Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 29 Jan 1997

Vol. 474 No. 1

Financial Resolutions, 1997. - Financial Resolution No. 5: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
THAT it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—(The Taoiseach).

When the debate adjourned yesterday I was speaking about economic and monetary union and Ireland's prospects if the United Kingdom were to remain outside the system. Could one imagine a situation where we qualified for monetary union but decided not to move with our partners in Europe and just hang outside because sterling was not going to be party to the new system for reasons which I again emphasise have nothing to do with economics but with the nationalistic outlook in the UK? Who would come to our aid if the Irish pound came under attack? Certainly not our partners whom we would have abandoned in their quest for monetary union, and certainly not sterling with which we broke some years ago and which would have no interest in trying to help to defend us against an attack on the Irish pound. Furthermore, our influence in a new European central bank set-up would be nil if we were to remain outside the group of countries which would make up the first round of the euro currency. It is ironic that our influence in controlling our fiscal policy is much influenced by Europe; whenever Europe sneezes we get a cold.

However true that may be, as members of the first round of monetary union forming a European central bank, we may have a lot more influence than we have had over the past decade. Our relationship with our nearest neighbour is not unique in European terms, nor is it unique in world trading terms.

For instance, companies in Ireland who have been internationally successful and dealt practically exclusively in the international export trade with American have seen phenomenal changes in the value of the Irish pound in its relationship to the American dollar. The sort of changes that have taken place would be way beyond anything comprehended between Ireland within a European monetary system and sterling outside it. We have demonstrated that we, and individual companies, have the capacity to cope with the fluctuations of the various currencies.

Another point to be borne in mind is that many of the major multinational companies from the States which have located in Ireland have set their European headquarters within the Irish economy. Clearly those companies would not be happy to see a new European monetary system, which would remove all their concerns about exchange rates and give them easy access to their markets in a one currency system, jeopardised by Ireland deciding to remain outside although it qualified for monetary union. America clearly looks to the European economy, not to the exclusive British economy.

I am not saying that we should not take on board the consequences of Ireland entering European monetary union and the UK staying outside, but it is my absolute view that we should be looking now at those sectors which will be most seriously affected by the UK remaining outside monetary union and Ireland joining. Those companies should be given clear signals and told to plan their company structures, markets and fiscal policy on the basis of such an eventuality. They have at least another two to three years to ensure that the difficulties of Ireland entering monetary union and the UK staying outside can be largely reduced with proper foresight and financial management planning.

As I have emphasised, there are plenty of examples of companies, such as Waterford Crystal in my constituency, which dealt exclusively with the American markets for years and experienced horrendous changes in the rate of the punt to the dollar but which overcame many of those difficulties with proper financial planning. It was not easy. We do ourselves no favours by creating many spurious arguments for the sake of debate while at the same time realising on any cold and serious analysis that Ireland's fortunes are clearly linked to the developing EU and not to a UK in decay and disarray which has very little interest in seeing the expansion of Europe to the detriment or reduction of its power base. Ireland's fortunes cannot be attached to nationalist arguments within the UK. Our future clearly lies within Europe where we have a contribution to make and where an exciting future lies for all our citizens. Once we reach the Maastricht guidelines we should accept in principle that Ireland's future, and that of its partners, lies in Europe and not elsewhere.

The Minister for Education, Deputy Bhreathnach, spoke last night about the various levels of education and I want to refer to the upgrading of Waterford Regional Technical College to Waterford Institute of Technology. People inside and outside this House and the many vested interest groups around the country are quite entitled to make their opinions known with regard to their colleges but they should do so on the merits of their cases. I will not accept any denigration of my city, county, college or region just so others can make their case to upgrade their area. They are entitled to do so but they should do it on the merits of their case.

Waterford's case has been unique. It is the only region in the country which lacks a university and a campaign has been running for 12 years to address that. Waterford regional technical college is a college of excellence which has achieved the highest standards in third level education. It won the argument with the Sexton report, which clearly pointed out that there was a deficiency in third level facilities in the south-east and recommended the upgrading of the regional technical college to Waterford Institute of Technology status. That was the correct decision. No other college was mentioned in that regard. I respectfully suggest to all others concerned that if they have a case to make they should make it on its merits. The case for Waterford stands alone in bringing about a balance in the provision of third level education.

I have been concerned from the beginning at the way the Department of Education has handled this decision. It was announced in a very lowkey way. There was no reference to it in the Minister's speech last night when she laid out her plans for third level education. I was astonished that she should refer to colleges at Blanchardstown, Galway, Castlebar and other areas and make no reference to the one on which probably one of most momentous decisions was taken on third level education in recent years.

I heard this morning of the decision with regard to the review of all of the colleges. It is not and never has been my view that a decision should be taken to change the regional colleges to institutes of technology. That is not advancement in education. There may well be a case for the consideration of one or two colleges along with Waterford regional technical college, but there should be no attempt to remove a most successful stratum of third level education, that is, the regional colleges. They must remain and be given the resources to expand. Equally, the institute of technology structure is a facility which has been missing throughout third level education and Waterford certainly deserves its opportunity. It must be given the resources.

I call on the Minister for Education to clarify whether the Government will proceed with individual legislation in the Waterford case or whether the Dublin Institute of Technology Acts are to be amended to include Waterford regional technical college. I wish all the other regional technical colleges the best of luck but Waterford should be left alone. We have made our case and won our argument and we are not giving sustenance to any other constituency or county. We are on top for once and we intend to stay there.

This has proved an awful budget for the Opposition. It has engendered no little panic and significant bickering in the Opposition parties and some desperate attempts by Deputy Bertie Ahern and Deputy Harney to convince the nation that between them, despite the evidence to the contrary, they constitute a cogent, confident, coherent and attractive alternative to this most effective Government.

Knowing there was little he could do to knock a sound progressive budget, Deputy McCreevy went walkabout in the political outback to fill the time allotted and Deputy Michael McDowell, skilled advocate that he is, chose to create a man of straw, a budget never actually presented by this Government, before proceeding to knock it down. None of their respective colleagues has since improved on these budget day performances. The more scrutiny to which this budget is subjected, the better it looks. It is right for our people and right for the country.

However, the most surprising feature of the budget is the bust-up it has produced both between and within the two Opposition parties. The year end 'think' pieces almost invariably concluded that a FF/PD alliance was both comfortable and inevitable. It was merely a question of which of the Marys would be Tánaiste.

We will settle that.

Deputy Harney was under no illusion about who would win that battle. As the Progressive Democrats insider told The Sunday Business Post, “Bertie suffers a deficit in the statesmanship department” and Deputy Harney would be necessary in order to “put a bit of gloss on him”, while Deputy McDowell marked out his own territory with his “alternative budget”.

It was all too much for long-suffering Fianna Fáil backbenchers who fundamentally disagree with a range of Progressive Democrats policies and are still sore about the conduct of the Progressive Democrats in the last unhappy FF/PD Government which came to such an ignominious end. If plain Michael McDowell, as he then was, could inflict such wounds from outside the House, what humiliations might he inflict on Fianna Fáil from inside Government? The party Whip, Deputy Dermot Ahern, was sent out to put the assertive Progressive Democrats back in their box. They would, he said, have "an insignificant say" in any future FF/PD Government. "Fianna Fáil would be firmly in the driving seat", he said. As a contemptuous put-down of the thrusting Progressive Democrats, it ranks with Deputy Reynolds's prophetic "temporary little arrangement" and Deputy Cowen's memorable "when in doubt leave them out".

Deputy Dermot Ahern may since have been disowned by his leader. Both Deputy Bertie Ahern and Deputy McDowell assure us that the Chief Whip was under excruciating pressure at the time on local radio and he did not intend what tumbled out. I hope he never comes under real pressure.

The reality, of course, is that Fianna Fáil at Malahide has totally changed direction. The pre-Christmas `love-in' with the Progressive Democrats is over. It is now back to the "keeping our options open" strategy and a reversion to taking a "both sides of the road with us" strategy.

The Minister knows all about that.

The facts are that in a wide range of policy areas Fianna Fáil is unhappy with the strident selfishness of the Progressive Democrats. In addition, the Progressive Democrats believe their Deputies are born to rule and Fianna Fáil believe they have a divine right to rule unimpeded by any other expression thrown up by the electorate,——

Democratic Left is only at 1 per cent in the polls.

——and certainly not the PD expression.

The simple truth of the matter is that no matter how much the PD strategists try to transform the formidable Deputy McDowell into a soft and gooey "Mr. Stay-Puff Marshmallow", Fianna Fáil are still afraid of him and if I were in Fianna Fáil I would be afraid of him too.

I am not.

This is not personality politics. It is merely an acknowledgement that Deputy McDowell represents the cutting edge of the Progressive Democrats. When in doubt there will be no leaving Deputy McDowell out.

Sections of the media may well be dazzled by Deputy Harney's policy Dance of the Seven Veils, full of Eastern promise. "I will make Ireland the Hong Kong of Europe" goes the chant as the first veil is cast aside. "Don't count on us" is the Fianna Fáil response.

There is a line in the film "The Bridge on the River Kwai" when the commandant of the Japanese concentration camp addresses the enslaved inmates with the immortal line, "As General Yamamoto said, "be happy in your work'." Deputy Mary Harney would happily have us all in Ireland HK, if not on the Kwai.

We have Mr. Dick Walsh, columnist with The Irish Times, to thank for reminding us of her 1994 speech.

Among other things.

I am quite sure that Deputy O'Dea is very concerned about the attention that is drawn to the Progressive Democrats in his single-minded mission in Limerick.

I wish I could hear something about the budget.

The speech by Deputy Harney in 1994, which it is timely to recall, states:

In Hong Kong, for example, a very successful economy, people work for low wages. They're not rich, but they are happy and they cope....

Not too many people are happy on low wages. How can people cope with no welfare system, terrible public housing, a world entirely comprising an overcrowded, high-rise, nightmare metropolis? What will the residents of Clyde Road say to such a prospect?

Deputy Harney is nothing if not consistent. The graceful and delicate removal of the second veil reveals her plan to effectively scrap the social insurance fund. Social insurance, the PD chorus sings, is crippling and it rewards laziness and sloth. Who will be Minister for Social Welfare in her brave new world and what will that Minister have to do? Will there even be a Minister for Social Welfare and will there actually be a social welfare system? Deputy Harney tells us candidly that she is only interested in helping those who help themselves. This has a resonance of Norman Tebbit's "Get on your bikes".

In like-minded Seoul, a million people register their opposition to ever more harsh and draconian labour laws and restrictions on civil rights. Or have I missed something? Are they dancing in the streets with joy at the prospect?

Contrast also the Harney vision with the actions of the Minister for Social Welfare, a budget day package that takes account of the findings of the expert group on the integration of tax and social welfare, the strategy paper on the labour market, Growing and Sharing our Employment, published by the Department of Enterprise and Employment, and the interim report of the Commission on the Family.

