side with the conference. That could be borne in mind for the future.

We have actively promoted changes in legislation on domestic violence but a number of areas still have to be looked at, for example, inter-agency co-operation. It has been said on many occasions that the Garda Síochána is way ahead of other agencies in providing a unit in every division with appropriate structures to deal with and follow up on domestic violence. All relevant Government Departments need to ensure that the agencies involved in investigating domestic violence are proactive.

The Platform for Action refers to women and peace, an area that is largely neglected when we talk about equality for women, positive action and anti-discrimination laws. We need to look no further than the north eastern corner of our country where violence has deeply affected women some of whom have been left without children and some of whom have been widowed. The women of Northern Ireland with the support of women in the Republic have been empowered to make decisions for themselves. We can see on our own doorsteps that women's action for peace is very positive and should be encouraged.

I compliment the Government and non-governmental personnel and representatives from the Dáil and Seanad who attended the conference on our behalf. The Platform for Action is very much an aspirational agenda for change. We need to monitor its enforcement so that when we attend the next UN conference on women in ten years time we will not have a repetition of what happened in Beijing where a great deal of what had been discussed ten years previously in Nairobi was debated and in some instances very little progess had been made. I am sure those who attended the conference would prefer to see a huge proportion of the Platform for Action implemented by the time we come to the next conference on women.

As one of the minority gender who attended the Beijing conference it is incumbent on me to record the views I formed at the conference. I was selected to attend in my capacity as chairman of the Select Committee on Social Affairs. As Members are aware this committee addresses all questions relating to Estimates for Health, Education, Social Welfare and so on. Work must be done in these areas if we are to achieve the equality that the Beijing conference demands. Deputy Frances Fitzgerald represented the Joint Committee on the Family and Senator Ormonde represented the Joint Committee on Women's Rights but more delegates from the Oireachtas should have been sent. Media coverage prior to the conference was negative and this negative vibe persisted throughout the conference. The media coverage the conference received as Deputy Keogh and others said was pathetic with the exception of The Irish Times whose journalist, Lorna Siggins, made a valuable contribution in endeavouring to inform the people of the issues before the conference. Hers was worthwhile journalism and the money was well spent. When one reflects on journalists running all over continents on questionable missions, one wonders why the media does not pay attention to what was one of the most important conferences on women in ten years. Since there might not be a conference of similar stature for another ten years one would have expected a more positive approach from the media which has such a grave responsibility in the area of equality and empowerment of women. As has been said, half the world's population are women — even though I saw many posters in Beijing which stated that half the men in the world were women.

I join with other speakers in paying tribute to the leader of the delegation, the Minister for Equality and Law Reform, Deputy Mervyn Taylor and the other Ministers and officials who did us proud. The Minister of State, Deputy Doyle, referred to the secretary of the Department of Equality and Law Reform, Mr. Bernard McDonagh. Also working very hard were the principal officer, John Hurley and Anne Webster from the Department of Foreign Affairs and others who worked late into the night. Some nights I doubt if they got any sleep because they had to prepare documents for the following morning. We owe them a deep debt of gratitude for their commitment.

Other speakers have dealt with equality at home so I wish to comment on equality globally. Though half the world's population are women, many people do not know that more than 70 per cent of those living in poverty are women. Most people do not know that 75 per cent of the world's refugees are women and, as such, they suffer all kinds of violence, including torture and rape. It is not generally recognised either that two thirds of the illiterate of the world are women and that 60 per cent of the 130 million children who do not attend school are girls. This shows that women have less access to education than men.

In the area of health the position is the same. I wish to quote the following from an address to the conference by the director general of the World Health Organisation, Dr. Hiroshi Nakajima:

At a time when so many countries are going through painful economic transitions and profound social re-appraisals, it is particularly important that this Fourth World Conference on Women should ensure that women's needs and expectations are not sacrificed to immediate constraints but receive utmost attention and priority, as they rightly deserve. Saving on women's health and education is unacceptable from an ethical point of view. It is also a grave miscalculation from an economic and social point of view. No country and society can afford to lay half of their natural resources to waste, to neglect half of their human potential.

Globally women account for an ever-increasing share of infections, particularly HIV infections. The proportion of women in the overall figure of those infected rose from 20 per cent in 1980 to 40 per cent in 1992, by the year 2000 half of those infected with HIV will be women, and in many countries 60 per cent of all new HIV infections are among 15 to 20 year olds with a female to male ratio of 2:1.

Another aspect of health is malnutrition which is a telling example of how health problems can affect women to a greater extent then men. Statistics show anaemia to be widely prevalent among women of all ages and all continents. In developing countries 55 per cent of pregnant women and 44 per cent of all women suffer from anaemia. Inequalities in food intake and disregard for women's nutritional needs start early in life. In the area of health there is a vast amount of work done. There are other inequalities — discrimination, violence, multilation etc.

Like some of my fellow delegates at the conference I attended the NGO session in Huairou, about one hour's drive from the main conference centre. To say that we were highly impressed with the commitment of the people there would be an understatement. I had not quite realised before I went to Beijing that so many women with such scarce resources would be making their way to Beijing and to Huairou. Reference was made to the physical conditions which included half-constructed buildings. The EU Commissioner, Mr. Pádraig Flynn, recently gave a description of his visit to Huairou while attending the conference. He said he had to climb up a scaffold of three storeys to reach a floor with no windows and no walls, just a floor and about 1,000 women. That story is hard to believe but those of us who were in Huairou would believe it. The obstacles that were put in the way of these women were, in the end, no obstacles. The women surmounted them.

