Vol. 472 No. 7
16 Mr. R. Burke asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the progress, if any, to date of the Stormont talks; and if the two Governments will set a firm date for a plenary session in January 1997 with inclusive attendance provided that there is an unequivocal restoration of the IRA ceasefire and a willingness by Sinn Féin to subscribe and adhere to the Mitchell principles. [24138/96]
18 Mr. M. McDowell asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will give an evaluation of the recent Anglo-Irish summit meeting; when the Stormont talks are likely to resume after the Christmas recess; the proposals, if any, the Government has to ensure that these talks will be more meaningful and will make more progress than was the case in 1996; and the proposals, if any, the Government has to lead to a breaking of the impasse which appears to have arisen relating to the situation in Northern Ireland. [24167/96]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 16 and 18 together.
Progress in the multi-party talks, particularly since their resumption in September, has been frustratingly slow. It has not yet been possible to reach agreement on the handling of decommissioning and thereby to complete the opening plenary session and move into substantive three-stranded negotiations. The two Governments are united in their commitment to the implementation of all aspects of the report of the international body as the best possible basis for progress in decommissioning. We continue to hope that all other participants will agree to work with us on that basis and discussions on this matter are continuing in Belfast. No dates have as yet been agreed either for a Christmas break in the talks or for their resumption in the New Year.
Despite the disappointing pace of developments in the talks, it is important to emphasise that if operated with goodwill and commitment they still offer the potential for progress towards the achievement of a lasting and comprehensive negotiated settlement. The ground rules and rules of procedure, guarantee the right of all participants to advance their views on all issues of concern, and create a negotiating structure in which all of the key relationships can be considered in parallel. They also ensure that any agreement, even before it is put to the people for ratification, must be acceptable to the political representatives of both communities and to both Governments. The existence of a potentially fully inclusive talks process, with prestigious international independent chairmanship, is a substantial asset and should be safeguarded, as far as possible, whatever the short-term difficulties.
The conditions for Sinn Féin's entry into the political talks currently under way in Belfast were carefully set out by both Governments in the communiqué of 28 February 1996 and in the ground rules and have been reiterated on many occasions, not least here in the past three quarters of an hour by the Taoiseach. In our contacts with the British Government, most recently at Monday's Anglo-Irish summit, we have made it clear that we believe Sinn Féin should be included in the talks once those conditions have been met, and that we are anxious to see that objective achieved as soon as possible. That is a strong argument for the earliest possible reinstatement of the IRA ceasefire which should never have been broken.
As the Taoiseach said on Monday, and has just repeated in the House, if the IRA clearly calls an unequivocal ceasefire in words that are believable, and provided there is nothing done that is inconsistent with this ceasefire or with the Mitchell principles, then Sinn Féin should be admitted to participation in the talks in accordance with the ground rules we have agreed. In practical terms, we hope this will be possible early in the New Year. The Prime Minister, Mr. Major, has made it clear that he is unwilling to commit his Government to a specific timetable, which would have been our preferred approach.
However, he has also made it clear that he does not intend any undue delay. Obviously, the sooner a ceasefire is called, the faster the goal of Sinn Féin's entry to the talks can be achieved.
As this issue has been debated at length between the leader of my party and the Taoiseach, I will merely ask a few supplementaries. It is an understatement to say the talks process has been frustratingly slow. Is there a realistic hope that, with the good office of George Mitchell, the decommissioning issue might be resolved before the talks break for Christmas? A date has not been fixed for their resumption.
The talks process is frustratingly slow. It is difficult and painstaking, but as we are making progress people want to stick with the process. The only way to resolve these issues is through negotiation and discussion.
Our position on decommissioning continues to be based firmly on the implementation of all aspects of the Mitchell Report. That report commands widespread support across a range of parties and is probably the only achievable way forward. With the assistance of the chairman, Senator Mitchell, and his colleagues, we are engaged in detailed discussions with the other participants in the talks and while I cannot predict if there will be a breakthrough before Christmas, that remains our priority.