Clearly the PD political stage show is one by performers who care little for real tax and social welfare reform, the pursuit of the goal of sustainable long-term full employment and the role of the family in society, unless they are in the top earning bracket. We are watching an ensemble that seems dedicated to ignoring the more than 406,000 people to whom contributory pensions and other benefits are paid, and who have paid in their contributions during their working lives, and tearing up the long-term solidarity compact between employers, employees, the self-employed and the Government that is the social insurance fund and the social welfare system.

Now another veil is tantalisingly cast aside. We at first glimpse, then see in all its glory, the Deputy's dedication to creating a State aimed at helping those who can help themselves. Cutting the top rate of tax must be the pressing priority; the top rate of tax must plummet, and almost immediately, to 40 per cent. However much we must aim to reduce the income tax burden on middle income households, the picture in respect of total tax take is not as the PD Deputies would have us believe.

The following comparative table published in The Irish Times of 24 January 1997 contains an analysis prepared by the international accountancy and management consultancy firm, KPMG. It is post-budget and examines the case of a household comprising a married couple with two children, an income of £50,000 a year, a company car worth £20,000 and annual mortgage interest repayments of £5,000 a year, in other words, the kind of people being wooed daily by the Progressive Democrats.

Tax and Social Insurance on £50,000 Salary

Country

Income Tax

Social Insurance

Total

Luxembourg

6,980

5,179

12,159

Spain

14,790

1,309

16,099

UK

15,395

2,136

17,531

Germany

11,497

6,526

18,023

Greece

11,128

7,950

19,078

Ireland

17,744

1,751

19,495

Portugal

13,843

6,160

20,003

Belgium

13,737

6,794

20,531

Netherlands

19,005

1,925

20,930

Italy

15,912

5,149

21,061

Austria

17,164

4,363

21,527

France

13,667

9,914

23,581

Finland

19,308

4,471

23,779

Sweden

26,522

1,186

27,708

Denmark

26,284

3,808

30,092

Total

242,976

68,621

311,597

Average

16,198

4,575

20,773

Source: KPMG/Irish Times.

I draw the attention of Deputies to the left-hand column which relates to the income tax take. It is important to remember we are talking about the PD argument that top earners get a raw deal under the tax system and that the preoccupation should be with reducing the marginal rate. The middle column gives the social insurance take or PRSI and the right-hand column shows the total deductions from wages of that person in that family circumstance on a £50,000 salary for each of the 15 countries of the European Union. Ireland is shown as sixth from the bottom of that league. It shows that the following countries have less take-home pay and more tax deducted from that income: Portugal, Belgium, Netherlands, Italy, Austria, France, Finland, Sweden and Denmark. People in those countries contribute more in terms of total tax take than Ireland. Fianna Fáil agrees with me on this point but it is important to put it on the record because on budget day Deputy McDowell devoted the lion's share of his speech, and Deputy O'Malley on television with me, to complaining ad nauseam that the Minister for Finance had not altered the marginal rate of 48 per cent and that high income earners were being done down as a result. The table proves conclusively that that is not the case.

First, the income tax take for the household is above the EU average but also considerably below the income tax take for similar households in the most heavily taxed member states, Sweden and Denmark. Second, the total direct tax take, including PRSI, is slightly below the EU average — that is because employee PRSI in Ireland is among the lowest in the Community. It is lower than in the UK and considerably below the take in countries as varied as France, Germany, Portugal, Greece and Belgium, yet Deputy Harney wants to abolish it.

As the KPMG analysis points out, concentration on the top tax rate would have cost the Exchequer less than the policy actually adopted by this Government. In the language of the commentators it would have been less of a give-away. This is because, compared to the actual approach adopted by the Government, the benefit would have extended only to a minority of high earners.

Furthermore, the approach adopted by the Government inevitably benefits those on the top rate, and it goes a considerable distance down the road to creating an employment friendly economy and eliminating employment and poverty traps. KPMG's assessment concluded that:

Despite common perception, higher income earners do not fare that badly in the income tax stakes relative to their counterparts in other EU countries.

I do not think the Progressive Democrats would question the KPMG study. Playing to perceptions, stoking up prejudice and breeding inequality is the object of this PD prescription. Slashing 8 per cent off the top rate of income tax would cost £400 million in a full year — all going to the better off and not a penny going to the lower paid and no contribution to reducing employment and poverty traps. Let us recall, the vision is one of Ireland as Hong Kong. Poverty is good for you. Now we are forced to press on.

On a point of order, before the Minister presses on, this is too good to be continued without an audience.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted and 20 Members being present,

Before Deputy O'Dea made his ungracious intervention I was about to point out that another policy difference between him and his prospective partners in Government relates to privatisation. The Progressive Democrats Party has made it clear that it proposes to sell off the ACC, ICC, the TSB and Aer Rianta. Apart from one inglorious best forgotten interview by Deputy Ahern on "Morning Ireland", Fianna Fáil says it will not go down that road. Who are we to believe? Deputy Harney made it clear in The Irish Times on 17 January that if the Progressive Democrats Party is in Government and Britain stays out of the single currency we may do the same, while Deputy Bertie Ahern has most definitely committed Fianna Fáil to entering the system. So much for cohesion. Again, who are we to believe?

As Fianna Fáil cavils and the Progressive Democrats Party engages in begrudgery over the budget, do they really believe that Members have forgotten the performance of the Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats Government between 1989 and 1992? I wish to summarise some of the relevant facts of the lifetime of that Government: 56,000 people were added to the live register and total employment showed virtually no growth; mortgage rates reached their highest level ever at almost 15 per cent, adding up to £80 a month to household costs; the average tax paid by a PAYE worker increased by 17 per cent; local authority dwelling construction reached its lowest level for decades; new housing grants also fell to their lowest level in decades; Deputy McCreevy introduced his infamous dirty dozen welfare cuts; child benefit was increased over three budgets by just 75p for the first two children and by £1.15 for the third child and subsequent children — this Government has increased the figures over three budgets by £10 and £14, respectively; VAT was increased on electricity bills from 5 per cent to 10 per cent and was introduced on telephone bills for the first time; VAT on a wide range of goods, including clothing and footwear, was hiked from 12.5 per cent to 16 per cent and personal tax allowances were increased over three budgets by £50 for a single person and by £100 for a married couple — this Government has increased the personal allowance over three budgets by £550.

The one definitive point which can be made about Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats in Government is that they were dedicated to Deputy Harney's vision of a nation and an economy based on low wages and poverty and to a notion of citizenship based on seeking dignity, self-esteem and independence in unemployment, poverty and featherweight wage packets.

I wish to confront the central Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats criticism of the Government's public expenditure performance by comparing it with their performance in Government between 1989 and 1992. The following table shows the increase in gross current supply side services spending between 1989 and 1997.

Percentage increase

Year

Nominal

Real

1989

0.8

–3.1

1990

6.7

3.3

1991

9.8

6.4

1992

10

6.7

1993

7.7

6.1

1994

7.3

4.9

1995

5.6

3

1996

6.1

4.4

1997(post budget)

7

4.7

The figures show the position when the Progressive Democrats entered Government with Fianna Fáil and the position during the lifetime of this Government. Contrary to the impression given by Deputies McCreevy and McDowell, the public spending performance of their parties in power contrasts sharply with that of this Government. In 1990, the first year of the Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats Government, the increase in real terms was 3.3 per cent. In 1991 the figure was 6.4 per cent; in 1992, 6.7 per cent; in 1993, 6.1 per cent; in 1994, 4.9 per cent; in 1995, 3 per cent; in 1996, 4.4 per cent and in 1997, 4.7 per cent. That was the actual performance, and it was the only substantive argument commentators on the other side of the House had about the budget.

What about the Government's commitment to a 2 per cent increase per annum?

We did not achieve it, but we had extraordinary reasons for not doing so, for example, BSE, the hepatitis C issue etc.

The commitment to a 2 per cent——

Deputy O'Dea will have an opportunity to contribute.

The Deputy should look at the low point of the Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats Government in 1992.

The economy is in a different position, as the Minister well knows.

It is disturbing that Fianna Fáil Deputies do not wish me to speak in the House. In 1992, the Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats Government increased spending on the current supply side services by 10 per cent in nominal terms and by 6.7 per cent in real terms. Those are the facts.

The Government is committed to rewarding work, promoting enterprise and employment growth, strengthening social solidarity and preparing Ireland for the next stage in the development of the European Union. We are approaching all these issues in an integrated, coherent and planned fashion.

The Government is rewarding work and has increased tax free allowances, reduced the standard rate and widened the standard rate band. PRSI continues to be reformed and tax-PRSI integration proceeds with the social insurance fund being protected and the social welfare system being made even more employment friendly. The two systems now interact more effectively to provide a helping hand for those who cannot work and a springboard for those who need help entering the paid workforce and a real incentive to work. On the corporate side of the equation, two thirds of all jobs are at the low rate of employers' PRSI and thresholds have been raised.

Enterprise is also being promoted. The standard rate of corporation tax has been cut and the new low rate introduced for small firms has been further reduced. The BES will be expanded this year by allowing relief to companies going for a DCM listing, aimed at increasing the attractiveness of the stock exchange to Irish companies and expanding investment opportunities for Irish institutions — something to which Deputies Harney and Ahern, if vaguely and incoherently, profess to aspire. Virtually every day foreign investors vote manifest confidence in Ireland and indigenous firms bring new developments and jobs on stream. Confidence is at an all-time high.

We are witnessing expansion in employment unparalleled in the history of the State. In the past two years more than 100,000 new jobs have been created in industry and services. With the policies the Government is pursuing, we are set for another excellent year on the employment front. In a pre-budget statement in The Irish Times, Deputy Harney, referred to New Zealand and the creation there of 180,000 jobs in a very short period, but she turns her face from what is happening here. By the end of this year, in the life of this Government, in the region of 150,000 jobs will have been created by enterprise in Ireland

This Government is also conscious of the legacy of neglect it inherited in the huge problem of long-term unemployment. The glib approach of other Administrations, most notably the Fianna Fáil-PD Government, was that it is intractable. It is not intractable and the communities plagued with long-term unemployment and visited by other associated plagues, cannot be left to rot. They will not be left to rot by this Government.

Social solidarity is being strengthened. In the last two budgets the Government has significantly enhanced the social protection system, made access to the system and its benefits more equitable and easier, enormously increased child supports, and made large strides in making the social protection system employment friendly. The last two budgets have also enhanced a number of affirmative action measures targeted directly at the long-term unemployed and introduced a range of new measures. The back to work allowance scheme has been improved — the number of places increased by 5,000 this year. The jobstart scheme and job initiative have been introduced, the workplace scheme has been developed and community employment is being more effectively targeted at the long-term unemployed.