The women's commitment to their cause was such that, whether they were up to their knees in muck or the rain was pouring down on them, they got on with their work. On any given day there were about 300 workshops in operation from early morning until late at night. Many of the women came by bus to meet us at the main conference centre. It should be mentioned that there was a group of approximately 25 women from Cork there who, although they had some assistance from the Minister's Department, in the main made their way there on their own initiative and by working hard because they saw, more than many people here, the relevance of this conference and felt they had a contribution to make. They made a very positive contribution and helped the overall delegation. They gave us public representatives much encouragement and we are grateful to them for that.

I should mention that Thurday, 7 September was a parliamentarians day for parliamentarians attending the conference. I attended on that day with my other parliamentary colleagues and I was impressed because what went on at the main conference would have been meaningless without the full support of those who have the power to pass laws and make provisions to implement the steps being decided upon. The message came across loud and clear that the obligation of seeing decisions through to implementation rested on the shoulders of parliamentarians and, as parliamentarians, whether men or women, we have a duty to represent the views and interests of both men and women and to serve the common interest. National legislation must focus just as much on the interests, values and aspirations of women as on those of men.

The conference recommitted itself to reform any legislation discriminating against or liable to harm women and undertook the ratification of national conventions that were not already ratified for the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women. It also recognised the fact that each country should have a mechanism, parliamentary or otherwise, for measuring the impact on women of any draft law or Bill and any related budgetary provisions. It was felt it would curtail a form of administration that has proved damaging to the process.

Parliamentarians pointed to the importance of having more women in politics. According to surveys carried out by the Inter-Parliamentary Union women make up barely 11.3 per cent of the world's parliamentarians, only slightly higher than the figure 50 years ago. Despite considerable progress in the division of political responsibilities and power in many countries, particularly Nordic and some developing countries, in general women are in the minority in the upper echelons of political parties and movements and in some cases they are not represented at all. Women account for more than 20 per cent of parliamentarians in only 20 countries and a woman presides over a parliamentary chamber in only 17 countries. There are 15 women Heads of State or Government and we made no secret of our pride in being one of them. It was also recognised that some countries continue to deny women the right to vote, the right to be elected to national parliaments or local or regional boards and as parliamentarians we committed ourselves to redressing that matter.

The conference was worthwhile, a valuable experience for me as a legislator and chairman of a committee that deals with matters relating to health, education and welfare services. As a result of what I learned and the encouragement I received, particularly from the NGOs, I hope to be an even better legislator.

I am pleased to have an opportunity to contribute to this debate. It is appropriate that it is taking place on the 50th anniversary of the UN. It is important to discuss the relevance of the conference worldwide and its particular application here. As a member of the Joint Committee on the Family, I was pleased to have an opportunity to attend the conference.

It was an important opportunity to articulate at world level and to be part of a world conference that articulated a view on issues affecting the lives of women and girls worldwide. The United Nations has an important role to play in ensuring Governments address the issues of equality, access to education and health care and opportunities for women throughout the world. Despite its many failings, the United Nations has done great work for women in the past 20 years. It has informed my view, and I am sure that of many other Members, on matters of equality.

Questions were asked about China hosting the conference. It was the turn of an Asian country to host it and China offered. Human rights issues in China, particularly those relating to the girl child, were brought into focus as a result of it hosting the conference. Rather than erecting an iron curtain or having a cold war, it is important to engage in dialogue with countries, including those where human rights issues are being ignored or present difficulties. In the long term women in China will benefit because the conference was held there, although I accept we are talking about a country where controls are rigid, where there is not freedom of the mass media and where information on the conference was not given freely. The Chinese made every effort to ensure the success of the official conference, but not the NGO conference. I was struck by Deputy Pattison's description of what the NGOs had to endure. He gave an accurate account of some of the difficulties they faced. Conditions for them should have been better. Women had to overcome many obstacles to participate and many meetings were held in buildings that would not have got planning permission here.

The conference was extraordinary by any standards. A total of 25,000 people attended the NGO conference and 15,000 attended the official conference. It is also important to note that participation at the official conference was approximately two-thirds women and one-third men, although primarily women attended the NGO conference. I am sure most of those who attended believe it was worthwhile. Given the scale of the conference, it involved many different conferences for some people. There were 4,500 workshops and it was logistically challenging to find out what was happening every day and to decide what to attend.

It was my first attendance at a UN conference and I was struck by the lobbying and ongoing and developing partnership between members of NGOs and Governments attending the conference. This happened at a number of conferences in the past number of years, including Cairo and the world conference on the environment, and it is the way politics and policies of the future will emerge. Politics is about an engagement between those elected through the representative democratic system and those involved in non-governmental organisations, communities and so on. We should pay tribute to the opportunities the United Nations presented to all concerned to develop this model and this was evident at the Beijing Conference.

The success of the conference has been questioned but I believe it was successful. Success was achieved in a number of areas and important issues will flow from it regarding women's human rights, the girl child, tackling the unfortunate, but increasing, poverty of women worldwide and the enormous problems that subsistence economies are placing on women, in particular, who still bear the brunt of poverty worldwide. Deputy Pattison referred to the increasing feminisation of poverty, the number of illiterate women, the fact that 75 per cent of refugees are women and the problems they face, including sexual assault, rape and violation. Women are vulnerable and the conference reminded us of that.

It was agreed that there should be a stronger reference to women's role in development in the Platform for Action and that additional resources would be targeted directly at women in that context. Ireland played a strong role in that regard and Irish NGOs were active in the discussions on development.

Debate adjourned.
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