I thank the Chair for allowing me raise this matter and I also thank the Minister of State, Deputy Jacob, for coming into the House to deal with it.
This week is the 40th anniversary of the nuclear disaster at Windscale and it is appropriate that Ireland restates its non-nuclear status and renews its dedication to the closure of the THORP nuclear complex at Sellafield and also the closure of the aging Magnox reactors which are now well past their sell-by date. Ireland should do this not only because of its objection to the nuclear power and arms industries but because of the real and measurable transboundary consequences for the health and wellbeing of the Irish people, with new evidence on this coming to hand this week.
What do we get from the Government on this anniversary week of the Windscale disaster? First, the Government and the Minister refused to re-establish the ministerial committee on Sellafield or bring together the expert group from all concerned Departments set up by the previous Government which gave a focus and a clear agenda to Government actions concerning the nuclear threat. Second, the Government decided to renege on its firm commitment to fully fund the legal case being taken by the Dundalk residents against British Nuclear Fuels and offered a paltry sum in final and total settlement which would not cover even one item of the required research.
I have sincere sympathy for the Minister of State who has been saddled with the implementation of this betrayal of the people of Dundalk. This inaction by the Government on the anniversary of Windscale will send a clear signal to the
British authorities and British Nuclear Fuels that Howlin and Stagg are no longer in office and that their old friends in Fianna Fáil will not cause them any trouble — they certainly never caused them any trouble before.
To crown this disastrous week for Ireland in terms of nuclear matter, there was a nuclear incident at Dublin Airport yesterday. Will the Minister outline the form and nature of the material involved, its place of origin, destination and purpose, if the authorities became alarmed and the action taken by them? Will he agree that such highly dangerous and volatile material should be surface transported only given the danger of damage to large numbers of people in the event of an air accident? In light of the latter point, will he review the safety regime of such transport and limit the entry to Ireland of nuclear materials to the type required for medical purposes only?
Will the Minister outline his position on the over-flying of Ireland by planes carrying nuclear material or stopping over with such material? Will he put in train the mechanism to file a difference with the ICAO technical instructions which would prevent the carriage of nuclear materials in our airspace and give Ireland a legal basis for such desirable action? Other countries have already done this. I am sure the Minister agrees that, despite the best safety regulations and the most careful regime, as long as human beings are involved accidents will occur. When nuclear materials are involved such accidents can have disastrous consequences. The only way to ensure safety from such accidents is to disallow transport of the material into and across the country.