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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 13 May 1997

Vol. 479 No. 2

Private Members' Business. - State's Legal Strategy in McCole Case.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann calls on the Government and the Minister for Health to waive their claim of privilege so that an explanation can be given to the McCole family and to the public for the adoption and use of the offensive legal strategy in the particular case of Brigid McCole; calls on the Government and individual members of it, given the admission by Deputy Howlin, to clarify their state of knowledge of the strategy and to divulge in full the circumstances in which that strategy was devised and executed when it was known the Blood Transfusion Service Board had no defence; and calls on the Government to furnish in full to the Dáil and lay before the House all documentation, including documentation from the Chief State Solicitor's Office, giving the state of knowledge of the Government.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Cowen.

Writing to the Minister for Health on 8 October, the family of the late Brigid McCole asked five questions. The last of these was the following: "In their letter of 20 September 1996, the Blood Transfusion Service Board did two things, they admitted liability and apologised but only in the context of a threat that were she to proceed with a case for aggravated, exemplary damages and not succeed they would pursue her for costs. What was the justification for this threat?" The family is still waiting for an answer. This motion is designed to get the truth.

This unhappy saga began on 5 November 1977 when Mrs. McCole received an injection of anti D immunoglobulin. The appalling manner in which the resulting illness of Brigid McCole, and hundreds of other women and men, mainly women, caused by anti-D and other contaminated blood products was dealt with in the Finlay report.

I wish to make one point in relation to the Finlay report. It was commissioned because of the failure to lay the full facts before the preceding Hederman-O'Brien committee. From the outset and up to the present, the handling of this issue has been characterised by evasion and mendacity.

The facts which prompted the Hederman-O'Brien and Finlay reports came out only in the course of legal action. In other words, if Mrs. McCole and others had not had the courage to go to the courts this scandal would have remained buried. The adversarial legal system which the Minister for Health has latterly been so anxious to spare the victims from has been their only weapon in the face of his obduracy.

The heart of this matter is who authorised the legal strategy in the McCole case? We know that it was a concerted strategy. The empirical evidence is clear. Mrs. McCole and others were thwarted at every turn. The fiction of the BTSB acting as an independent legal entity is a legal nicety which, like so many other legal niceties used by this Minister and Government, was, primarily, political fiction rather than legal fact. If the empirical evidence was not enough, we have the bald assertion by Deputy Howlin that the Government decided on the legal strategy in the McCole case. Deputy Howlin has never elaborated on his admission. It flatly contradicts statements by Deputy Noonan.

What the McCole family has asked for and what we are again demanding is the full truth. Deputy Noonan's failure to release the State Solicitor from client confidentiality and allow him to testify to the Dáil Select Committee on Social Affairs is only the latest obstruction he has thrown up. It was the Minister's failure to co-operate with the committee which prompted this motion.

The tragic, human reality behind the case of Brigid McCole, and hundreds like her, could readily be lost in the Byzantine labyrinth of this affair in the courts and in this House. The tragedy is of a woman seriously ill for years with she knew not what. For years thereafter, when she realised the cause of her illness, her treatment by the Minister for Health and the BTSB was cruel and inhuman. All through those years of illness and litigation was the daily task of survival.

The character of serious illness in Donegal is often different than in places closer to the main centres of population. Illness in Donegal is often exacerbated by distance, it certainly was in the case of Brigid McCole. Her daughter has spoken movingly of the loneliness of the bus journey her mother had to make to Dublin at 5 a.m. on a dark winter morning. For years that journey was part of Brigid McCole's life. However, through it all she kept her dignity. Her family have done her proud in the way they have conducted themselves since her death, their search has always been for the simple truth.

Political accusation is the stuff of politics. However, it is unwarranted in the McCole case. The accusation by Deputy Noonan at the weekend that the question posed by the McCole family at the Sunday press conference was connected with a political agenda is despicable.

Did the Deputy organise the Sunday press conference?

It is absolutely despicable.

Did the Deputy organise the Sunday press conference?

Absolutely not and it is despicable for the Deputy to so suggest.

The Deputy will not respond.

I repeat, the accusation by Deputy Noonan that the question posed by the McCole family at the Sunday press conference was connected with a political agenda is despicable. It marked a new low in the already disgraceful handling of this affair.

The question posed by the family is the same one asked last October. It is a question the Government is prepared to go to almost any lengths to avoid answering. The Minister's weekend outburst was only the latest in a series of attacks on the integrity of the victims. In a previous debate in this House, Deputy Lynch said, "There are people who have a different agenda to the women involved. They see the possibility of another beef tribunal. It is appalling that women who have been treated disgracefully by an arm of the State would now be treated equally disgracefully by a section of society that should know better." So much for Deputy Lynch's contribution.

The Deputy continued, "As to the peddling of fear. Last year Positive Action produced a list of items, virtually all of which had been dealt with. However, every time a demand is met by Positive Action another one is made. I worry that the agenda of those who advise these people does not include the good health and the well being of these women and their families." The innuendo that the truth is not a sufficient motive and that Brigid McCole and the others involved are somehow puppets on someone's string is shameful propaganda from a shameful Government. Deputy Lynch's remarks remain on the record of the House. She has never apologised. Her political superiors who are more practised have done so. The most recent apology came from the Taoiseach on Sunday. These apologies relate to a scandal the very same people vociferously denied even existed and are predicated on a refusal to tell the whole truth. There is once again tonight the deeply disturbing spectacle of the Government, the Minister and his colleagues ducking their responsibilities.

What about the two previous Fianna Fáil Ministers for Health? Where are Deputies O'Rourke and Geoghegan-Quinn?

Deputy Finucane must learn to obey the Chair. There must be no interruption. The Deputy will doubtless have his chance later, if he so wishes.

To know the truth about a loved one who has died is a basic human need. We are familiar from the media with the anguish of families when loved ones go missing or whose cause of death is unknown. To grieve fully one must know, without knowing the dead cannot be laid to rest.

The question the McCole family are asking is one, in the first instance, they are asking for themselves. On that account alone, it deserves to be answered but it is also being asked on behalf of the families of all those involved. It is: why is the State setting upon them as adversaries. The Opposition parties ask the same question for another reason also. We want to bring the Government to account. We want to know who directed the resources of the State in this campaign of intimidation. Strip away the legal niceties and all one is left with is thuggery. Someone in a position of great power and influence, using the resources of the State democratically entrusted to them, gravely abused that power, in the process deliberately terrorising a dying woman. The Minister has decided not to co-operate in the search for the truth. We want to know why.

There has been a well orchestrated clamour in recent days designed to smear anyone who dares to raise this subject as the lowest form of political opportunity.

That is what it amounts to.

I agree that anyone who would seek to cynically use the victims of this tragic affair purely to gain votes would be beneath contempt——

The Deputy's party is not doing that?

——but that is far from saying the matter should be brushed under the carpet because an election is in the offing. I am reminded of a remark made by Professor Joe Lee on "Questions and Answers" last night. While he was not happy that there were people who would leap at an opportunity to grab at what they might regard as a heaven sent vote catcher, he stressed most emphatically that the principle involved — which is in keeping with the Freedom of Information Bill for which the Government claims much credit — was worthy of mention at this time, that is, we must abandon for good the idea that Ministers must be constantly protected by civil servants.

We have heard a great deal in recent times about the need to make employees of the public service accountable for their actions so that they attract the credit or the blame as the case may be. Civil servants are only a small part of the public service. The same principle must apply to semi-State bodies and all those on the payroll of the State. What we are looking for is complete openness and honesty as well as fair play and equality before the law. The rules and regulations to be applied in calculating damages bear all the hallmarks of a draftsman instructed to save every penny possible ignoring the human misery and trauma involved.

On Tuesday, 8 October 1996 the Minister spoke in this House to a motion tabled by the Progressive Democrats. On the same day the family of the late Brigid McCole sent him a letter in which they posed five questions. Brigid McCole died 12 days later. The last of the five questions remains unanswered.