Does the Tánaiste agree that, apart from the question of decommissioning, confidence building measures are important at this stage? Does he also agree that in addition to the potential for confidence building measures to accompany a ceasefire on the British side, in terms of security and release of prisoners, there is also great potential for the Republican movement to build confidence by indicating that punishment beatings have stopped, that those who have been banished from Northern Ireland under pain of punishment or killing are free to return and that all forms of paramilitary preparatory activity, such as targeting, intelligence gathering and so on, will cease? Does he agree those achievements would be much more convincing than particular formulations of the decommissioning process in creating an atmosphere of trust that the violence is over for good.
I am sure the Deputy will accept that decommissioning is the key to making progress in the talks and in terms of building confidence. If we could get agreement in the talks process on how to deal with the decommissioning issue in a satisfactory manner, we could move with confidence to discuss other issues. The question of confidence building is part and parcel of the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Conference where we discuss a range of issues, including punishment beatings, on a regular basis. All and sundry abhor punishment beatings. Matters such as surveillance, tracking preparation for a return to conflict, deployment of security forces, policing, parades, emergency legislation, the position of prisoners and other social and economic issues were discussed at the last meeting of the Intergovernmental Conference on 20 November. There is a glaring lack of confidence between the communities in Northern Ireland borne out of history, distrust and sectarianism, which manifested itself recently in a nasty form in Ballymena. With the British Government, we work on a daily basis to stimulate the communities on both sides to take the necessary steps to build confidence. An important aspect of the cessation of violence, or the threat of violence, which we are seeking would be a clear indication that the phenomena mentioned by the Deputy are irrefutably forsaken. Confidence in a ceasefire would be quickly undermined if the activities we tend to associate with paramilitaries continue.
All Members want the ceasefire restored, it should never have broken down. We also wanted talks to take place during the 17 months of the ceasefire, but that did not happen. There has been a breakdown of confidence. The Government made it clear today, through the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste that there should be a definite date for the commencement of talks, with participation of Sinn Féin in the event of an unequivocal declaration of a ceasefire, including an end to punishment beatings, targeting and so on. How can the Tánaiste realistically talk of confidence building measures when, in publishing the Estimates for Northern Ireland yesterday, Sir. Patrick Mayhew talked in a cynical way about an end to the peace dividend and major cutbacks in areas that would help to build confidence between the communities in Northern Ireland. This is sending out all the wrong signals.
The Tánaiste, the Taoiseach and John Hume, a major player in this process, have argued for a definite date for inclusive talks. Members of the House also want a definite date for such talks. John Hume believes Monday's meeting generated nothing. Why is the Government failing to get across to the British Government the need for a definite date for inclusive talks? What is wrong that this point cannot be got across?
It is a matter of regret that we are unable to reach a shares position on this matter. As stated on numerous occasions, the primary onus rests with the IRA to unequivocally restore its ceasefire, which should never have been broken. We believe that if that happens under the stated terms, and the Mitchell principles are adhered to, within a short time Sinn Féin should be included in the talks. The circumstances are right now for the IRA to make that move and it should be done as quickly as possible.
What is the Government's understanding of Senator George Mitchell's commitment to remain as chairman of the talks?
There was much speculation about Senator Mitchell's possible preferment for a position in Washington. That has not happened and he will continue to participate in the talks. We have no indications to the contrary.
While we are sorry Senator Mitchell did not secure the preferment referred to by the Tánaiste, his loss is our gain. We are grateful for his help.
In the context of American involvement in getting the IRA to see sense and announce a ceasefire, could it not put pressure on the British Government to see sense in regard to a definite date for participation by Sinn Féin in all party talks? Have the Americans been playing a role? How successful has it been? I know we will be discussing this later under the question on Vice-President Gore.
We will reach Question No. 21, which deals with the American situation, but I will comment on what Deputy Burke said. We are very fortunate to have men of the calibre of former Senator George Mitchell, former Prime Minister Holkeri and General de Chastelain available to us. They continue to be available to us and we look forward to working with them in future. I will be quite happy to deal with all the aspects of American involvement under Question No. 21.
