Bertie Ahern
Question:2 Mr. B. Ahern asked the Taoiseach the comments, if any, he has made on statements made by the republican movement during the Easter period. [7645/96]
Ceisteanna—Questions. Oral Answers. - Northern Ireland Peace Process.
I made two statements during the Easter period relating to the peace process — one on 7 April and another at Maynooth College on 11 April. I have arranged to have copies placed in the Oireachtas Library.
In both speeches, I pointed out that the agreement to a fixed date for talks — 10 June — without a precondition of prior arms decommissioning was a major achievement. This agreement turned the Joint Framework Document, which I had earlier agreed with the British Prime Minister, from the parameters for a possible outcome into a practical and attainable arrangement which could be agreed to and would come into effect as a result of the talks that will now start on 10 June.
I said that the Framework Document model, which includes the principle of consent, represents the real Irish democratic consensus and I asked all Irish democratic parties to support this approach.
I also placed special emphasis on the fact that there are two sets of allegiances on this island. The Government accords a very high priority to ensuring that the Irish identity of northern Nationalists is respected and its expression promoted, and that their many other legitimate concerns are addressed effectively. However, the structures proposed in the Joint Framework Document are predicated on the full and equal legitimacy and worth of both the Unionist and Nationalist identities. It is incumbent, therefore, on both traditions to accept each other's allegiances and aspirations in the interests of reaching a political agreement. The Government's approach to the peace process has throughout been guided by a recognition of this key reality.
Has the Taoiseach any clear idea of what is necessary to reinstate the ceasefire?
In the first instance I believe it is obviously a decision for the Army Council of the Provisional IRA that violence does not serve the interests either of the country as a whole or of the people who support the republican movement. I believe that is self-evidently the case. I do not believe that violence — whether by the use of a firearm or any other methods — serves the interests of bringing the people who live on this island to a sense of agreement with one another. I believe that violence is entirely contrary to that. There are people of very high intelligence in the republican movement who fully understand and see that violence is counterproductive and partitionist in the true meaning of the term, in the sense that the fears it engenders partition communities that previously had some measure of mutual connection with one another. I believe the people in the republican movement, who as I have said are people of intelligence and idealism, can understand these things and it is up to them to translate that understanding into a decision to reinstate the ceasefire.
I think the Taoiseach said "firstly". Perhaps there are other matters that he thinks will help to clarify it. If the Taoiseach were to be asked by the republican movement to provide clarification of what it believes are outstanding matters, would he do so?
Information sought by any quarter, including the republican movement, to clarify matters will be provided. As the House is well aware, a channel exists through meetings with officials whereby Sinn Féin can convey its views or question the Irish Government. If such views are conveyed or questions asked, they will be answered or dealt with as the case may be.
I believe it is important for everybody's sake that we recognise that the talks starting on 10 June represent a huge opportunity for all the people of this island. Never before have we had talks of this nature on offer. Never before have we had available talks of a kind that encompass potentially all the interests on the island without the precondition of prior arms decommissioning. They are available on 10 June and I hope that everyone will do everything they can in the interests not just of the present generation but of subsequent generations living on this island to avail of the opportunity we succeeded in getting in the agreement I made with the British Prime Minister on 28 February — namely a date for all-party talks on 10 June of this year.
Has the Taoiseach agreed with the British Government the procedures and remit of the proposed forum for Northern Ireland and will he encourage parties to participate in it?
Following consultations with the Northern Ireland parties, the Irish and British Governments have agreed a paper setting out our best judgment on the most suitable and broadly acceptable ground rules for the basis, participation, structure, format and agenda of the negotiations. We have also established a clear separation between those negotiations and the work of the forum. I have assured the Deputy on many occasions that this separation exists and it will be manifest in the ground rules paper which will be published today. I am arranging for a copy of the paper to be placed in the Oireachtas Library and I will also send copies to Deputy Harney and Deputy Ahern.
The paper provides the necessary reassurance for Nationalists and Unionists and clears the way for all party negotiations to take place on 10 June on a basis which is fair to everybody and conducive to a settlement. It will be demonstrated today that we have not only reached agreement with the British Government on a framework for a possible agreement but also established the instrument, which is talks whereby that framework can be turned into reality.