In January, February and March of this year I raised important questions about this matter in the House. The Minister will recall that I was the first person to raise the name of Brigid McCole on the floor of the House. Throughout that period the Government constantly reminded us that the general election was not due to be held until next November. I could not be accused, therefore, of electioneering.

One of the subjects I addressed was the appalling situation in which the families of a small number of hepatitis C victims found themselves. I referred to a constituent of mine, a 54-year old teacher and joint breadwinner of her family. I hope the Minister will accept the amendment I have tabled because the woman concerned died in January 1996 before her case could be heard by the tribunal. In the week she died the tribunal met specially and agreed compensation with the families of two others on the point of death. In the case to which I am referring the family are only entitled to £7,500. Had she survived a little longer the story would have been different. This family, and a small number of others, are the forgotten victims of this sorry saga.

Last night the Minister was angry when he made the point that he personally was not responsible for what happened some years ago. We have never held him totally responsible but the manner in which he has handled this tragedy is a sorry episode in his political life.

This morning on Radio Ireland the Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy De Rossa, said we should be discussing more important issues relevant to the general election rather than getting to the bottom of this affair. He, too, has not apologised to the House. In a despicable outburst in the House for which Democratic Left has not apologised Deputy Kathleen Lynch stated:

I have four extremely healthy children. That might not be the case were it not for anti-D. I am, therefore, very grateful for its development. The manner in which the transfusion service operated was disgraceful but I find it difficult to blame it entirely in view of the fact that my children are so healthy.

No doubt the late Brigid McCole voiced the same sentiments as she said her last goodbyes on her deathbed to her 12 beautiful and extremely healthy children.

This is the thirtieth time in the past two years that there has been a major debate in the House about the hepatitis C affair. At the end of each debate the victims hoped that it was the last time they would have to trudge in to Dáil Éireann and that their simple demands for justice and truth would be granted. They were certainly of this view when the tribunal of inquiry was mooted and believed that, at last, everything would come out into the public domain. However, on the morning the terms of reference of the tribunal were laid before the Dáil, 17 October last, it quickly became clear that the cover-up would continue. Buried in paragraph 9 were the words "in so far as these questions relate to the terms of reference above". This was a reference to the questions put by the family of the late Brigid McCole.

To the uninitiated, this appeared like a simple, straightforward focusing of the tribunal. However, the words were much more sinister and, as events have unfolded, prove that the Government planned the tribunal in such a way as not to fully expose the deep-rooted cover-up perpetrated against the citizens of the State. It is abundantly clear that the establishment of the tribunal in a limited way was part of the cover-up, not the end of it. It is necessary to outline some of the background to illustrate the point. Following their mother's death, the McCole family wrote to the Minister for Health on 8 October last. They put five questions to him which they believed deserved to be answered. Question No. 5 asked the justification for the BTSB threatening their mother while she lay on her deathbed with an action for costs if she pursued a case for aggravated or exemplary damages. By inserting the words "in so far as these questions relate to the terms of reference above" the Minister for Health and the Government effectively excised question No. 5. The "terms of reference above" related to the BTSB and the infection of anti-D with hepatitis C but did not allow for any investigation into the political handling of the affair or the legal strategy involved.

On the day the terms of reference were debated in the Dáil Deputy Geoghegan-Quinn, on behalf of Fianna Fáil, objected to the inclusion of this limit on the terms of reference. We believed all the questions asked by the family of the late Mrs. McCole deserved to be answered and there could be no picking and choosing of them. Our fear, which has since proven to be correct, was that, with the Government wording, the Minister for Health and the Cabinet were attempting to limit the scope of the inquiry. We tabled an amendment to delete those limiting words but this was resisted by the Minister, Deputy Noonan, despite support for the amendment by some Government backbenchers. Deputy Shatter spotted what was at play and warned that he would vote in favour of our amendment. He did not vote with us but this may have been because of the confusion about which amendment was being decided first. During the debate that morning the Minister for Health said he could not accept our amendment on McCole question No. 5 because what we were seeking to do would infringe the separation of powers between the Oireachtas and the courts. He tried to imply that what we were seeking to do was to investigate how a case was run by the courts. This is not the only time the Government has put forward this political concoction in relation to the hepatitis C controversy. The Minister has done this on the Order of Business on a number of mornings and has attempted on several occasions to mix up the issues.

What we have sought to do since the McCole family wrote its letter on 8 October is establish why the Government and State agencies acted in the way they did when Mrs. McCole initiated her legal action. It was despicable for the Minister for Health to claim yesterday that we are somehow jumping on the bandwagon in terms of this issue because a general election is in the offing. As he well knows, Deputy Geoghegan-Quinn has been pushing this issue since 8 October when the McCole family wrote its letter.

Since Deputy Geoghegan-Quinn's amendment was debated on 17 October this matter has been raised at least ten times by way of debate, while questions have also been put to the Minister during Question Time. I deeply resent the attempts by the Government to smear others. It smacks of desperation and panic and signals that the Cabinet has not learned anything from this terrible episode and is hell-bent on continuing the cover-up.

Having completely failed to protect the public interest and the rights of citizens in this affair, the Minister for Health is trying to turn the gun on all those seeking accountability. The reality of the hepatitis C affair is that the legal strategy in the McCole case was not decided by the courts but was a political decision. We firmly believe it is a matter of public policy that there should be accountability for that decision. That is why we have tabled this motion. Our firm legal advice in the matter, which has been taken from three eminent counsel, is that there is no barrier preventing the disclosure of who authorised the legal strategy in the McCole case. Claims to the contrary are an attempt by the Attorney General, and others, to muddy the waters in relation to the state of knowledge of members of the Government throughout the hardball negotiation on Mrs. McCole's case.

We have also taken legal advice on the position of the Chief State Solicitor and our request for him to disclose the background to the offensive McCole legal strategy. In the letter of 7 May from the Chief State Solicitor to the Clerk of the Select Committee on Social Affairs the writer declines on his own behalf and on behalf of the Attorney General to assist the committee in the discussion on how the State case was conducted. A number of reasons were given in the letter, including that there were comparable cases still pending before the courts and the question of legal professional privilege. The point about the existence of comparable cases is best dealt with by distinguishing the McCole case from the others on the basis of the State's conduct of that case which surely the Government must accept is unique. To put it another way, there will be no interference with the running of other cases by the discussion of the behaviour of the State in the McCole case unless the State intends to take the same reprehensible attitude to other cases, including the McCole case.

I plan to examine the reliance by the Chief State Solicitor and the Attorney General on the principle of legal professional privilege. Privilege is said to exist when one is not obliged to answer particular questions or to produce particular documents. It is distinct from non-competence or non-compellability of witnesses which relates to the incapacity of a witness or his right to refuse to testify. Legal professional privilege arises in respect of communications between a lawyer and his client made in confidence for the purpose of pending litigation or for the purpose of obtaining professional advice. It extends to communications between the lawyer or the client and a third party for the purposes of that litigation.

It is fundamental that the privilege is the client's privilege and cannot be waived by the lawyer. Correspondingly, if it is waived by the client, the lawyer cannot claim it on his own behalf. In the context of this case, it appears from the Chief State Solicitor's letter that while legal professional privilege is specifically mentioned there is no indication that the client is claiming it. The writer is seeking the best of both worlds by, on the one hand, citing the principle as "a fundamental norm" and, on the other, not specifically claiming it on behalf of the client. There is no legal reason based on this principle which precludes the Minister, as the Chief State Solicitor's client, from waiving the privilege which appears to be claimed by the Chief State Solicitor on his behalf.

Since the Minister, Deputy Noonan, knows he is on thin ice on the privilege issue, it has now been suggested by him that the Chief State Solicitor as law officer is not amenable in respect of policy matters and is only amenable in respect of administrative matters. I do not know where this legal theory is emanating from but it is bizarre. The Minister for Health is trying to suggest that the reason the Chief State Solicitor cannot be freed so that he can come before the Select Committee on Social Affairs is that he decided policy in the McCole case. This is a reckless and serious suggestion by the Minister for Health. If he is suggesting that the decision as to policy came from the legal advisers then he should admit that he has completely abdicated his responsibility.