Getting a job and finding it rational to take a job is the key to everything. Both requirements are necessary. Other things being equal, once in gainful employment a person's life chances will improve dramatically. Even if people who have been long-term unemployed lose their new-found jobs the chances of getting other jobs are significantly higher. The integrated package of measures relating to tax, social welfare reform and affirmative action introduced by this Government, this co-ordination of social protection, low income support and affirmative action programmes, combined with tax and PRSI reform that concentrates on low earners, basic tax free allowances, the standard rate and the standard rate band, is the comprehensive formula for creating an employment friendly economy and pursuing the goal of long-term, sustainable full employment in a competitive national economy within the framework of economic and monetary union.

The nod-and-wink culture of Fianna Fáil autocratic populism is well past its sell-by date and good riddance to it. The right wing rhetoric of the Progressive Democrats has never had appeal in Ireland. The idea that one can be resuscitated and the other propagated and that the twain can then entwine in harmony is a myth plain to see in the pages of history.

In Government Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats could not bear the sight of each other. Leaving aside party incompatibilities, the chemistry between the two parties was poisonous. The reality during the Fianna Fáil-PD Government was a history of humiliating public putdowns, one-upmanship, noises off stage, heads on a platter and ultimately chaos and disintegration. What has changed? Nothing, except that Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats desperately want to get into Government. The policy differences and the personalities have not gone away. The putative Taoiseach to Mary's Tánaiste has told us that he is reserving a special role vis-à-vis Northern Ireland for Deputy Reynolds. I think I hear a snort from down Limerick way. Policy on Northern Ireland is already irreconcilable between Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. Both parties pursue contrary policies on economic and monetary union. The two parties advocate opposite positions on privatisation. Fianna Fáil does not share the Progressive Democrats obsession with the top rate of tax.

This is by no means an exhaustive list, but those are the major questions facing Irish public life. A prospective Government whose participants hold opposite views on those major issues would do serious damage to the social and economic progress under way. Do the Irish people want to go back to a Government riven by dissension and preoccupied with settling old scores? I believe not.

I wish to share time with Deputy Dempsey.

That is in order.

I listened carefully to the Minister of State's speech, even though very little of it related to the budget, which we are supposed to be debating. I reject his two principal defences of the budget, the first of which relates to the income tax and social insurance take based on the KPMG report. He made a virtue of the fact that we are only sixth on the league table of EU countries in terms of the percentage of gross income taken in social insurance and tax. That is a misleading and disingenuous comparison. Our economic performance must be compared with that of other countries. In recent years we have had high powered growth rates which easily out-performed our EU competitors. Most, if not all, the countries to which the Minister of State referred have experienced minimal growth rates, many of them have just come out of recession. It is misleading to make a virtue of the fact that we are only taking tax and social insurance from gross income. It highlights the bankruptcy of the Minister of State's arguments in defence of the budget.

I also reject his comparative public expenditure table. It must be noted that the last Fianna Fáil-PD Government came to office after a period of substantial fiscal retrenchment forced on its predecessors by the excesses of the Garret FitzGerald-led Government between 1983 and 1987. It is in that context we must examine the public expenditure record of the last Fianna Fáil-PD Administration. On the other hand, this Government came to office against the background of unparalleled economic growth, which has continued unabated during the lifetime of this Administration. We should compare like with like when seeking to defend the budget.

A budget cannot be considered in isolation. It must be considered in conjunction with the public expenditure figures set out in the public expenditure estimates. It must also be considered in the context of the state of a country's economy. When this budget is examined in the context of the current state of the economy and in conjunction with the public expenditure estimates, it has the capacity to be the greatest catastrophe ever inflicted on this economy. Economic growth rates are such that Ireland's gross domestic product will be 34 per cent higher in 1997 than in 1994 and it continues to expand rapidly. The Minister for Finance projected that growth this year will be 6.5 per cent.

In a major reversal of all accepted economic theory and proved economic practice, this unprecedented boom has been accompained by unprecedented expansionary fiscal policy. Expansionary fiscal policy is generally promoted in a weak economy about to slip into recession. No properly qualified Minister or set of economists would propose massive fiscal expansion accompanied by rapid economic growth.

For the past two years we have had unprecedented fiscal stimulation in conjunction with record economic expansion. If fiscal stimulation took the form of tax cuts, accompanied by appropriate matching controls of public expenditure, they would be justified because the fruits of economic growth would go back into the economy to sustain the inevitable financial winter. However, fiscal stimulation has taken the form of ever increasing and reckless public expenditure, at a level which leaves little room for tax cuts and twice that promised by the rainbow Government. Ireland's hard pressed taxpayers must wait at the end of the queue while the Government continues to recklessly squander the fruits of economic growth.

I am not an advocate of the minimalist state; I have no vested interest in seeing, nor is it part of my philosophy to wish to see, Ireland return to the era of the Dickensian workhouse. That is not the issue, although listening to the Minister of State, Deputy Rabbitte, one would think it is. We must look at the total level of public expenditure in the light of economic performance. Ireland's economic performance is such that the rate of public expenditure is unjustified and public expenditure is rising to a level where the State has too great an involvement in the economy. I am interested in the sick, the poor, the old and the handicapped. We cannot regard them as a cost to be dispensed with when economic theory so demands. Nobody wishes to return to that era.

However, public expenditure is recognised by all independent economic commentators as being too high as a proportion of GDP in current economic circumstances. The Government has allowed the public expenditure juggernaut to continue unchecked. If it had its solemn promise to maintain public expenditure increases below the levels of economic growth, the State's role in the economy would have been diminished accordingly. This would have created the opportunity for meaningful tax reductions. Unfortunately, the Government did not keep to its promise. The fruits of economic growth have been confiscated by the State. The funds available to reform the tax code and to reduce the tax burden have been sequestered to pay for an ever-increasing and ever more reckless growth in public expenditure. The juggernaut continues unchecked.

It is salutary to reflect on the impact our tigerish economic performance and Asian type growth rates have had on unemployment, the country's most endemic problem and the greatest single cause of poverty in society. Since 1990 the economy has grown by 41 per cent yet, over the same period, the fall in the unemployment rate as measured by the most reliable yardstick, the Labour Force Survey, has been marginal — from 13.4 per cent to 12.9 per cent. Why is it that Asian type growth rates, fuelled by an intoxicating but transient cocktail of free money from Brussels, has had virtually no impact on unemployment? The growth in employment has come from new entrants to the labour market, mainly women, school leavers and returned emigrants. This depressing picture is reinforced by the most recent Labour Force Survey which shows no fall in the numbers of long-term unemployed in the 1996 survey despite an extra 46,000 taking up employment during the same period.

This merely confirms what we should know — our tax system still offers no real incentive to those seeking unskilled or low-paid employment because their after tax income is usually less than their not benefit from welfare and other income supports. A favourable tax regime is the sine qua non of reducing unemployment, which, as I have said, is the primary cause of poverty in society. If the Government had kept its promise, solemnly given despite what the Minister of State, Deputy Rabbitte says, and had adhered to an annual real increase in public expenditure of 2 per cent, the current spending figures would be £500 million less. That would have presented an opportunity for real tax reform which would make a significant impact on unemployment.

The Minister for Finance referred to the tax provisions in the budget as a tax giveaway. As the Minister's figures demonstrate, it is a tax "take-away" because the total take in taxation will increase by £364 million of £1 million per day over the coming financial year. It is misleading to describe it as a giveaway.

In general, Government spending has been rising at four times the rate of inflation. Even a modest improvement in this abysmal performance would allow huge capacity for tax reduction or reduction in the national debt. There are inflationary dangers in applying a large fiscal boost to the economy at this stage of the economic cycle. The former Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Lawson, pursued a similar strategy in similar circumstances in 1987-88. The result was an unmitigated catastrophe from which it has taken the British economy almost a decade to recover. The British experience should have alerted the Government to the dangers of injecting even more spending into an already overheated economy.

In its latest bulletin, the Central Bank estimates that our economy is operating at full potential capacity at a growth rate of between 4 and 5 per cent. On this basis and measured against that yardstick, the economy has been operating above capacity for the past three years. Therefore, the inflation rate is balanced on a knife edge. This is borne out by recent figures indicating rapid credit growth, increasing house prices and buoyant car and consumer goods sales.

This budget could provide the match which will ignite inflation. The Minister will be aware that rising inflation will not only disqualify us from entry to economic and monetary union, to which the Government appears totally committed, but will also result in a loss of international competitiveness and rising interest rates, which will cause employment and output to contract. The tax reliefs should have been greater and should also have been matched by appropriate spending cuts so that the overall impact on the economy would have been as close to neutral as possible.

I am aware of the strong arguments on both sides of the EMU issue. The country needs to have a proper debate on the matter. If Sweden, Germany and Britain can debate the issue, why not us? The same groups — the trade union leaders, the employers' leaders, the farmers and certain members of the Catholic hierarchy — which tried to persuade us that devaluation would be a catastrophe for the economy in 1993 when sterling left the ERM are now trying to sleepwalk this country into EMU regardless of what the British do.

In 1993 due to Britain leaving the ERM and the appreciation of the punt against sterling tens of thousands of Irish workers were exposed to the danger of unemployment, particularly in labour-intensive industries for which the UK was our major market. That, combined with the international markets, forced devaluation despite the flawed consensus to the contrary. It was that act of devaluation in 1993 which provided the base for the record economic growth we have enjoyed since then. That devaluation was forced on us by the markets against the advice of the Department of Finance. That same flawed consensus is trying to sleepwalk the country into economic and monetary union. It is as if we may not dare question the desirability of Ireland joining economic and monetary union.

We should debate the issues in a rational way because the changes which will be wrought on the economy and the country's social fabric by membership of economic and monetary union, which we cannot leave, deserve such debate. People working in labour/intensive industries, which are exposed to variations in the strength of the Irish currency against that of sterling, will be at the sharp end of economic and monetary union and such a debate is the least they deserve.

I wanted to refer to a number of specific issues in the budget but I sought permission to share time. Deputy Dempsey will use the remaining time for his contribution.

I thank Deputy O'Dea for sharing time. It is important to contribute to the budget debate because, despite statements that it is pure theatre and a thing of the past, it performs the useful function of illustrating the general philosophy and policies pursued by a Government. The 1997 budget is no exception in that regard and it makes a number of clear statements about the parties of this so called centre-left Government. It confirms to everyone that Fine Gael is in Government but not in power.

Since last September we have witnessed the spectacle of Fine Gael backbenchers forming committees and drafting tax and budgetary policies with great flourish. There were many leaks to newspapers and press conferences were held at which a number of proposals were put forward about lowering the higher and standard rates of tax. This was intended to be a bottom line. The special committee called for various improvements in respect of PAYE sector employees paying the 48 and 27 per cent rates of tax. However, not one of the so-called bottom line proposals has been realised in the budget. This display of contempt for Fine Gael backbench and grass root opinion could be ignored if there were some sign of an imprint on the budget of Fine Gael policy in areas such as macro-economic matters. However, it is clear that Fine Gael has had little or no impact on the budget or the Government.