My question related to the Taoiseach's comments on statements made by the republican movement over Easter. The Taoiseach seemed to be constantly involved in exchanges with the Sinn Féin president, Mr. Gerry Adams. Many people felt this was undignified and that the Taoiseach does not seem to have the same gusto in his dealings with the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party who has made much stronger comments about him. While it may be necessary for the Taoiseach to refute statements from time to time, is it his policy continually to take on comments made by Mr. Gerry Adams and ignore those made by others?
Deputy Ahern will recollect that when Mr. David Trimble made some comments about this jurisdiction which I felt were unfair to me, my predecessors, the people of this State and its security forces, I answered him firmly. I described his speech as bizarre and I subsequently described it in the House as coming from a book of leprechauns' peculiar Irish statements.
Would he understand that?
That could be considered a firm rebuke to Mr. Trimble for what I consider was an ill-advised and intemperate speech. If other parties fail to see that agreement to talks on 10 June constitutes a major opportunity for all the people of this island to move forward and if they persist in saying the glass is half empty rather than recognising that it is three quarters full, I will also tackle that point.
Does the Taoiseach consider it important that both Governments act together and face down intransigence from their allies on both sides? With that in mind, does the Taoiseach consider the Government should encourage the Nationalist parties to participate in the proposed forum?
The talks on offer and the mechanism whereby we reach those talks should be examined in totality. We should consider the total opportunity which is available and the fact that it may not be readily available again. All participants who have decisions to make about documents, which they will see for the first time later today, should take them while bearing in mind that this is an unprecedented opportunity for peace. A fixed date for all party talks without a precondition of prior decommissioning of arms has never before been available in our history. This was obtained on 28 February last in the communiqué I agreed with the British Prime Minister on the basis of the Mitchell report. This report was not binned and it would have been impossible to obtain a date for all party talks without it. The Mitchell report was not binned.
What happened?
The Mitchell report is the basis on which a date for all party talks is now available. I respect the right of all parties to make their own decisions and I urge them to keep in mind the overall objective of reaching agreement. This can only be achieved if we make these talks work. They should bear this in mind when assessing their approach, rather than the undoubted fact that there are elements in this package, as in any compromise package, to which one or other or all the participants will object. Rather than considering that aspect, they should look instead at the opportunity which is available.
Has the Taoiseach agreed with the British Government that other matters can be discussed while the issue of decommissioning is being resolved within the all party talks framework?
As I said, it is my firm intention to ensure there will be no logjam on one issue in the talks when they commence. The communiqué agreed on 28 February makes this clear. Other issues must also be addressed and that will be provided for. I took the opportunity during my visit to the United States of America to seek the support, understanding and agreement of President Clinton to ensure that the talks will range across the entire spectrum of issues and will not be logjammed or exclusively focused on one issue, however important that issue may be.
In his next contact with the Unionist leadership, will the Taoiseach consider suggesting to them that it is unreasonable to expect Nationalists to participate fully in the Northern Ireland forum while they refuse to participate in the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation and the British-Irish Parliamentary Body? Is there any update on the Taoiseach's contact with the British Government regarding how the Framework Document will be used in the talks to further the process?
It is not wise to draw the types of parallels the Deputy is seeking to draw. I regret that the Unionist parties did not participate in the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation, but one should not take the view that a mistake made by the Unionist parties governs all future decision making. Each forum and opportunity must be considered on its merits and I have no doubt that is what the parties will do when they consider the matter in the coming days. I have confined myself to making a general statement to the effect that we must consider the opportunity which exists. It is an enormous and unprecedented opportunity for successful talks which have been sought for years to start on 10 June.
Everything should be done in the meantime and in conjunction with that to ensure the atmosphere for success is the best possible. I urge people to look forward in that way rather than looking back, going over precedents and saying that others did certain things on particular occasions. We can all find plenty of precedents in past decisions of our political antagonists to justify making no step forward at any time on any issue. The approach should not be one of searching the record books for precedents to justify a lack of movement, rather one of seeking to take the unprecedented opportunity which is available.