Privilege would allow the Chief State Solicitor, as a witness, to refuse to disclose communications made to him by the Minister or the Government as his client without the client's consent. This is the first aspect of legal professional privilege. Privilege would also allow the Minister or the Government as the Chief State Solicitor's client to refuse to disclose communications to the Minister from the Chief State Solicitor. This is the second aspect of legal professional privilege; both aspects are outlined by Fennell in the "Law of Evidence in Ireland".

At common law, legal professional privilege in both its aspects is that of the client. This is backed up by available case law. Another point in relation to privilege is that if it is claimed in respect of a communication or document it remains privileged for the benefit of that client and his successors in title. This means that in the unlikely event of the rainbow Government being returned to office the Minister for Health or his successor could continue the cover-up, should they continue to refuse to waive the privilege.

The significance of the Chief State Solicitor relates to his role in cases involving the hepatitis C victims, including Mrs. McCole. On 11 December 1995 the Chief State Solicitor wrote to victims warning them:

If, despite the Scheme of Compensation, your client is advised to ignore the Tribunal and to pursue litigation and your client chooses to accept such advice, the resulting litigation will be fully defended by the State, if necessary, to the Supreme Court.

This related to the fact that even in making an offer to Mrs. McCole on her deathbed the State and its agencies stated categorically that they would not pay aggravated damages if she pursued her claim in the courts. Furthermore, she was told by the State and its agencies that if she did so it would be resisted and they would pursue costs against her and, if necessary, appeal it to the Supreme Court. In ordinary language, this amounted to legal blackmail.

The Minister has sought in his amendment to separate himself from the conduct of the State agency which is directly under his aegis and responsibility by referring to separate legal teams. Yet, the bogus defence regarding the statue of limitations was jointly pleaded by the defendants even though the State knew that the BTSB had concealed what had happened to Mrs. McCole at that stage.

In a further delaying tactic the State objected to the defendant pursuing her case under an assumed name. I want to state categorically that it is impossible to believe that the BTSB strategy was not co-ordinated with the State. How could the BTSB offer to pay the large sums concerned in an attempt to settle the case without State consent?

The assertion by Minister that "the main thrust of the case was between the legal teams" is astonishing, if it is true. Given that the lawyers were representing the State and its agencies and would have been aware of the very significant political implications regarding the way these cases were to be handled, no lawyer on any of those legal teams proceeded with the statute of limitations defence without asking their clients for instructions whether to proceed with such a defence. A letter of the type forwarded to the late Mrs. Brigid McCole which sought to threaten her into submission could only have been taken on the instructions of the client.

Is the Minister, Deputy Noonan, and his Government colleagues asking the people of Ireland to accept they were doing their job properly by trying to suggest they were in blissful ignorance of the way the case was being handled? Not only is there a provision in the statutory instrument establishing the BTSB for the Minister for Health to take over any legal action the board is pursuing but the Minister has de facto been running the blood bank. A newspaper article about some crisis at the BTSB has only to appear and the Minister for Health has the chief executive in his office. Yet he expects us to believe that he has done his duty when, in relation to the biggest crisis to envelop his Department during his tenure, he has no idea or interest in what way the State and its agencies are treating the victims of hepatitis C whom they have single-handedly, knowingly and recklessly infected with a life threatening disease. Such legal fictions will not wash. Political responsibility can not be abdicated away with fanciful legalisms which portray the political master of the Department of Health treating a State agency's defence of this tragic case as if it were somebody else's business. Even the Minister would have to concede that that falls far short of the most minimalist definition of political accountability.

The absolutely amazing aspect of all this — and the public should know this — is that these sorts of tactics are continuing against another woman who has decided to seek to vindicate her rights through the courts rather than a tribunal. Mary Quinlan issued proceedings on 22 June 1995 contemporaneously with Brigid McCole. These proceedings were superseded by an application for an injunction against the BTSB so that Mary Quinlan could obtain medical test results in the possession of the BTSB to enable her attend a UK consultant hepatologist. Over 40 applications later, the BTSB furnished an admission of liability with its defence. Mary Quinlan has been continuously required to fight each and every step to obtain justice. This case has yet to go before the courts and, as of tonight, the Minister is denying the content of the Finlay tribunal report in these court proceedings and is acting in a contradictory and inconsistent manner while willing to accept the content of the Finlay tribunal report in cases before the compensation tribunal.

In the past, both Mary Quinlan and Brigid McCole could have obtained the payment of ordinary damages before the ad hoc compensation tribunal. However, they decided to continue to fight in the High Court for the payment of those damages and many other victims have benefited from their stance. After Brigid McCole died, Mary Quinlan continued to pursue aggravated damages in the High Court.

In the Bill to be debated later this evening, the Government is offering aggravated damages of 20 per cent of general damages if cases are taken before the compensation tribunal. The Minister continues to refuse to admit liability for aggravated damages in the case of Mary Quinlan simply because she wants the High Court to adjudicate on the level of damages, both general and aggravated, in her case. With the intention of preventing her obtaining more than 20 per cent aggravated damages, it is likely the State will appeal her case right up to the Supreme Court, if she wins. Does this stance remind the House of anything? It echoes the tragic case of Brigid McCole. Persecution of this silent victim who has not fought her battles in the media or on the floor of this House is destined to continue as she exercises her constitutional right to have her day in court. Presumably, the Minister's answer in relation to the conduct of this case will be the same lame duck excuse he has been parroting for months —"it is nothing to do with me".

Last Sunday, the daughter of Brigid McCole, Bríd, gave the following statement: "Today I am speaking to the press on behalf of my family to ask the Minister for Health to give us answers as to why our late mother, Mrs. Brigid Ellen McCole, was threatened because she pursued her compensation claim through the courts." She continued:

I have come from my home in County Donegal today to ask the Minister and the Government to give us the answer to that question. Many other issues have been resolved in recent weeks but our fifth question has not been answered.

She went on to say that she feels it is important that the Minister for Health now gives the answers to the question he has been asked. She stated: "He, and members of his Government, have the power to do that and let the McCole family continue to come to terms with our sad loss, knowing the full truth as to why our mother suffered so much."

There would have been no tribunal of inquiry or promise of a statutory compensation scheme but for the courage of Brigid McCole. For this reason there is an obligation to secure the truth in the McCole case. Her family want question No. 5 answered and it is in the public interest that this should happen. The difficulty for the McCole family is that they see all the other issues being resolved because of the bravery of their mother, but the single most important question to her has still not been answered. There is a moral and public accountability imperative that the question be answered.

Up to now, the Government's blanket response has been to pull down the shutters on the controversy. That position is not tenable and the political strategy of the Minister for Health and the rest of the Government has been blown apart.

What is happening here is in contrast to the promises at the time the rainbow coalition Government came to office, and the period just prior to that. For example, on 6 December 1994, the then Deputy John Bruton told the Dáil:

My concern today is to ensure that the facts are fully known to establish political responsibility for what happened. There are questions to be answered.

He went on to say that it would be helpful if full and frank answers were given to a committee of the House.

On 26 March last in this House, the Taoiseach promised that whatever questions were tabled on the legal strategy in the McCole case would be answered in full. I tabled a series of 20 questions to the Taoiseach, none of which was answered by him. Two were transferred to the Minister for Health and the Taoiseach said he had no responsibility for the rest.

Despite the Taoiseach's limited and belated apology last Sunday, when we heard for the first time that the leader of this country had something to say about the biggest health scandal in its history, the State has still not admitted liability for this affair. Will the Minister explain tonight why this has not happened? The victims of this controversy should be spared further difficulty and the State should now accept responsibility for the injury caused to them and their families. The Minister has vacillated and manufactured fallacies in relation to the difference between the liability of the State and that of the BTSB.

All the evidence suggests this Government continues to be more concerned with being saved from further embarrassment and is more sensitive to the protection of its image than addressing the substance of the just cause of the victims. If nothing else, it would serve the purpose of perhaps exorcising the guilt of the members of this Government who so ineptly and insensitively sought to deal with this matter.