The party that made fiscal rectitude the cornerstone of its economic policy in the early 1980s has clearly abandoned that policy. In view of subsequent events, one is obliged to question whether it was a policy or mere rhetoric. It is clear that the so-called partnership to which Fine Gael Members refer has replaced all principle in that party. To Fine Gael, partnership means having no principles and no impact on Government policy. The current leadership of Fine Gael has decided that power, at all cost, is what counts. That party has no bottom line and no principles. If one were seeking a phrase to describe Fine Gael, one might call it the flexible friend within the troika of parties in Government. It is the largest party with the smallest say. In many cases, particularly in respect of the budget, it has no say at all.

The present Administration is supposed to be a left-dominated Government. Fine Gael allowed that to happen but what of the other parties in the so called left-dominated Government? I was led to believe that the philosophy espoused by left-wing parties such as Labour and Democratic Left meant that the poor, the weak and the marginalised would receive priority in the policies pursued by those parties. The policies of the so-called left-wing parties should be geared towards the needs of people in that section of the community, improving in real terms their standard of living and including them as a priority in distributing the fruits of economic growth. I have no difficulty with that type of philosophy and I support it.

Since I entered this House I have listened to the rhetoric of the left and its so-called concern for the weak and the marginalised. For the first time in the history of the State we have a left-dominated Government and one would expect to see real and tangible signs of its influence over three budgets. I am obliged to ask if that is the case. "Like hell it is", is the answer to that question.

In his Budget Statement, the Minister for Finance summarised his and his party's commitment to the idea of caring for the poor in society. He referred to couples with earnings in excess of £30,000 and boasted that, not taking account of the abolition of university fees, they would be £2,350 — approximately £102 per week — better off following the budget. The Minister had the sheer brass neck to boast that pensioners had benefited to the tune of £7 per week during that time. He stated:

...take the case of a two-parent family with two children both over 18 and in full-time third level education, again with one spouse earning, say, twice the average industrial wage. Their annual disposable income will have risen by about £2,350 as a result of pay increases and the tax and PRSI changes in my three budgets, even after taking account of the standard rating of certain discretionary reliefs....

He proceeded to refer to an increase of £7 per week for pensioners over three budgets. Had the Minister boasted about such an increase in respect of the current budget, I would clap him on the back and concede that it was a reasonable development. However, he actually boasted about a £7 increase over three budgets and the so-called left wing, socialist Deputies loudly voiced their support. Can one imagine the howls of protest that would have emanated from Democratic Left or the Labour Party if a Fianna Fáil Minister had made those comments during his Budget Statement? Can one also imagine the performance of Deputies Rabbitte, De Rossa, Michael D. Higgins and their colleagues if a Fianna Fáil Minister stated that he had achieved a £7 increase for pensioners over three years? A Fianna Fáil Minister would be vilified and reviled by those so-called socialists if he had the temerity to boast about an increase of £7 over three budgets.

On the British political scene, much has been made of "new" Labour during the past two to three years. However, little has been stated in connection with new Labour in Ireland. New Labour in Ireland remains committed to the needy. However, its definition of the term "needy" has changed. The needy are now defined by the Labour Party as any Labour Deputy in danger of losing his or her seat. During the past danger of losing his or her seat. During the past six weeks these people have engaged in rhetoric — Deputy Rabbitte did so earlier — about the dangers of an alliance between Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. Spokespersons for Democratic Left and the Labour Party have attempted to terrorise people by creating bogeymen and stirring up completely unfounded fears. They have attempted to portray themselves as the friends of the poor and the socially excluded, despite the evidence.

The activities in which these people engaged in an effort to stave off the inevitable result of a general election clearly illustrate the reason they have been so long in the doldrums. They insult the intelligence of the people they represent by claiming to have their welfare at heart when that is not the case. They have abandoned the poor and weak in society in favour not of the middle classes or lower middle classes but the upper middle classes. They insult the intelligence of those people by thinking they can buy their votes with a variety of recent Damascus-like conversions. The Labour Party has indulged in an orgy of spending since its guru returned to tell it how to win the next election and fool the electorate, as it did in 1992.

There is nothing sacred in the quest for electoral support. The RPT, the tax which formed part of Labour's commitment to tax wealth and spread the fruits of economic benefits, was abolished to try to save seats. The Tánaiste, Deputy Spring, stabbed the Minister for Finance, Deputy Quinn, in the back during the negotiations of Partnership 2000, again to save seats, and the INTO was bought off with a last-minute agreement, throwing to one side a long-standing conciliation for teachers. Ministers are running around their constituencies like Santa Claus with cheques or promises of cheques. The Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy De Rossa, is teeing up lottery fund grant applications for payment in March and April. The Taoiseach and, more importantly, the Tánaiste are visiting their constituencies, which they have not done for some time.

All of this is going on against a background of growing poverty as this left dominated Government ensures the poor get poorer. Instead of narrowing the poverty gap, it is widening it. The resources available, which are considerable, have gone to the haves rather than the have nots. The gap between an unemployed couple and a couple on a salary of £20,000 per year has been widened by £530 per annum. For a couple earning £40,000 per annum the gap is £1,072. In the lifetime of the Government the figures are £1,405 and £2,737 respectively. There are more people on the poverty line today than there were five or ten years ago. It is an indictment of left-wing policies that the poverty gap is widening, divisions in society are deepening and there is no decrease in the number of long-term unemployed, with hardly a mention of young unemployed people.

Two aspects relating to the environment were mentioned in the budget, the arrangements put in place to finance local government and environmental protection policies. The package put forward on local government, particularly the financial aspects, were welcomed before Christmas, but the dangers are becoming obvious. As a result of the changes made, there are extra demands on local government financing. The 80 per cent motor tax retention by local authorities may, at the stroke of the Minister's pen, be reduced to 70 or 60 per cent. The Minister is retaining power to levy charges for a specified period for specific purposes, but they are local service charges by another name. The Minister's latest proposal on group water schemes is discriminatory and will cause havoc in rural Ireland. Everybody should be treated on an equal basis.

This budget shows we are in the countdown to an election, and the sooner that election is held the better. Considering the reckless approach adopted by the Government, if it is in office for another six to nine months we will have a huge problem post-1999.

I wish to share ten minutes of my time with the Minister of State, Deputy Doyle.

Acting Chairman

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I welcome the opportunity to make a contribution to this year's budget debate. The main themes of the budget have been clearly outlined by my colleague, the Minister for Finance. Its aims are clear and ambitious. The Government intends to reward work, promote enterprise and strengthen social solidarity. The 1997 budget is a significant contributor to those aims and, taken together with the Partnership 2000 approach, we are positioning Ireland for prosperity into the 21st century.

There has been a great deal of commentary at home and abroad on the nature of our economic performance in recent years. The reality behind the statistics is evident throughout the country. The engine of economic growth is generating jobs for our people at a rate never equalled. The imaginative application of European Union Structural Funds across the economy is transforming our infrastructure and further consolidating our economic success.

We all have a responsibility to make a substantial contribution towards sustaining our economic development and in properly and prudently applying the resources generated by it. Both Departments for which I am responsible, while fundamentally different, play an important role in this process. The Department of the Marine encompasses significant developmental roles across the areas for which it is responsible. In addition, it has important functions relating to the protection of life at sea and the protection of the marine environment. As an island trading nation, the shipping sector offers a substantial opportunity for the generation of income and jobs. The sector is highly competitive internationally and the Government's objective is to implement measures which underpin the competitiveness of the Irish shipping sector.

In this context I very much welcome the Government's decision, as announced in the Minister's budget speech, to provide special PRSI concessions for employers of Irish seafarers. This further underlines my commitment to maintaining and developing the Irish shipping industry. It follows hard on the heels of a number of important provisions in the Finance Act, 1996, allowing Irish shipowners to avail of leasing concessions. In addition, a special subsidy scheme for Irish seafaring trainees was introduced by me last April. I am convinced these various measures will secure increased employment in the shipping sector here and ensure a vibrant Irish shipping sector for the foreseeable future. Much will depend, however, on the response by shipping interests to these actions of the Government. I look forward to positive developments from them before long.

This package of incentives reflects the thinking of both the EU Commission and the Maritime Transport Council. In the Commission's paper, Towards a New Maritime Strategy, there was agreement generally on the need to take positive measures to enhance training and reduce employment costs in EU fleets. These views were further developed at the major two-day conference on EU seafarer training and employment held in Dublin towards the end of Ireland's Presidency of the EU. I look forward to the final details of the new PRSI arrangements which will be announced in the Social Welfare Bill, 1997, to be published shortly.

In his budget speech my colleague, the Minister for Finance, indicated that the impact of the current income tax regime on seafarers will continue to be assessed. I hope positive developments may be possible in that regard before publication of the Finance Bill.

As I said, the positive impact of EU Structural Funds has been very significant in Ireland. The marine sector is a very good example of this. Irish ports and harbours are being rapidly developed to facilitate the lifeblood of the economy, our trade. In 1996 we saw £30 million invested in our commercial ports. In tandem, business volume increased in all modes of traffic. In 1987 we look forward to seeing the continuation of this rapid progress. Allied with infrastructural development, the way in which our ports are run will be fundamentally changed in March this year with the establishment of new semi-State companies to run our major commercial harbours. This move is intended to increase cost competitiveness in Irish ports by making them more market-led and free from centralised control. My aim is to offer the highest standard of port facilities at the lowest possible cost to the benefit of the Irish economy.

Historically the fishing industry has made a very real and significant contribution to Ireland's coastal communities. In many such communities fishing provides an employment opportunity for young people who otherwise would have to look to our cities or further afield for work.

Fishing has a future and I am committed to its continued development. Demand for fish and fish products is growing and this underlines the opportunities and challenges facing the Irish catching, aquaculture and processing sectors. I intend to ensure policy and strategies for those sectors are closely geared towards meeting those opportunities and challenges.

There has been a significant upward growth curve in Irish fish landings and exports in volume and value terms in recent years. Landings of whitefish, in particular, have risen by 30 per cent in volume and 23 per cent in value in the past two years. Current indications are that the final 1996 whitefish landings and export figures will show further increases.

Exports of fish from Ireland are also increasing. In the two year period from 1993-95, exports rose by 30 per cent in volume and 20 per cent in value. This represents a very significant contribution to economic activity at national level.

The processing sector is a vital part of the future development of the fishing industry. The concept of added value is vital to the continuing development of the industry. I am pleased that the Irish processing sector has shown the scope for significant development to date. I look forward to continued progress in this area.

Ireland's £140 million Operational Programme for Fisheries is continuing and has now reached its mid-point. The programme provides for investment in the fishing fleet, marine and land based aquaculture, port infrastructure and facilities, processing and marketing, promotion of fishery-aquaculture products, human resources and marine research. This investment is being carefully targeted to maintain and strengthen the contribution of the fisheries sector to the national economy, in particular, its contribution to the generation of growth and employment in the coastal communities.

The Irish Presidency proved to be a hard-working one which ensured that EUs fisheries business ran smoothly and effectively. We should pay tribute to the dedication and hard work of civil servants in all Departments, but I would like to pay particular tribute to the work of civil servants in the Department of the Marine who, for a period of six months, spent most of their time out of the country chairing meetings and looking after our interests at a loss in human terms to themselves and their families. It is only right and proper that we should compliment them on their dedication and work.

I agree with the Minister. Will he ensure they get a similar bonus to that given to civil servants in the Department of Foreign Affairs?

That is a matter the Deputy will have to raise.

Acting Chairman

This is not Question Time.

I just made the suggestion.

We were successful in concluding the important and difficult annual business of reaching agreement on total allowable catches and quotas, and negotiations between the EU and third countries, including Norway.

Our six months' stewardship of the Union's common fisheries policy also enabled us to make significant progress on our priorities. The Irish Presidency's key fisheries priorities were to improve fisheries control, enforcement and conservation and we made substantial advances in all these areas.

The Irish Presidency brokered agreement on the introduction of a satellite based monitoring system for Community fishing vessels. This will be an extremely useful tool in the battle against illegal fishing. We also secured agreement on new measures designed to improve co-operation and co-ordination by national administrations in fisheries control.

Following the EU Commission's call for a reduction in the size of fishing fleets of up to 40 per cent, the Irish Presidency presented a compromise solution. This will be the basis for a more equitable and conscientious response to the problem of over-fishing. This was a very significant achievement by Ireland.

Within the sea fisheries sector, aquaculture is a key component and one of growing importance. The industry is on a firm growth path with targeted investment of some £36 million in EU Structural Funds in the five year period up to 1999.

Annual production is currently valued at some £50 million with 3,000 people employed. Aquaculture makes a valuable and significant contribution to coastal economies. The development of other areas of fisheries, such as aquaculture, is the key to the future successful evolution of the Irish fishing industry.

The future development of aquaculture is critically dependent on modernising and streamlining the licensing and regulation of this valuable natural resource sector. The Fisheries (Amendment) Bill, 1996, recently passed all Stages in the Seanad. It is a tangible recognition by the Government of the need to adapt the licensing and regulation of fish farming in line with best practice and thinking in the planning and environmental areas.

This is a major legislative landmark which represents the outcome of intensive analysis of the respective needs of the aquaculture industry and the other users of our marine and freshwater resources. The objective is to ensure an effective, secure and fully transparent licensing process which has full regard for all interests. I am convinced that this new framework will set the course for further sustainable growth in the aquaculture sector. It will deliver economic activity, exports and much needed jobs in our coastal communities.

There is vast potential for the development of our unique marine tourism resource. To build on Ireland's success to date we have to constantly enhance the products we offer to visitors. Tourism angling has the potential for further development. To this end, £19 million has been assigned under the Tourism Angling Programme 1994-99 for the development of this sector. This provides an opportunity for the significant development of tourism angling in coastal and inland locations all over Ireland. It is being developed in co-operation with Northern Ireland under the INTERREG programme. This co-operation serves as an example of effective North-South co-operation in addition to its purely economic potential. This is a quality product with a capacity to generate significant added value.

Research is the key to progress and success in any area. Development in the interest of jobs and of the future of our marine resources is critically dependent upon understanding those resources and the opportunities that they can generate. In this context, the Marine Institute is now coming into its own. Together with my Department it is working on theses as diverse as development of seafood resources, development of marine tourism and leisure, development of marine industries and transport together with the protection of the marine environment. A new £1.6 million research vessel will come into operation this year. The resources now being committed to marine research will pay dividends in years to come. This continued success and viability of our marine resources is dependent on planning effectively for the future.

This budget has provided an excellent basis for further progress in all areas of the marine sector. It is now the responsibility of those involved to seize the opportunities being offered to them.

I am not only concerned with the opportunities afforded to the marine sector. As Minister for Defence, I also welcome the impact of the Government's budgetary planning for the Defence Forces.

Economic management is generally dependent on sound sectoral policies. The Government has put in place a planned strategic and multi-annual approach to achieve better management and organisation of the Defence Forces. The Defence Forces Review Implementation Plan, approved by the Government in March last year, is well under way.

The rising age profile of military personnel has been of concern for some time. In his 1996 Budget Statement, the Minister for Finance announced the provision of £13 million in 1996 for a voluntary early retirement scheme for members of the Defence Forces. The intention of the scheme is to provide for the retirement of up to 2,300 Permanent Defence Force personnel between 1996 and 1988, while at the same time recruiting new, young members. The scheme so far has been a success with 501 personnel taking advantage of the generous terms on offer. A further 750 personnel are expected to avail of the scheme in 1997. A sum of £30 million has been allocated in the 1977 Defence Vote for this purpose. I have announced the recruitment of 400 new members. This will go some considerable way towards addressing the age profile problem.

That is but one aspect of the radical reorganisation of the Defence Forces which I am carrying out. The implementation plan approved by the Government in March 1996 contains detailed proposals covering the reorganisation of the Defence Forces into a new three brigade based structure together with the Air Corps and Naval Service components.

In addition, the Government is committed to continuing a programme of major investment in equipment and infrastructure for the Defence Forces. In the three years 1995-7, no less than £29 million has been provided for infrastructural investment in military barracks. Furthermore, an £8 million programme for the replacement of the Army's primary tactical communications system commenced in 1996 and is due to be completed this year. The placing of this contract represents a major step in the upgrading and re-equipping of the Defence Forces with the latest in modern radio communications equipment.

As Deputies are aware, the Naval Service has a crucial role to play in the protection of Ireland's coastline. Modern equipment is essential if it is to carry out this task effectively. I have allocated over £6 million in this year's Vote towards the purchase of an additional naval vessel. Requests for proposals were sought at the end of last year to provide us with an overview of the market and match what is available to our needs. I am committed to advancing this process as quickly as possible.

Looking to the future of the Defence Forces, there will be a rationalised force with younger personnel and better equipment. Crucially, the military authorities are fully engaged in and committed to this process, having been involved in its development from the beginning. I am convinced that the investment we are making is essential to position us properly for the challenges ahead.

Ireland is experiencing a period of unprecedented and sustained economic growth. One thousand new jobs are being created each week, the highest number of people are at work in the history of the State and interest rates are at historically low levels. This is a prudent budget reflecting the Government's commitment to fiscal responsibility and long-term economic planning.

I thank my ministerial colleague, Deputy Barrett, for sharing his time with me.

This country and its people need a modern and effective public administration. Given the importance of public service efficiency in the overall competitiveness of our economy, it is imperative that the public service does not lag behind the private sector in either its standard of management or the quality of its service delivery. As the Minister for Finance noted in his Budget Statement, the programme Delivering Better Government“sets out a complete range of changes which are designed to improve the performance of the public service, increase value for money and deliver a better service to the citizen as customer”.

The programme Delivering Better Government is at the heart of the strategic management initiative, or the SMI as it is more commonly known. The SMI is simply a way of focusing attention on the fundamental issues that managers in the civil and public service need to be concerned with on an ongoing basis if they are to provide a better overall standard of performance. For example, what business are we in? Who are our customers? What services should we be delivering? Why are we doing what we are doing? Could we do it differently and better? They need to focus specifically on these questions.

The importance of an efficient and effective public service is amply illustrated by the fact that it employs 192,380 people giving rise to a pay and pensions bill of £4.792 billion in 1996. Moreover, Government costs, current and capital, account for some 38 per cent of GNP.

A central element in the programme of change is the introduction of a wide-ranging set of financial management initiatives, the fundamental aim of which is to strengthen the whole area of public expenditure management and to underline the primary responsibility of spending Departments for managing their expenditure programmes within settled allocations and to be fully accountable for the results achieved. The rolling programme of expenditure reviews set out in Delivering Better Government will form a significant element in this enhanced framework of accountability. Beginning this year, such reviews will hold up to scrutiny every three years the objectives and cost effectiveness of each major departmental spending programme.

Constraining the growth of public expenditure is central to achieving the Government's medium-term budgetary goals. The financial management initiatives include not just periodic reviews of expenditure programmes but the introduction of multi-annual budgetary projections which appeared for the first time in this year's budget. By enabling a longer view to be taken of emerging expenditure trends and their impact, multi-annual projections facilitate a fuller understanding of the effects of policy changes on spending and taxation.

The programme of change for the public service sets out a framework in which selective changes can be brought about, focusing in particular on two areas which the Government believes are of central importance, namely, the management of performance and service delivery, the areas in which improvements will have the greatest effect on value for money and thus on the competitiveness of the economy. The programme addresses a much wider range of issues such as accountability, devolution and delegation, freedom of information, financial management, regulatory reform, better use of information technology and improved co-ordination between Departments but its ultimate success hinges essentially on these two pervasive factors, performance management and quality service delivery, and the extent to which they are bolstered by the other components of the change programme.

The ultimate aim is essentially one of cultural change to create a performance management culture. To do this, we need to attach greater importance to performance per se in the public sector — how it is measured, how it can be enhanced and where responsibility lies for ensuring high standards are being maintained. This means giving a higher priority to the evaluation of programmes of expenditure and the measurement of their effectiveness in such a way that meaningful action can be taken to correct deficiencies.

Introducing a reliable system of performance management will not be easy. The input and procedure-driven approach that has characterised the public service must give way to a focus on outputs. This, in turn, will lead to a much stronger focus on service quality and delivery, a critical element in the change programme, and on ensuring more effective support for the productive sectors of the economy.

The programme Delivering Better Government was designed with an eye to improving performance measurement at all levels, that is, to establishing whether real progress was being made by public bodies and their individual employees in their move towards improved efficiency and effectiveness. The private sector has fewer problems of this kind since, if one's competitors are realising higher profits or winning a larger share of the market, then one's own performance must, almost by definition, be deficient in some respect. With a collection of monopoly services, which is what the public service essentially is, there is limited scope for measuring performance by comparing one organisation with another.

Since profit and significant financial inducements are not available to the public service as incentives to change, other factors must figure more prominently, such as job satisfaction, skills acquisition and career development, increasing the influence of staff within the organisation and enabling them to participate more fully in the decision making process. These factors have been taken fully into account in formulating the programme outlined in Delivering Better Government.

One can easily forget how interdependent the public and private sectors are. If the public sector becomes an undue burden on the taxpayer and the traded sector, it can significantly dampen the competitiveness of the economy. On the other hand, if the private sector does not set high standards of management performance and establish what one might describe as national criteria of excellence, which all sectors of the economy must emulate, then the performance of the public service will correspondingly fall.