The Government has been equally unforthcoming about its own involvement in the affair. It has been uncovered that, in parallel with a grossly inadequate and totally incompetent public response to the crisis, the Government has been involved in covert and ruthless campaigns to frustrate the victims, and in particular those who refused to accept the compensation tribunal and all its conditions.

The revelation disclosed by Minister Brendan Howlin on the "Liveline" programme renders the position of this Government in relation to the hepatitis C scandal totally untenable. In the interview, Minister Howlin disclosed that in relation to the despicable conduct of the State in the handling of the Brigid McCole case "the legal strategy was decided by Government and that's a question that needs to be answered". I am not asking that question, a Minister of this Government is asking it. Minister Howlin went on to say, when asked if he took the decision, that "the Government made the decision as to how all these things happen". He further admitted: "I now see that that didn't necessarily suit certainly the McCole family and they were right to go the course that they went". Those are the words of a Minister of this Government, not mine, and the Minister for Health is not claiming that Minister Howlin is trying to make political capital out of this issue. That explains why the fifth question in the McCole letter was excluded from the terms of reference of the hepatitis C tribunal. This is the first public admission by a Minister that this Government was collectively responsible for the strategy adopted in the McCole case. That admission is a damning indictment of this Government, from the Taoiseach and Tánaiste down.

Minister Noonan has always tried to maintain the fiction that the Government was not involved in the legal strategy so insensitively pursued against a defenceless woman. Indeed, in its response to this motion, the Government is still seeking to shift the responsibility for this debacle on to the shoulders of others. Minister Howlin's statement blows this out of the water.

Recent revelations, and in particular those articulated by Minister Howlin, give every indication that this is a scandal with the most profound implications and one that will be seen in time to have been the most rotten in the history of the State. The evidence shows that rather than facilitate hepatitis C victims exercise their full rights in terms of a fair hearing, the Government was supporting every legal stratagem to frustrate the affected women in their quest for justice.

Since the single most important duty of any public representative is to protect at all costs the rights of each citizen, it is beyond belief that the Government embarked on a vindictive course against an innocent group of women who had been grievously damaged by a State agency.

In order to minimise further damage to our democratic institutions as a result of the hepatitis C scandal, it is now imperative that the full facts surrounding the State's role in defending the case against the late Mrs. McCole are fully and publicly established. Specifically, the following details must be ascertained. The exact chronology of events between the State and Mrs. McCole's legal representatives must be explicitly and comprehensively established; all documents, formal, and informal, relating to the matter must be identified and made available; all relevant meetings, formal and informal, involving State representatives must be identified; and all decisions made, and actions taken, by the State must be made known, and the party or parties to such decisions and actions must be explicitly identified.

The most effective way forward in this dire matter would be if the Government collated all this information and placed it before the Dáil as a matter of the gravest urgency. The Government has refused point-blank to do this, fuelling the view that the cover-up continues. The establishment of the Finlay tribunal on such narrow terms, avoiding any question about the McCole legal strategy, was a deliberate part of the cover-up by this Government.

The Government hopes the Finlay report will be the last word on the matter, but that report is only half the story. The other half will require an investigation. I will be proposing that the Chairman of the Dáil Select Committee on Social Affairs, Deputy Pattison, should begin the investigation into the matter to ensure political accountability is established. If this is voted down by Government parties, Fianna Fáil in Government will ensure the matter is investigated fully and properly. Nothing less is acceptable if respect and trust is to be fully re-established at the core of our democratic system.

What is forgotten in this saga is the human suffering and misery caused by the scandal. Men, women and children have had their lives destroyed by the indifference and incompetent actions of a handful of experts at the Blood Transfusion Service Board. More than 1,000 mothers contracted hepatitis C from contaminated blood products. The mothers contracted a serious and potentially life-threatening virus for which there is no effective cure. Half of those women have the full virus, while more than a dozen children of the mothers and some partners have also been infected. According to the Virus Reference Laboratory at UCD, up to 75 per cent of those infected with hepatitis C develop chronic hepatitis. Hepatitis C is a most uncertain disease and there is no known treatment available.

Life assurance is currently impossible to obtain, mortgages are restricted and leave from work is unpaid. The treatment of victims is by injection into the abdomen which is painful and has caused serious side effects. It goes without saying that the immediate and longer term needs of the victims of the scandal must be urgently addressed and satisfied. This involves responding comprehensively at three levels: explicitly accepting responsibility; putting in place the most effective possible levels of medical and counselling support for those affected; and providing a level of compensation commensurate with the appalling damage inflicted on recipients of hepatitis C infected blood and blood products. The last of these might be resolved tonight. However, if the State had treated the victims fairly and honestly from the start there might not now be a need for the payment of aggravated damages.

The admission of liability is restricted to just 28 cases out of about 1,800 as far as the State is concerned. Why admit liability in just those cases? It is more legal manoeuvring by the Government rather than an up-front admission of guilt.

Limerick East): I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "That" and to substitute the following:

"Dáil Éireann

(i) acknowledges the deep hurt caused to the McCole family and extends its deepest sympathy to the family;

(ii) acknowledges that the hepatitis C infection of the anti-D product and the blood supply has seriously affected the health and everyday lives of innocent victims and their families;

(iii) acknowledges that in the McCole case there were three distinct defendants, the BTSB, the National Drugs Advisory Board and the State — with separate legal teams — who conducted their defence cases separately; and

(iv) acknowledges that the Government's first priority and principal concern from the outset has been to put in place a unique, non-adversarial Compensation Tribunal, which has allowed all victims the opportunity of bypassing the court system and all the conflict, stress and risks associated with litigation in court.".

The death of Mrs. Brigid McCole was a major tragedy. Again, on my own behalf and on behalf of the Government, I extend my sincere condolences to the family on the death of Mrs. McCole. It is recognised by all Deputies that the hepatitis C disaster is a source of deep distress to those persons who have been diagnosed positive for the illness, and for their families. It is fully recognised that it has seriously affected their lives, their livelihoods, their health and their future. I have met many of the victims of this public health disaster and have been humbled by their forbearance and courage.

I have been subject to criticism which has centred on the State's defence of the High Court case taken on behalf of the late Mrs. McCole. The State did not admit liability in Mrs. McCole's case. My strong legal advice, both orally and in writing from independent senior counsel, was that the State, as distinct from the BTSB, is not liable and that an admission of liability should not be made. The State's agents are obliged to follow the law in using public funds; this is a country governed by laws. If I had acceded to the demand that I admit liability on behalf of the State in that case and similar cases, I would be accepting liability contrary to legal advice on behalf of all Ministers for Health over the years and in relation to pending court cases back to 1970 in respect of the hepatitis C infection of the anti-D product. If I were to admit liability I would be acting against all legal advice in a way which would be contrary to overall public policy for which I, as Minister for Health, have functional responsibility.

As I stated on numerous occasions, there were three distinct defendants in the McCole case — the BTSB, the NDAB and the State — and all three defendants had separate legal teams and conducted their defence cases separately. At the heart of the criticisms levelled at me is a refusal by the Opposition to recognise the statutory legal independence of the BTSB. I wish to emphasise that at no time were instructions given by the BTSB or the NDAB, now the Irish Medicines Board, to the State's legal team nor did the BTSB or the NDAB receive any such instructions from the State's legal advisers.

The State, through the Chief State Solicitor's office, conducted the defence case on behalf of the State parties, namely, the Minister for Health, the Attorney General and Ireland, and did not issue any policy directive or exercise any control or management of the defence cases which were being separately defended by the BTSB and the NDAB. It is also clear that the State and the BTSB had different cases to answer. This is quite clear to anybody who has read the report of the tribunal of inquiry by Mr. Justice Finlay into the BTSB.

There have been many allegations about specific aspects of the way the State conducted its defence. I propose to address these allegations during this debate. It has been alleged that I had known for some time that the BTSB intended to admit liability in the McCole case and did not inform this House. I wish once again to inform the House that the BTSB notified officials of my Department on the 16 September 1996 of its intention to admit liability and on 17 September 1996 I was told by my officials of the BTSB's intention. The admission of liability was conveyed by letter of 20 September 1996 by the solicitors for the BTSB to the solicitors for the plaintiff. This letter, contrary to what is alleged, was not issued by the Chief State Solicitor's office. It was issued by the solicitors for the BTSB.

On 24 September 1996 I informed the Government of the BTSB's admission of liability. The Government noted the position. We neither made any decision nor gave any direction on any strategy or action.

The BTSB informed me at that time that it undertook with counsel an extensive review of the facts of the case which went back over 25 years. The various allegations made in the proceedings were put by the BTSB to such witnesses as were available to give evidence and a range of experts at home and abroad were also consulted. On consideration of this extensive review and following legal advice, the BTSB admitted liability in the late Mrs. McCole's case in relation to her claim for compensatory damages for negligence. I did not attempt to direct the BTSB in any decisions it took in relation to the proceedings. The BTSB is a separate legal entity and it would not have been appropriate for me to issue directives to the BTSB on the conduct of the proceedings. It would also have been improper for one defendant to compel another defendant in the case to take a particular course of action in the conduct of the proceedings.

There followed on the admission of liability by the BTSB much speculation about the ultimate settlement in the case and it was alleged that the State's "fingerprints" were all over the settlement agreed in the late Mrs. McCole's case. In relation to the settlement in the case in question, I was not consulted by the BTSB in this regard. Mrs McCole's case was settled between her lawyers and the BTSB by agreement. I appreciate that the settlement was arrived at in particularly tragic circumstances.

In the motion tabled by Fianna Fáil it is suggested the State adopted an offensive legal strategy in the McCole case. It has in the past been alleged by the Opposition that the State delayed and obstructed the plaintiff from beginning to end. I deny this because it is simply not true.

It was alleged, for example, that the State delayed in entering its defence. This is not true. The State delivered its defence when the plaintiff's claim was adequately particularised. This issue was the subject of an application to the court and was resolved by the court in favour of the State. It was alleged the State delayed the discovery of documents while, in fact, the dates for completion of discovery were set by the High Court and adhered to by the State. The State sought and was granted, without objection by Mrs. McCole's counsel, two working days extension of time for filing its affidavit of discovery. Between 4,000 and 5,000 documents were discovered and made immediately available by the State, of which a small number became the subject of dispute which was resolved without ultimate recourse to the court.

On a previous occasion in this House, I reflected on the manner in which issues in relation to legal cases are prepared for the adversarial court system with which we are familiar. I stated that pleadings are the means by which the issues to be tried by the court are both netted down and clarified, so that not only the parties but also the court, which otherwise knows nothing about the matters in controversy, can become familiar with the matters which require to be adjudicated upon and the evidence which will be required to establish or refute these matters. What may appear to be convoluted or tortuous descriptions of highly charged allegations are sometimes recited and must be denied in detail. Otherwise they are deemed to be admitted.

I have previously informed the House that in Mrs. McCole's case a large variety of allegations of wrongdoing on the part not only of the BTSB but also the State parties and the NDAB were made. The State rightly called for matters to be properly established by Mrs. McCole's lawyers. It was open to Mrs. McCole's legal team to either provide documentary evidence of the matters as the case proceeded or prove them by evidence in court. Exchanges of correspondence and documents between parties, with other pre-trial proceedings such as discovery and interrogatories which occurred in the McCole case, even further netted down the matters at issue.

There was also much criticism of the State's position in relation to the statute of limitations. It was repeated tonight by Deputy McDaid. In respect of the statute of limitations, one should look at the defence delivered by the State parties to understand what precisely was pleaded. It was:

In so far as the date of acquisition of the plaintiff's condition alleged in the Statement of Claim was in or before 1980 and not the date of knowledge as defined in the Statutes of Limitation is pleaded, such claim herein, if any, is barred by the provisions of the said Statute.

A plaintiff is required to give reasonably specific details of the occasions on which important events are said to have occurred and this detail was omitted from Mrs. McCole's Statement of Claim. In pleading this, and in the notice of particulars, the State required her lawyers to specify the occasion on which she contracted hepatitis C or the occasion on which she became aware of having contracted such a serious condition. It was not unreasonable for the State to require this detail which is after all basic information necessary for a full evaluation of the case.

Criticism was also made of the decision by the State to contest anonymity in the McCole case. I would like to give the background to this decision. A number of plaintiffs represented by the same firm of solicitors, issued writs against the BTSB, the NDAB and the State using aliases and giving their solicitors' offices as their addresses. On 7 September 1995, the solicitors notified the defendants of the true identities and addresses of the plaintiffs. However, in Mrs. McCole's case, they did not notify the State of her identify until 27 September 1995.

On 22 September 1995, Mrs. McCole's counsel was told that, while the confidentiality of her medical condition and other intimate matters would be maintained by the State parties, as a matter of constitutional law the client could not proceed under an assumed identity. This was confirmed in subsequent correspondence. Mrs. McCole's counsel and solicitors took a different view and ultimately they brought a motion before the High Court seeking a ruling on the point. Their application in this regard was decided on 14 February 1996 by Miss Justice Laffoy, who dismissed it. The court in its judgment stated it had no jurisdiction to allow the plaintiff to prosecute her proceedings using a fictitious name and to do so would contravene Article 34.1 of the Constitution which required justice to be administered in public. This judgment is available to anybody who may wish to read it.

It is not an option for the State, or any other litigant, to selectively ignore, or turn a blind eye to Article 34.1 of the Constitution. This provision has hard outcomes in some cases, but it is a very basic protection of civil rights. The State is obliged to uphold, not to ignore, the requirements of the Constitution.

There has been an allegation that the State opposed an early hearing in the late Mrs. McCole's case. I would again like to inform the House that Mrs. McCole's initial application for an early hearing was withdrawn by her lawyers and when it was ultimately re-entered on 26 April 1996 it emerged that the case would not be ready for trial in June as her lawyers had requested. The President of the High Court adjudged it should proceed on 8 October 1996 and the President of the High Court said that in exceptional circumstances the court will give priority to cases and fix an early trial date but that this power must be exercised sparingly as it affects other litigants. The judge also stated that the defendants had met the plaintiffs claim fairly and stated that they would be in a position to go on in October. The judge added that the rights of both parties have to be weighed and also considered it relevant that should Mrs. McCole's condition deteriorate, the compensation tribunal was available to her. In fact, the tribunal indicated its willingness to sit at short notice to facilitate the claim if that was the desired option. The fact that the case was put down for hearing for October enabled Mrs. McCole's lawyers to amend her statement of claim substantially on two subsequent occasions and to make a considerable number of interlocutory/pre-trial applications to the court for reliefs considered necessary in the late Mrs. McCole's case, even into the summer vacation.

While the State indicated that the case would not be ready for trial in June, it is clear that the case on behalf of Mrs. McCole was not ready either. In fact, a new issue in the case, which was also an issue specifically for the Tribunal of Inquiry into the BTSB, that is, the issue in relation to the Therapeutic Substances Act, 1932, was introduced for the first time by the plaintiff's solicitors by way of an amendment to the statement of claim on 23 July 1996. As a matter of interest, it should be noted that the tribunal of inquiry found that anti-D was not a therapeutic substance under the 1932 Act and that the grant of a manufacturer's licence under that Act would not have been appropriate because it would have been of no legal effect.

The judge adjudicated that 8 October was the appropriate date for the early hearing on the basis that neither side was ready.

Rather than there being any delay or obstruction, as has been suggested, this complex trial which was estimated to require six weeks had it proceeded in October 1996 was processed with considerable expedition. It commenced by plenary summons in 1995, involved four parties, dealt with numerous motions and other applications to the court, was the subject of an extraordinary volume of discovered documents, including the invoking of sworn interrogatory procedures and yet was ready for trial within 15 or 16 months. All this could not have been done in the normal course without extensive co-operation between all those parties and the good offices of the courts and court staff.