The public sector cannot automatically expand with each passing year, but only in response to the legitimate demands made upon it by the taxpayer and the customer of public services. These demands and forces are as valid as those operating in the marketplace and must be acknowledged. The challenge is to strike the right balance between the needs of public service customers, and thus the level of public expenditure, and the competitiveness of the private sector and the needs of the economy as a whole. This budget is designed around the correct balance and, through the multi-annual budgetary projections, the maintenance of that balance in the years ahead.

Comparisons with the private sector may prompt one to ask how the public service management approach differs from that in the private sector. In so far as all organisations deal with objectives, targets, skills, resources, outputs and a range of similar issues, the differences, such as they are, are not very significant. However, a key consideration is the culture and general climate in which business is conducted. In particular, the public service is called upon to provide a range of universally available services — education, health, social welfare, policing and security etc. — which the private sector could not supply. If it did, it would have to be subsidised heavily by the taxpayer, lest there were cherrypicking in this area and the State was left to run the uneconomic aspects of the service. Moreover, the provision of these services requires an approach that is equitable and open to public scrutiny. The public service, therefore, operates under a number of influences which the private sector does not.

Notwithstanding this the Government intends that the changes now being pursued will lead to a more outwardly directed approach with greater emphasis on strategic management where the needs of public service customers — the end towards which all activities are directed — are a paramount consideration when determining how each Department should perform and how its resources ought to be deployed. The publication of Departmental statements of strategy will become one of the principal means by which Government Departments and public service bodies will signal the direction they are taking and how well they are addressing the needs of their customers.

The approach is based on allied approaches to strategic management in the private sector, as well as that of the public sector in other administrations. The intention is that the end result will be an amalgam of those management practices in both the public and private sectors which are best suited to our public sector environment.

There have been a few recent significant developments. Partnership 2000, which is expected to be ratified tomorrow by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, includes a specific commitment by the parties involved to the delivery of the modernisation programme in the public service. In addition, payment of the local level negotiations provision of 2 per cent, provided for in the draft pay agreement, is predicated on the achievement of real verifiable progress in implementing Delivering Better Government and other sectoral strategies within the public service.

On 15 January I had the pleasure of launching a code of practice for the delivery of public services to customers of commercial semi-State companies. Organisations subscribing to the code include the ESB, Telecom Éireann, An Post, Aer Lingus, CIE, VHI, Bord Gáis and Bord na Móna. I thank all of those semi-State companies who have come on board and enthusiastically supported our code of practice. Publication of this code marks a significant step towards effecting improvements in the overall standard of service to customers of the commercial State sector. Ways of strengthening the customer service ethos in the Civil Service and non-commercial public service are being pursued and I expect a code broadly similar to that in the commercial State sector to be introduced very soon.

The various working groups set up last year to advance the programme of change set out in Delivering Better Government have made solid progress and we can expect to see the introduction of a number of initiatives to improve the public service later this year. These will progressively and increasingly lead to better performance and better quality in service delivery. This budget, by underpinning Partnership 2000, facilitates the process of ongoing change and improvement in the public service.

The gloss is already fading from the 1997 budget, which, far from being a radical one, was a minimalist measure. The tax reduction was no more than the minimum Fine Gael could succeed in wringing from their left wing masters in this Government.

This budget in particular offered us a great opportunity to do something radical in the area of social solidarity. Previous Ministers for Finance were constrained by lack of resources or budgetary problems. There were no such difficulties in this financial year. There was no shortage of money to target significant gains at the most needy sections of society. That could have been done as well as allowing for significant tax cuts. Unfortunately, the opportunity was lost.

A key objective of the budgetary process should be to look after those who are specifically excluded from the partnership process, which now makes most of the decisions on how the national cake is divided. This partnership process, for all its merits, has helped create an insider-outsider society. It is the duty of the Minister for Finance to ensure the needs of the outsider are looked after in budgetary terms.

Two key groups who fall into this category are pensioners and those caring for the sick, handicapped and elderly. Something generous could have been done for these people if we followed the course of action suggested by the Minister for Finance in a radio interview last Saturday. This was closing the stable door after the horse had gone. We should have targeted resources at the most needy social welfare recipients instead of giving small, across the board increases to everyone. What is the Progressive Democrats' approach to the unemployed? The unemployed do not need more dole but more work. The Progressive Democrats in its budget proposals showed that the course of action I described would have allowed us to provide an increase of £5 per week in the old age pension and an increase of £10 per week in the carer's allowance.

The carer's allowance was first introduced by the last Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrat coalition and is a measure of which we are justifiably proud. It is not alone socially just, but also makes good economic sense. Is it not far better that elderly people who are infirm would be cared for, where possible, in their homes by relatives, than be forced to go into institutions? Our budget proposals also showed that the carer's allowance could be extended to a greater number of carers than the fraction of those who currently receive it.

I draw the attention of the Minister for Finance to the plight of people suffering from Alzheimer's disease and those who care for them. There are an estimated 32,000 people here afflicted with this terrible condition, of which half are cared for at home by their relatives. A terrible burden is placed on these carers. It is hard enough to meet the demands of a loved one who is no longer able to look after himself. It is even worse to know that the State is unwilling to recognise the social importance and value of the care provided for such a person. A person caring for an Alzheimer's victim does not generally qualify for a carer's allowance because they do not satisfy the conditions laid down in a number of ways. As far as I know, Alzheimer's disease is not yet recognised by the Department of Health as a long-term illness for the purpose of granting a carer's allowance. If we are anxious about social progress and justice this is surely an area that should have been addressed in the budget.

A lot of help could have been given to many people at relatively little cost. Some of the hardest hit people are parents of children with a mental and physical handicap, yet little provision was made in the budget to assist carers of such children. Little was done to make proper education and training provision for them. This was a heartless budget for families of the mentally and physically handicapped.

As regards tax reform, the budget figures speak for themselves. The Progressive Democrats participated in drafting three budgets from 1989 to 1992 when we shared Government with Fianna Fáil. These budgets, delivered in a much harsher economic climate than the one currently prevailing, cut the basic rate of tax by 5 per cent and the higher rate by 8 per cent. Let no one deny that those tax cuts played a large part in the subsequent employment growth that occurred as a direct result. The foundations for the kind of growth in employment this Government seeks to boast about were laid in the tax measures taken by the Progressive Democrats and Fianna Fáil when in power together for a short time.

The Labour Party has participated in drafting the last five budgets which were delivered at a time of unprecedented economic growth, development aid from Brussels and tax buoyancy. What have they done? The three Government parties have managed to reduce the basic rate of tax by a single penny. That is how much the Labour Party thinks of the workers. It is not much to show for Labour's five years of participation in Government. Effectively, the Labour Party has ensured that radical tax reform has been kept off the Government's agenda. No previous Minister for Finance had a better opportunity of bringing about a real reduction in tax rates. Instead, the Minister, Deputy Quinn, opted for a minimalist approach, doing as little as possible.

What does the average worker gain from this so-called giveaway budget? Take the case of a single person on £150 a week, a not untypical wage for a young person in their first job. He or she will gain the princely sum of £2.86 a week. That is not much of an incentive for a young person to go off the dole, take up employment and put his or her foot on the first rung of the ladder to a better paid job. It is a disgrace.

I have often encouraged young people to take a low paid job for openers, go on to prove themselves and then move to something better. This budgetary provision will not act as an incentive for young people to give up the dole, and all the benefits that go with it, to take on a low paid job. It will not encourage them to join the labour force and work themselves up from there, which would be the best progression we could offer to young people. This budget did nothing to encourage that kind of progression.

Take the case of a single person on £250 a week, a relatively modest wage in today's world. After three budgets from the Minister, Deputy Quinn, and the Labour Party, that person will be paying £60 a week in tax and PRSI. So their take-home pay is £190 even after this great and much praised budget.

By themselves.

Exactly. Take the case of a married man with a wife and two children earning £250 a week. Even allowing for an increase in child benefit, this family will be better off by £3.70 a week as a result of the budget. That works out at 90p per family member per week. Who is getting rich as a result of this budget? It is not the ordinary hard-pressed workers, who daily have to shoulder the burden of keeping the economy rolling. How can we be serious about tax reform, rewarding effort and reducing unemployment if we continue to ignore the crippling burden of taxation on people with modest incomes? If we really want to shift people from welfare to work we will have to take a much more radical approach than that outlined in the budget.

The top rate of tax is a case in point. The Progressive Democrats in Government with Fianna Fáil cut the top rate by 8 per cent from a punitive 56 per cent to a level of 48 per cent, which is still unacceptable. If that Government had stayed on course further progress would have been made towards what we believe to be the medium-term goal of reducing the top rate to 40 per cent. This objective of cutting the top rate of tax is portrayed by the Labour Party as if it were some sort of right-wing extremism.

For the benefit of Labour Party Members — there are none present, but one or two may be listening to me in their offices — let me quote for them the recent words of Mr. Gordon Brown, Tony Blair's spokesperson on finance and, most likely, the next British Chancellor of the Exchequer. He said:

It is because we understand the importance of work that there will be no return to penal marginal rates at the top. As a signal of the importance we attach to rewarding work, I want to make it clear that I will not increase the top rate of tax.

The British top rate of tax is 40 per cent. In an open economy depending on exports to survive, with keen competition for jobs, how can we compete successfully for scarce overseas job generating investment if we continue to tax work at this level? How can we expect big multinationals, given the choice, to locate here and create jobs if our pay rates are so much lower than elsewhere as a result of higher taxes? How can we survive if we continue with those rates of tax?

I listened to the Minister of State, Deputy Rabbitte, this morning pouring scorn on our demand for reducing the top rate of tax. Although he is not here to listen, he might read the record some day. I would like to remind him that more than 40 per cent of workers slip quickly into the top rate of tax. It is not just applied to the great Mercedes cars that he drives and other luxury items of that nature. Ordinary workers on modest incomes also slip into the top rate. We are not asking anything for people on very high incomes. We are seeking this for those with ordinary modest incomes, who are trying to pay their way and make a living in conditions as they now apply.

After five years of Labour in Government and three budgets delivered by a Labour Finance Minister, a person earning £261 a week still pays tax at the rate of 48 per cent on marginal income. If PRSI and the two levies are included, the real marginal rate for these people rises to 55 per cent. Does this make economic sense? How can we possibly justify a situation where, if a person on modest wages earns an extra £10 a week, he gets £4.50 while the Government gets £5.50?

The 48 per cent tax rate weighs heavily on ordinary PAYE workers. It poses no problem for those wealthy individuals who evaded their taxes and then cleared their slate through the Labour Party's tax amnesty. We must reduce the top rate of tax. Other countries are doing it. If we do not follow suit, we will put ourselves out of line in the very competitive environment that faces us. If Britain holds to a 40 per cent rate, how can we justify 48 per cent? If Germany moves to a top rate of 35 per cent, as it plans to do, how can we hope to sustain a top rate that is 13 per cent higher than theirs? Nobody wants Ireland to become a low-wage economy, but if we impose penal tax rates on well-paid jobs in mobile industries, like financial services and computer software, we will not attract these jobs to Ireland but will lose them to countries which allow well-paid people to keep more of what they earn. It is remarkable that the people on the left who shout loudest about the dangers of Ireland becoming a low-wage economy are the ones who most strongly oppose cuts in the top rate of tax. This simply does not add up. If we want to attract high-paying jobs, we must first of all stop taxing those jobs out of existence.