The BTSB has also been criticised for paying a lodgement into court in the legal case in question. On the advice of their lawyers, the BTSB made a lodgement into court in accordance with Order 22 Rule 1(1) of the Rules of the Superior Courts on 15 May 1996. The lodgement was not accepted. I would like to reiterate that this lodgement by the BTSB in this case was made in accordance with the Rules of the Superior Courts and is a procedure open to all defendants involved in litigation. This lodgement was made by the BTSB on its own behalf. I was not aware that the lodgement was being paid into court by the BTSB prior to it being made. I was informed by the BTSB subsequent to the lodgement being paid into court. It is open to all defendants to take this particular action. Once again, I would like to reiterate that the BTSB conducted its case separately and the State did not issue any policy directive nor exercise any control or management of the BTSB's defence case.

At this point, I wish to summarise the points I have just made because, surprisingly, misunderstandings are still current about the McCole case.

1. In the McCole case, it was the BTSB which admitted liability and which settled the case with the representatives of the McCole family. In law, the BTSB is a separate legal entity, had its own legal advice and its own insurers.

2. The State was at all times advised by independent senior counsel who advised that there was no State liability and this remains the State's position.

3. Cases in court are conducted according to the legal rules which govern a civil liability. The cases are presented in accordance with the adversarial rules in use in cases of that kind.

4. It is for this reason that an alternative channel was and is available which removes the adversarial element and ensures privacy, namely the hepatitis C compensation tribunal. Every claimant is entitled to use it and or is perfectly entitled to decline to use it and opt for the adversarial and more public court system. What is not possible is that the rules which govern cases generally should be ignored or broken for cases that are brought through the courts.

5. Again, I emphasise that the State, following the normal practice in cases of this kind, took independent legal advice from highly reputable independent counsel, were advised that the State was not liable and the case was settled by another party who admitted liability.

I have been criticised in relation to a letter which issued from the Office of the Chief State Solicitor on 21 July 1995 which set out the State's legal position in relation to the legal cases in question. Contrary to what has been alleged, the letter did not issue to the late Mrs. McCole. However, the solicitors who acted for the late Mrs. McCole also act for Positive Action, and the late Mrs. McCole was a member of Positive Action. These solicitors wrote to the Chief State Solicitor on behalf of their client, Positive Action, seeking, among other matters, that the State admit liability. The Chief State Solicitor wrote a letter in response describing the benefits of the compensation scheme which could not be achieved in litigation, and pointing out that it was difficult to understand how any of their clients could choose to ignore the scheme in favour of the uncertainty, delays, stresses, confrontation and costs involved in High Court litigation.

It was entirely appropriate and necessary to inform the solicitors for Positive Action in clear terms in July 1995 of the State's legal position, so that no client of theirs would embark on litigation against the State under any misapprehension as to the fact that the State intended to fully defend any litigation initiated. Any litigation which has subsequently been brought against the State in relation to the infection of the anti-D product has been defended.

In all proceedings brought against the State in the hepatitis C issue the State defendants, acting on strong independent legal advice, have not admitted liability.

In a letter to me dated 16 April 1997 the BTSB stated its intention to admit liability in certain proceedings. The following is the statement of its position:

The Blood Transfusion Service Board has decided that it will admit liability for negligence in court proceedings where claimants were directly or indirectly infected with Hepatitis C through Anti-D Immunoglobulin supplied by the Board. In such proceedings and in other court proceedings where claimants allege infection with Hepatitis C from blood, blood components or derivatives supplied by the Board, the Board will admit the findings of fact contained in the report of the Tribunal of Inquiry.

The Board is not in a position to decide whether aggravated or exemplary damages should be awarded in any case, as this is a legal issue which falls to be judicially determined. The Board notes that the Government has decided that the terms of reference of the Compensation Tribunal will be amended to empower the Chairman of the Compensation Tribunal, Mr. Justice Egan, to decide whether such damages should be awarded in individual cases. Similarly a judge in court proceedings would determine this issue in individual cases.

As I have said on many occasions in this House, I do not consider the courts a suitable vehicle for awarding compensation in such circumstances where there are a large number of plaintiffs who have broadly similar claims. There appears to be a refusal on the part of the Opposition to recognise the adversarial nature of the courts. I cannot change the way in which court cases are conducted. That is a matter outside my control. For that reason I established the compensation tribunal for the hepatitis C victims and later this evening I will commend the Hepatitis C Compensation Tribunal Bill, 1997, to the House, which will place the compensation tribunal on a statutory basis.

The most recent criticism of the State's position in the McCole case is contained in the Fianna Fáil motion put down for debate this evening which, inter alia, calls on the Government and myself as Minister for Health to waive the claim of privilege in the McCole case. The late Mrs McCole's action was one of a number of actions which are at various stages of progress through the courts. Mrs McCole's case was the first of these cases to be set down for hearing. A second case, to which Deputy Cowen referred, is listed for hearing on 1 July. It is not necessary to know anything about the rules of privilege, or even to be a lawyer, to understand that where cases are decided in an adversarial courtroom and where a party to litigation has many other cases of a similar kind at various stages in the court system, that party is put at an obvious disadvantage if its detailed legal advice is made public, especially if that is done before all the cases are finished. The House is aware that the Government, while recognising a person's right to take court proceedings, has put in place a non-adversarial compensation tribunal for certain persons who had contracted hepatitis C since December 1995. While the State is still a defendant in those other similar proceedings, it would not be appropriate for it to disclose legal advice on this litigation where comparable litigation is pending before the courts.

The Fianna Fáil motion also calls on the Government to divulge in full the circumstances in which the State's defence of the McCole case was devised and executed and to lay before the House all documentation, including documentation from the Chief State Solicitor's office, giving the state of knowledge of the Government. There is a fundamental objection to any process whereby lawyers advising a party to litigation could be required to account to the Legislature for its advice or indeed for decisions made by the courts in the administration of justice. Even a court of law is not entitled to inquire into the instructions given to a lawyer by his or her client or the advice given to the client by his or her lawyer. This is the basis of legal professional privilege and is a fundamental norm, without which the interests of justice could not be served. If the Legislature insisted on receiving an account of such advice, this could amount to an interference by the Legislature with the independent administration of justice and constitute a breach of the doctrine of the separation of powers. It is not, therefore, appropriate that the State's legal advice be made public or that the management of the litigation be analysed in the Dáil.

A court system which is independent of the other branches of Government requires not only that the judges should be free of interference or influence from the Legislature or the Executive, but that the litigants who come before the court should be free to conduct their litigation in any lawful way that they are advised or see fit, without the prospect of themselves or their lawyers being required to answer to another arm of Government in respect of the exercise of that freedom. For the reasons I have outlined, I am sure that Members, in particular those who have a legal background, will appreciate that the Government could not waive its claim to privilege in all the circumstances.

The State is defendant in thousands of cases each year. Each of them concerns an individual citizen and that citizen's family and involves important concerns for individual citizens. Some of these cases are settled, others are fought and of those fought some are lost and others are won.

The State is obliged by law to conduct its litigation in accordance with the same rules as any other litigant. It is entitled to take advice and required to work in an adversarial system in the courts to the same extent as any other litigant. The State did not want to be in this position on the hepatitis C issue and for that reason I recommended to the Government that we should set up the compensation tribunal to settle cases non-adversarially. The attempt to develop a parliamentary scrutiny of the conduct of individual cases is liable to lead to a position in which the State will be substantially impaired in its ability to conduct its litigation in a way that does not apply to any other litigant.

It would be impossible to have debates about why the State denied liability, why it did or did not call certain witnesses or why it asked certain questions in the course of cross-examination in all the thousands of cases with which it deals every year. That is the precedent the Opposition is seeking to establish.

A system of parliamentary scrutiny of how any class of litigants exercise their freedom to conduct their litigation before the courts — provided they are behaving lawfully in doing so — comprises a breach of the doctrine of the separation of powers. An independent court system requires not only that the judges be free from interference, but that the parties who appear before them, provided they behave lawfully, can do so without fear of being made answerable to another arm of Government, namely the Oireachtas, for the exercise of that freedom. This is fundamental to the separation of powers under our Constitution and helps to guarantee a fair balance of rights.

The BTSB conducted its defence of the McCole case in accordance with the legal advice it received. It did not receive, nor did it request, policy advice from me or the Government. It conducted its business in accordance with the rules of the court. There is no mystery and nothing to be covered up. The State took and maintained its legal position. The BTSB took an initial position and changed it on a full review of the case. In this, it acted no differently from many other persons or bodies.

It is almost impossible to come to terms with the enormity of the scandal surrounding the hepatitis C infection of the anti-D product and the blood supply and to fully comprehend the devastating effect it is having on the health and everyday lives of those persons who have been infected and their families. As I said before, no words of mine could ever adequately make amends to the 1,600 women and men for the injury caused to them by a blood transfusion system in which they had previously placed their trust and confidence. In all these matters, I made decisions and acted on the basis of the best information available to me at the time and on the basis of independent legal advice. In retrospect if, when I first became Minister for Health, I had all the facts I now have, I have no doubt I would have made some different decisions. Arising from my review of the findings of the Finlay Tribunal, later this evening I will introduce a Bill to put the hepatitis C compensation tribunal on a statutory basis. I will include in the statutory scheme many concepts which are not included in the non-statutory scheme. If they had been included originally, it would have been a better scheme.

This has been the worst tragedy ever in the health services. As Minister for Health, I will continue to do everything in my power to ameliorate the pain and suffering of all hepatitis C victims and their families.

In supporting the motion, I am disappointed the Minister continues to behave like a defendant in this matter. That is central to the unsatisfactory way in which the matter has been handled since the full facts came to the knowledge of the two Ministers over two Administrations involved in this matter. The Government is uncomfortable with Opposition Deputies referring to the legal strategy in the late Brigid McCole case. While this is not surprising, it has only itself to blame. The Government and the State agencies involved conducted the defence of her case in the same way as they would have conducted a case in which an opportunistic plaintiff was claiming against the corporation for tripping on a slippery cobblestone. That was outlined by the Minister tonight. It is clear the same tactics were used in this awful case as would have been applied in any common case taken against the State by any plaintiff. This was no ordinary case. It was a highly unusual case. The late Brigid McCole had been mortally wounded by the negligence of a State body and that was known to the State at the crucial times it conducted its defence in its harsh way.

There is now political embarrassment because the matter of the legal strategy is persistently raised by the Opposition. In a most unconvincing leap for the moral high ground the Government with a brass neck now accuses the Opposition of making political capital out of this case. It is the persistent refusal of the Minister and this Administration to account properly for the handling of this case which keeps it in the public arena and keeps the wound open for the relatives of the late Brigid McCole. It is clear there is collective Cabinet responsibility for that strategy, but the Government is still running away from accountability in regard to the handling of the McCole case.

The Government specifically excluded it from the terms of reference of the Finlay tribunal. The Minister has refused to publish his legal advice and he outlined the reasons for that tonight. He also refused to waive client privilege over that advice. He did this in the face of the wishes of the late Mrs. McCole's family. The Government has ensured there will not be any accounting for that harsh legal strategy by excluding it from the tribunal's terms of reference and by persistently denying accountability to Dáil Éireann for the conduct of its defence in this case.

On 7 May the Chief State Solicitor, on his behalf and that of the Attorney General, the Government's legal adviser, refused an invitation to attend a meeting of the Select Committee on Social Affairs. His letter continues the legal fiction of a complete distinction between the BTSB and the State. The BTSB is an arm of the State. It is a State board. The persistent use of that legal fiction continues to be as unconvincing as when it was first used. It may be legally convincing, but politically it is a fiction.

The first reason given in that letter for refusing to discuss the McCole case is that "it would not be appropriate for the State to discuss this litigation where comparable litigation is still pending before the Courts." That is also unconvincing. Was the Chief State Solicitor on a trip to Mars when the Finlay tribunal took place? The circumstances of the McCole case have been the subject of exhaustive public debate. Shortly after the McCole case was settled, the Minister for Health said on RTÉ radio that "it would be totally illogical if the BTSB were not to admit liability in other cases that would come to court." Did the Chief State Solicitor complain to the Minister that this comment was inappropriate? The Chief State Solicitor does not say why it is so inappropriate to discuss the McCole case while the other cases are pending.

The Chief State Solicitor seems to be under the mistaken impression that the Select Committee on Social Affairs wants the lawyers to account for their advice. As I understand it and know it to be, the select committee simply wants to know what the advice was and to make the Minister accountable for the decisions he took on foot of it. It is the function of lawyers to advise and for the Minister to decide and it is difficult to believe the Chief State Solicitor is not aware of that distinction.

The next argument advanced in that letter is that the lawyers could be asked "to account to the Legislature for decisions made by the courts in the course of the administration of justice." That is totally spurious. First, there was not a court decision in Mrs. McCole's case, apart from the decision that she was not entitled to use an alias in the proceedings. Second, the select committee is aware of the distinction between lawyers and judges and there is no question of the committee asking the State's lawyers to account for judgments of the courts. Judges, unlike the Minister, give reasons for their decisions.

The Chief State Solicitor goes on to state in that letter, "Even a Court of Law is not entitled to inquire into the instructions given to a lawyer by his/her client or the advice given to the client by his/her lawyer". That is an incorrect statement of the law. The courts do not apply an absolute rule that instructions and advice are always privileged. In the case of Murphy v. Kirwan, 1993, the Supreme Court stated “Professional privilege cannot and must not be applied so as to be injurious to the interests of justice”. Is the Minister saying it would not be in the interests of justice to comply with the wishes of the family of the late Mrs. McCole?

The Chief State Solicitor is also concerned that for him to appear before the select committee would constitute a breach of the doctrine of the separation of powers. I do not believe the Chief State Solicitor really believes that. The separation of powers means that the Dáil and the Government cannot usurp the functions of the Judiciary. It was not the function of the Judiciary to conduct the State's defence in the late Mrs. McCole's case, therefore it is ridiculous to say that the principle of the separation of powers precludes the select committee from inquiring into this aspect of the matter.

The next argument advanced is that "litigants who come before the court should be free to conduct their litigation in any lawful way that they are advised or see fit without the prospect of themselves or their lawyers being required to answer to another arm of Government in respect of the exercise of that freedom." That was repeated by the Minister tonight as a justification. He is saying that any litigant, including himself as Minister, the BTSB or the NDAB, is entitled to conduct a case in whatever way he or she thinks fit. It is ridiculous to suggest the select committee would wish to inquire into the way a private litigant conducted his or her case. The point which seems to have escaped the Chief State Solicitor and the Minister tonight is that the defendants were the Minister for Health and two State agencies. It is not good enough for the Chief State Solicitor to say that the Minister for Health is entitled to conduct his litigation in any way he sees fit. This is a democracy and where actions are taken in the name of the people, those who take those actions must account. The Minister should account for the way in which he saw fit to defend the McCole case. There cannot be a proper accounting until we know the legal advice the Minister received. We want to know whether he was presented with a range of options, what instructions he gave his legal team and if he asked what his powers over the BTSB were. We also want to know why his defence denied that the BTSB had manufactured anti-D from the plasma of a patient with infective hepatitis when this fact had been, to use his words to the Dáil, "as clear as crystal" since January 1995. Why did the State persist with that denial when that fact was as clear as crystal since January 1995?

The only thing that prevents proper accountability is the Minister's refusal to waive his privilege. There is no doubt he is entitled to do so. The definitive statement of the law comes from the judgment of the Supreme Court in the case of Smurfit Paribas Limited v. AAB Export Finance 1990. It states:

Where it is established that a communication was made between a person and his lawyer acting for him as a lawyer for the purpose of obtaining from such lawyer legal advice... that communication made on such occasion should in general be privileged or exempt from disclosure, except with the consent of the client.

It is clear there is no consent forthcoming from this client, the Minister.