It is important also to find out that this Government finally recognises that PRSI is a tax on work. I welcome the fact that the Minister for Finance has been able to deliver a much needed cut of 1 per cent in the rate of employee PRSI, particularly given the opposition he must have encountered from certain elements within this Government. PRSI is a bad tax. It discriminates against those on modest earnings. Even after the budget changes, a person on £250 a week pays 3 per cent of his income on PRSI while a person on £2,500 a week pays less than 1 per cent. Where is the justice in that? PRSI discriminates against workers in the private sector. They have to pay PRSI at a rate five times higher than the vast majority of their counterparts in the Civil Service. To put this in context, the average worker in Packard in Tallaght, now sadly out of work, would have paid about £10 a week in PRSI, but the secretary of a Government Department, on a salary of £75,000 a year and with a lifetime guarantee of employment, would pay just £4 a week in PRSI. Where is the social justice in that? The Progressive Democrats would like to see employee PRSI and the two levies abolished altogether. It is wrong to ask working people to pay four different taxes on the same income.

This Government has major questions to answer in relation to unemployment. All economic forecasters, including the Department of Finance, are agreed that the economy will grow by at least 5 per cent in real terms in 1997. If the economy grows by 5 per cent, that should deliver employment growth of 50,000 to 60,000 persons per year. Why is that not happening? Why, for example, in my constituency of Cork North-Central has there been no increase in the level of employment in the past five years? Why is it that the number of unemployed stands at a stubborn 27 per cent and has not changed in the five years during which this Government has been in office? Why is it that this great growth in employment seems to have passed us by in Cork North-Central, that we seem to be immune to it? The level of unemployment in my constituency is as high now as it was when this Government took office.

It is inconceivable that the number of people at work in a small economy like ours could increase by 60,000 or more while the level of unemployment remains the same. Is this Government saying that the level of registered unemployment is a constant at around 270,000 and that it will not come down, regardless of what is happening in the economy? Ministers have repeatedly stressed that the Labour Force Survey provides the most accurate measurement of the real levels of unemployment. According to the most recent survey, the number of people out of work was 177,000 in April last, but the State was paying unemployment compensation to 281,000 people. That is a difference of 104,000. We know that there is widespread abuse of the system. The CSO has provided us with sound documentary evidence of that fact. In the immediate aftermath of the CSO survey, the live register fell by a remarkable 24,000 in just three months. In other words, registered unemployment fell by more in three months than in the previous three years. Despite that fall, the live register total is about 80,000 higher than the Labour Force Survey figures would suggest. This is an unacceptable gap and it imposes an unacceptable burden on the taxpayer. Unemployment benefit is paid to jobless people who are available for work and who are actively seeking work. It is not a basic income for those who do not want to work, or a top-up payment for people who are working in the black economy. With proper management, the level of registered unemployment could be reduced to around 225,000 relatively quickly. That would represent a saving to the Exchequer of £160 million on a full year basis, money that could be used to fund tax cuts and significant increases for genuine and deserving social welfare recipients.

Fine Gael is the largest party in this Government and it holds a majority of the seats at the Cabinet table. Despite that fact, it is difficult to discern any trace of Fine Gael influence on the budget under consideration. Over the past few months, Deputy Phil Hogan and the Fine Gael committee on tax reform have been like voices crying in the wilderness. They have been calling for tax cuts to a basic rate of 25 per cent and a top rate of 45 per cent, but they got their answer; they clearly have no influence in this Government. Fine Gael in opposition championed tax cuts, public service reform and privatisation of State companies. However, Fine Gael in coalition with Labour and Democratic Left has clearly found itself in no position to deliver on any of its own stated key economic policies. It is a classic example of a party in Government but not in power.

This is not a good budget. It will not radically change the single most important problem, namely unemployment. There are local authority estates in my constituency where unemployment is as high as 80 per cent. We are now seeing third generation long-term unemployed, and this budget does nothing for them. It is sad to hear in recent times that the Construction Industry Federation is advertising in magazines in the UK seeking workers in the construction industry, in all the trades, wet trades and others. They are seeking workers at a time when so many people are unemployed but not trained to take on the kind of work that is available, and this despite the fact that FÁS, the training agency, has an annual budget of £300 million, 50 per cent of which is spent on training.

Clearly, we are not training people for the jobs which are now available and that is a result of a lack of manpower and training policies on the part of this Government. It is nothing short of obscene that we now seek to bring in workers from abroad at a time when 270,000 people are out of work and so many families in my constituency are now experiencing third generation long-term unemployment. That is a failure of manpower and training policies at a time when the taxpayer is putting up so much money to pay for training. It is also obscene that a number of restaurateurs and others are bringing in workers from Spain and elsewhere because Irish people are not prepared to take on those jobs due to the high taxes on low-paid work. If there is one acid test more than any other which I would apply to demonstrate the failure of this Government, it is its failure to put in place tax, training and education policies which would enable Irish people to qualify for the jobs available and create work for themselves. That is a disgrace and it is my final condemnation of this budget and Government. Happily, it is the last budget of this Administration.

I will take this opportunity to comment on some of Deputy Quill's remarks which were provocative to say the least.

To suggest that there is no mark of Fine Gael in this budget shows a deep misunderstanding both of Fine Gael's role in Government and of its policies. This budget has been put together with the national interest at heart. That is not confined to some niche of interests with which the Progressive Democrats seems to identify. We have achieved an extremely well balanced package. There is provision for substantial tax reform for business, substantial increases in take-home pay for workers and increases in welfare payments well in excess of the rate of inflation for those who are at the margins of society. If that is not achieving the objectives of Fine Gael, I am not a fair representative of Fine Gael. Those values are at the heart of Fine Gael, and Progressive Democrat and other commentators who seek to confine the role of Fine Gael to that described by the Progressive Democrats are selling Fine Gael far short, and I have little time for that sort of comment.

It is also important to state that this Government has had the needs of the long-term unemployed at the heart of its consideration in framing both this and other budgets. Contrary to what Deputy Quill said, this Government has succeeded in reducing long-term unemployment by 26,000 in the past two years. That is a significant reduction which has been overlooked by Deputy Quill.

Obviously, long-term unemployment is one of the most difficult issues for any Government. It is a challenge which is facing every country in Europe and the western world. It is clearly a difficulty which has been created both by rapidly changing technology and skill requirements and that poses significant challenges.

Deputy Quill was a member of the National Economic and Social Forum which recommended the approach, which this Government has implemented, of introducing the employment service in 14 black spots. I am surprised she suggested that the Government has not been addressing this because she put her name to recommendations which this Government is implementing. It shows that Deputy Quill's contribution was a political one rather than an honest attempt to look at the problems we face as a society and see how we can make those measures work even better. They are already working significantly as is evident from the reductions in long-term unemployment but they are by no means satisfactory or the end of the response. These are areas which we must refine continually and we must improve the measures and instruments to bring more people who have been excluded into the workplace.

One can see the measures which are being introduced in this budget to do precisely that, such as the reform of the family income supplement which was introduced by the Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy De Rossa. These measures are targeted at low-paid workers to ensure they see proper rewards for their efforts. That is an important part of the response to long-term employment and it is part of the way in which we can address these needs. We must remove unemployment and poverty traps which have been a feature of the tax code and that has been a central element of the last number of budgets.

It is only right that we should review what has been achieved in the last three budgets. That would provide a more realistic backdrop to this debate. We, as a Government, have done what we set out to do. We have delivered on the core objectives of making it cheaper to create a job and more rewarding to take up employment.

We have seen the fruits of that delivery. In the last two years 100,000 net new jobs have been created and 100,000 extra people are at work. That is almost an 8 per cent increase in the number at work in just two years. That was a very significant achievement. Indeed, the projections indicate a further record performance on employment in 1997 with the creation of a further 45,000 jobs. Therefore, on the key test of employment creation, the Government strategy has been working.

We have also seen tangible progress in reforming the tax code which has been a shared objective of parties in this House. Again, it is worth reflecting on what has been achieved in three years. The tax free allowance, for example, has been increased by 23 per cent which is way ahead of inflation in that period which amounted to about 6 per cent. The tax band has also been expanded by 21 per cent which is also far in excess of the 6 per cent level of inflation.

The impact of that on a worker earning the average industrial wage is extremely significant. The tax take from a single industrial worker on the average industrial wage has been reduced by 5 percentage points from 31 to 26 per cent. That has been achieved in three budgets, not through flamboyant change but as a result of steady progress across the board. We have sought to share the benefits in that way and, therefore, we have concentrated on changes in the allowances, the bands and, this year, the standard tax rate and personal PRSI rate. That approach has ensured that the benefits of tax reform have been spread fairly to benefit the broad mass of workers and have not been confined to any particular group of workers. That conscious approach by Government has been rewarded by positive employment performance.

It is also fair to say that part of the economic success which we have enjoyed in recent years has been secured by the partnership approach which has been adopted for ten years. People who have been willing to accept more moderate pay settlements as part of a shared approach to planning the economic future of this country rightly expect, and are getting, a dividend for that effort in this budget and over the last number of budgets. I am pleased to be part of a Government which is carrying out such broad-based reform of the tax code and which has already brought down the tax take on an average industrial wage by five points in three budgets.

That is the sort of progress we want to consolidate for the future. This is an important time when the Partnership 2000 agreement, which sets an equally good framework for the future, is being assessed and decided on by the social partners. This budget has given a clear signal of the Government's commitment to the approach embodied in the Partnership 2000 agreement, an approach that sets a clear vision for the economic and social aspects of our community. That can be achieved by working together. For its part, the Government is committed to reforming our tax code and delivering on the commitments which amount to £900 million in respect of income tax and £100 million in respect of business tax. In this budget the Government has shown its commitment in terms of substantial progress being made towards both of those figures.

There have been significant achievements in the area of business taxation in the past three years. We had a very difficult position in our tax code some years ago where, effectively, a 40 per cent tax rate was being demanded by all those who were not in manufacturing or internationally traded services. Clearly it was unreasonable to demand such a tax take from service industries. We have started to wind it back progressively in each budget. We have reduced the corporation tax rate and introduced a new corporate tax rate for small companies for the first £50,000 profit. We have reduced those rates to 28 per cent on the first £50,000, a dramatic change from the 40 per cent tax rate of three years ago.

Equally, the overall tax rate of 40 per cent has been reduced to 36 per cent. This is clearly sign-posting the way forward where we have a fairer tax take from corporate as well as personal income which allows enterprise to be rewarded, particularly small businesses who are the backbone of our employment growth. That approach, a hallmark of the Government's business tax policy, is being rewarded by employment performance.