In the extensive legal work on the role of the Attorney General, The Irish law Officers, Dr. James Casey, Professor of Law at UCD, states:

It cannot be said that the Attorney General's opinions may never be disclosed; the practice is quite the contrary. Ministers and Departments have often publicly referred to the advice given them by the Attorney, and some Departments have published actual opinions when answering queries from the Seanad Select Committee on statutory instruments. Clearly, then, the privilege can be, and has been, waived.

Professor Casey also refers to an opinion of the Attorney General being made available to the Committee of Public Accounts in 1970. In the Brendan Smyth controversy, the advice given by the Attorney General was made public. In the McCole case the Minister has given selective quotations from the advice given to him. He has said on many occasions that the advice to him was that the State was not liable, so he is quite prepared to waive the privilege when it suits him. That is not good enough. We need to find out the full extent of the advice in order to see on what basis he took the decisions to direct the legal strategy.

We want to know, for example, why the Minister, in his defence, denied that the BTSB had used plasma from a patient who, to the BTSB's knowledge, had been diagnosed as having infective hepatitis. On 16 October 1996, the Minister told the Dáil that the first time he became aware that patient X had infectious hepatitis was when he read the Miriam Hederman O'Brien report, "some time in January 1995". He went on to say: "It is as clear as crystal in the conclusions that Donor X had hepatitis C, which is infectious hepatitis".

In June 1995 Brigid McCole served proceedings against the BTSB, the Minister and the NDAB. According to the Minister, it had by then been as clear as crystal to the Minister for almost six months that the BTSB had administered anti-D made from the plasma of a person with infectious hepatitis. He knew that a very considerable number of people had been infected but the service of Mrs. McCole's proceedings seems to have had a very strange effect on the Minister. It caused him to abdicate his responsibility to the victims as Minister for Health. Because Mrs. McCole had sued, all other considerations were subordinate. The Minister turned into a defendant.

Apparently, his legal advice was that the Department of Health did not have legal liability. It seems that the Minister was prepared to stop there. He said on 8 October: "I have been legally advised that the Department of Health does not have a liability... The BTSB had a different role and it had to make up its own mind."

It would seem from this and other statements that the Minister never took a view as to whether the BTSB was liable in negligence. It was "clear as crystal" to him that the BTSB had administered anti-D made from the plasma of a person with hepatitis C, but he was unable to form a view as to whether the BTSB was liable for the consequences of that action. As far as he was concerned, that was a matter for the BTSB. It is quite extraordinary that at the vital time when we had a Minister for Health who was unable to make any assessment as to the legal liability of a State board — the BTSB — we also had, in the Minister's words, the greatest public health scandal in the history of the State. Yet the Minister for Health had no view on who was responsible. He was prepared to put the victims through the courts if they wanted to establish that responsitor bility. He offered them money from the compensation tribunal if they would leave the issue of responsibility alone.

Having left it to the BTSB to consider if it felt it was negligent, one wonders whether the Minister ever inquired of the BTSB about its attitude towards its liability. There is no doubt that he was entitled to be told. Article 21(2) of the Statutory Instrument which governs the BTSB states: "The Board shall submit to the Minister such information regarding the performance of its functions as the Minister may from time to time require." Had he asked the BTSB to account for its liability, it would have had to inform him.

Did the Minister ever ask the BTSB how it was going to defend the action, or did he first know of this matter when the BTSB filed its defence in the McCole case? If he never asked it, that was surely a grave dereliction of his duty. As late as his speech to the Dáil on 16 October, the Minister continued to pretend that his political failure was due to the legal process. There are echoes of that tonight. He claims he was a victim of the adversarial system and was only doing what the lawyers told him. Lawyers advise, but Ministers make decisions based on that advice, and there must be political responsibility to the Dáil for those decisions.

It will be recalled that the BTSB and the State, when they submitted their defences, denied that the BTSB had used plasma from a patient who, to the BSTB's knowledge, had been diagnosed as having infective hepatitis. This was despite the fact that it had been crystal clear to the Minister since January 1995 that this was exactly what the BTSB did. In his speech to the Dáil on 16 October, the Minister attempted to justify this. He said:

I now wish to reflect on the manner in which issues were prepared for court in the adversarial system with which we are all familiar. Pleadings are the means by which the issues to be tried by the court are netted down and clarified so that not only the parties, but also the court, which otherwise knows nothing about the matters in controversy, can know what matters need to be adjudicated upon and the evidence which will be required to establish or refute those matters... The State rightly called for matters to be properly established.

In January 1995 it was "crystal clear" to the Minister that the BTSB had made anti-D from the plasma of a patient with infectious hepatitis. How then could it subsequently become a "matter in controversy?" Why did he feel that it was legitimate to make Mrs. McCole call evidence about it? How can he say that the State "rightly" called on Mrs. McCole to properly establish this matter when it had been crystal clear to him since January 1995?

It is not good enough for him to say that he was following legal advice. If the lawyers decided to run the case in this way, it was an abdication of responsibility by the Minister which let them do so. This, after all, was the greatest public health scandal in the history of the State.

Mrs. McCole's case was no ordinary case. This was not a chancer's claim against the corporation for tripping on a cobblestone. Mrs. McCole was suffering from what the Minister for Health surely knew was a very painful and probably fatal disease. Why did the State and the BTSB deny that the BTSB had made anti-D from infected plasma when they knew that to be true?

It seems to me that there are two possible reasons, both of which reflect very badly on the Minister. The first, which the Minister seems to prefer, is that he simply abdicated his responsibilities to the lawyers and the lawyers made the decision to deny that the BTSB had manufactured anti-D from infected plasma. The other, which seems more likely, is that the Minister made or at the very least approved of the decision to deny that the BTSB used infected plasma, and the lawyers then implemented the Minister's decision.

What could have motivated the Minister to make such a decision? It seems that it was part of his strategy to make the victims go to the compensation tribunal rather than the courts. It would certainly have been easier for Mrs. McCole and others to go to the compensation tribunal, but that was not a complete solution. The tribunal, could not make any determination as to who was responsible for the victims' suffering and could not award aggravated damages for the use of infected plasma in the manufacture of anti-D.

It is important to remember the purpose of aggravated damages and exemplary damages. They are related to the culpability involved in a case. Aggravated damages are usually 10 per cent of the compensatory damages and are awarded because of the manner in which the wrong was done — in Mrs McCole's case, because of the use by the BTSB of infected plasma. They are awarded because of the conduct of the wrongdoer after the commission of the wrong, such as a refusal to apologise — one of the greatest concerns of Mrs. McCole and the other victims of the first infection. Mrs. McCole and the other victims went through years of being told that there was nothing wrong with them, when the BTSB had known the reason for their illness since 1976.

Aggravated damages are also related to the conduct of the wrongdoer and his or her representatives in the defence of the claim, which is particularly appropriate in Mrs. McCole's case.

Exemplary damages are awarded to mark the court's particular disapproval of the defendant's conduct and its decision that it should publicly be seen to have punished the defendant for such conduct by awarding such damages.

The Minister makes play of his desire to get the claimants out of the adversarial system and into his ad hoc compensation tribunal to avoid stress on them. The other reason was to avoid the issue of responsibility, because the tribunal did not deal with responsibility or liability; it was just a cash dispensing mechanism.

If ever there was a case for the award of aggravated and exemplary damages, it was this case. The Minister, however, took the view that a certain amount of money was good enough for this category of victims. He was not prepared to say they were entitled to an apology or to an admission of liability. He was not prepared to say they were entitled to an award which would mark disapproval of the BTSB's conduct. If they had all been ushered into that tribunal, if the brave Mrs. McCole had not held her ground and fought her case in the courts, none of this would have emerged and we would not be debating a Bill to establish the hepatitis C Compensation Tribunal statutorily. A public inquiry would never have been held into the affair and the truth would have been hidden. I believe that was very much in the minds of this Administration, of all the defendants, to avoid liability at all costs. It explains the harsh legal strategy for which we have not yet had full account.

Debate adjourned.
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