We have tackled also other areas of business taxation, which have been of particular concern. Those Deputies who have worked closely in family businesses will be aware of the particular burdens which capital acquisitions tax could impose on small businesses. When the owner-manager of a small business died the business was often at its most vulnerable and capital acquisitions tax wrought a substantial bill on that business. We all recognised that was an unfair imposition and the Government has substantially modified it. Three years ago only one quarter of the business assets could be disregarded. Now 90 per cent of the business assets can be disregarded for the purposes of capital acquisitions tax. In practice this means no tax would fall due on a business transfer between a parent and his or her child where the business assets did not exceed £1.85 million. That is a substantial threshold and protects most small businesses from erosion by capital acquisitions tax at a time when a difficult transition is being undertaken.

The tax changes in the small business tax and capital acquisitions tax have made a significant difference to small businesses. There is a significant concession in the budget for start-up companies where the costs incurred by a small business, prior to corporation tax, will be allowed against corporation tax. The cost in a full year will be in the region of £4 million which will go directly to small start-up companies, to help them through that difficult start-up phase. In this key area it is important that the Government eases the burden and supports development. Business start-up is a difficult road on which to embark and it behoves the Government to make it as easy as possible.

My Department, through the various agencies, has put in place substantial supports to help businesses through that period. It is appropriate that that be matched by this type of change in the corporation tax structure, which gives particular concessions to business start-up.

The most significant concession to business which the Government has achieved has been the sustained reduction in the tax wedge. The constant theme of businesses, large and small has been the gap between what they pay in gross pay and what the worker receives in take-home pay. The progress made in respect of a reduction of 5 percentage points for the average industrial worker on the income tax code has been matched by the progress made in reforming PRSI, the social insurance code so that two thirds of all workers are on the low rate of 8.5 per cent PRSI. Three years ago the vast majority of workers were on the 12.2 per cent rate. The drop of 3.7 per cent for most workers has been a significant reduction in the wedge that employers have to pay.

Equally there have been significant reductions in the employees share of the social insurance. Three years ago a rate of 5.5 per cent applied to all income. Now the first £80 per week is exempt from PRSI and the new rate is 4.5 per cent. That amounts to a reduction of about two percentage points on incomes of about £20,000. For the vast majority of workers, the employee PRSI has been reduced by the equivalent of two percentage points. When employers' PRSI, employees' PRSI and the income tax code is totted up, it shows that significant progress has been made in reducing the tax wedge which had been a barrier to employment creation. The Government can rightly say it has made it cheaper to create a job and easier to take up a job — a core objective of the Government.

We have succeeded in creating unrivalled strength in our public finances. The most telling measure of that progress can be seen from the Government debt as a proportion of national income in 1994. The proportion of national income mortgaged in public debt in 1994 was 88 per cent. It was reduced this year to 73 per cent and by the end of this year is expected to be around 69 per cent. We have taken close to 20 percentage points off the proportion of our income mortgaged in public debt. That is a remarkable achievement and shows the strong healthy state of our public finances and is in accord with the Maastricht criteria — a core value the Government is committed to achieving. The current borrowing level is well within the Maastricht criteria of 3 per cent and, more significantly, for the first time in memory we are planning for a current budget surplus. We are no longer borrowing to meet day-to-day expenditures but rather are using revenue from day-to-day expenditures to pay back debt. This significant turnaround is a symptom of the very healthy state of the economy.

These figures are the real test of the healthy state of the public finances. Some people have criticised the level of public spending, but it is very significant that the Government has succeeded in keeping public spending below the growth in national income every year it has been in office. We have consistently reduced the take of public spending from national income and also reduced the public debt and taxation. In addition, we have been able to provide much needed services in the health, social welfare and justice areas within a very healthy overall public finance framework.

It is crucial that the Government sustains this position into the medium term. We are facing economic and monetary union and all the financial aggregates must be in a healthy state. It is important for businesses to address EMU in a timely way. It is very easy for people to regard economic and monetary union as another currency move which will not greatly affect their businesses. However, this is not the case. Membership of economic and monetary union will fundamentally change the way in which people do business. For example, they will have to return their accounts in euros and will have to change their software programmes so that they can trade in euros and in both euros and punts for a time. Membership will require a radical change in the way companies organise themselves and it is very important that they move in a timely way to address these changes. If they do not address these changes until the eleventh hour they will have to pay much more and there will be more disruption to business.

My Department, supported by the Departments of Finance and Tourism and Trade, is leading an awareness campaign to help business plan the transition to economic and monetary union. I am very pleased that many business organisations and associations are participating in the programme as it will enable us to disseminate the information to businesses in the various sectors. The message is very clear: Ireland intends to join EMU and there are real benefits and opportunities available if businesses prepare for them. Businesses must prepare for EMU now, not when it looms before them and they are not in a position to deal with the various challenges presented by the transition in the cheapest and the most effective way.

I wish to refer to the extremely strong performance by the industrial development agencies. The IDA and Forbairt turned in record performances in terms of net job creation last year. Most significantly, Forbairt has achieved the best turnaround in net employment since 1979. This justifies the decision to split the IDA and Forbairt and to give both agencies a clear focus. The IDA had its best year ever in terms of the creation of net employment in the overseas sector. Forbairt, which has gone through its transition, is successfully addressing the needs of indigenous business and also had a record year.

The figures in regard to the detail of its performance are also very heartening. Last year there were record figures for the linkage programme, with purchases by overseas companies of Irish raw materials and services outstripping the growth in sales from overseas companies. In other words, the share of Irish materials used by overseas companies is increasing. This is a heartening indication of the way in which the indigenous sub-supply sector has come of age and is delivering quality materials and services to the overseas sector. It is only correct to draw the attention of the House to this particularly gratifying aspect of its performance over the past 12 months.

I wish to refer to aspects of the social welfare code which have been a significant feature of the budget. The increase in the family income supplement is very welcome and will help to remove poverty traps which have been a feature of the interaction between the tax and social welfare codes. The increase of £10 in the family income supplement will extend the benefits of the scheme to significantly more workers. If one looks at the budgetary tables one will see that the highest gains are focused on low-paid families who have achieved increases far in excess of any other group on the social welfare or employment side. This is as it should be.

We have been fortunate this year in that we have been able to provide very good increases, twice the rate of inflation, to those on social welfare. However, it is equally important to offer strong inducements to people to return to work. The interaction of the tax changes and the increase in the family income supplement show that very substantial gains can be realised by those taking up employment, even at low incomes. That aspect of this and previous budgets is part of the long-term reform process being undertaken by the Government to make it more rewarding for unemployed people to take up work. We must continue to build this incentive into the tax reform and social welfare reform packages.

We have significantly modified another trap in the social welfare area through the introduction of a tapered withdrawal of the adult dependant allowance. At present in cases where one spouse earns more than £60 and the other spouse is claiming social welfare they lose the adult dependant allowance which is worth approximately £40 per week. As and from 1 April the Minister for Social Welfare will introduce a tapering relief so that there is no sudden loss. This will remove a barrier which has been a bone of contention and a significant poverty trap in the tax code. I commend the Minister for Social Welfare for the improvements he has introduced in this and other areas.

I wish to refer to a very important change which will make capital more available to business and, in particular, emerging business. It has always been important that the stock market take a more active role in supporting smaller indigenous companies in providing their capital needs. Sadly, in the past the stock market has not been a particularly accessible vehicle for indigenous Irish business. I welcome the measures being introduced to help the proposed developing companies market of the Irish Stock Exchange. This will only work if the overall cost of access to the market is reasonable. It is important that the fee structure for access to the market responds to the needs and financial reality of growth companies. Our continued support for the market through measures such as those announced in the budget will have to be called into question if it is not shown to be. The stock market has the capacity to be a more significant supporter of the capital needs of business.

It emerged this morning that the price of beer, a very emotive topic in many people's minds, is set to go up by 5p to 6p per pint. This occurs against a background where the Government has shown enormous restraint in not levying extra taxation on beer in any of the past three budgets. The last time a Minister for Finance increased the price of beer was in 1994 — a 3p increase imposed by Deputy Bertie Ahern. I am concerned about the reason for this apparent widespread and substantial increase and had discussions with the Chairperson of the Competition Authority this morning. We share concerns about the possible anti-competitive features of the market and are considering the next most effective response in the circumstances. I am concerned at increases of this scale occuring on such a widespread basis. It is important that the industry be aware that the Government has kept down excise duties in this area to allow competitive pricing. It would not be in the interests of the industry to allow increases beyond what is reasonable in a given year after such restraint on the part of the Government.

The high rollers of the rainbow coalition Government bear an uncanny resemblance to the 1982-7 antics of the then Fine Gael/Labour Party Government when the drunken sailor school of economics led to a doubling of the national debt in a period of less than five years.

It is distorted by the Opposition.

It is a matter of historical fact, but one which is conveniently forgotten by various spokespersons for the Government, that the financial prudence and rectitude of the Fianna Fáil-led Administrations since 1987 sowed the seeds of the fruits which the Minister for Finance, Deputy Quinn, believes he has the freedom to fritter away.

It led to a few disastrous roots as well.

Over the past three years he has succeeded in exceeding the guidelines on public expenditure which he set for himself. The Irish people cannot afford to take much more success of this nature in the long-term.

The 1997 budget benefited some people but it did not go far enough. The test of any Government's integrity is how it treats the most vulnerable in society and among our most vulnerable are the elderly. In three years the rainbow coalition Government has only succeeded in increasing the lot of old age pensioners by £7 or by less than the cheapest bag of coal. The philosophy behind this political footwork is the less one gives them, the better off they will be. This is in sync with the increase the Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy De Rossa, gave to those living alone a short time ago where he increased their lot per week by less than the price of a box of matches.

The elderly have been extremely disappointed by the performance of Deputy De Rossa and by the fact that this Government has ignored their plight. The Government has badly miscalculated to the extent that this budget was meant to buy off the electorate in a general election year. The Government is under the impression that those who pay tax at the rate of 48 per cent are extremely wealthy people who did not require any assistance in the budget, which ignores the fact that these people pay a real tax rate of 55 per cent when PRSI is added on to a major share of their incomes. They are not as wealthy as they were made out to be by the Minister for Finance. He might do well to remember that many of these people are ordinary working people with families who are finding it difficult to get by.

Many of them are in business and find themselves in a small pool which is being increasingly targeted by a Government blindfolded to their needs and their plight. For example, small business people pay these tax rates and also pay commercial rates. They pay service charges, refuse charges and will pay more for car tax and petrol. This is a disincentive to entrepreneurial spirit and merely douses ambition among the very people who have the capacity to generate employment and wealth in society.

Debate adjourned.
Sitting suspended at 1.30 p.m. and resumed at 2.30 p.m.
Top
Share