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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 26 Nov 1997

Vol. 483 No. 4

Book of Estimates, 1998: Statements.

This is a useful opportunity to review the 1998 pre-budget Estimates which were published on 12 November. I especially welcome it because it provides the Government with the opportunity to set the record straight. Since the publication of the Estimates, there has been criticism of the Government's public expenditure policies, as reflected in the Estimates.

The criticism centres on the charge that the Government has massaged the figures. The charge is that unusual spending adjustments have been made this year to ensure the increase in 1998 is within the limit set in the Government's programme. The implication is that without these adjustments, the Estimates would be significantly over that limit. I reject this criticism. It is important that the Dáil and the public are given a clear account of the position. I will set out clearly the Government's approach to public expenditure and how it is reflected in the 1998 Estimates.

The commitment we gave to limit expenditure growth was made after much thought. It is taken seriously by the Government. Controlling public expenditure is a crucial element in our budgetary policies. We know only too well from past experience that if public expenditure is not handled properly, budgetary policy can go seriously wrong. If the growth of public spending is not controlled, taxation must be raised or Exchequer borrowing and the Government deficit will increase.

This Government is determined this will not happen. The prudent budgetary policies which have done so much for the success of the economy will be maintained. The commitments the Government made on spending will be met.

I will explain the 1997 expenditure position and then deal with the Government's 1998 spending plans. I will also comment on how the growth of current and capital spending in the 1998 Estimates and Public Capital Programme compares with the limits to expenditure growth set out in the Government's programme. However, before doing so, I will review the general economic position since it provides the context within which budgetary and expenditure policy must be seen.

Ireland is currently enjoying unprecedented economic progress. Growth in 1997 is expected to be around 7 per cent, the fourth successive year of strong growth. Increased prosperity has been accompanied by stable prices and a level of employment growth which is the envy of many larger countries.

The most significant result of our recent success is to be found in the labour market. It is estimated that employment will increase by about 52,000 in 1997, or by close to 4 per cent, with this rise being broadly based across non-agricultural sectors. The increase in employment is being facilitated by a significant increase in the labour force. Projections indicate that the labour force will increase by 37,000, or 2.4 per cent in 1997.

The increase in employment is having an impact on unemployment. The 1997 Labour Force Survey shows there has been a fall of 20,000 in unemployment in the 12 months to April 1997. It is expected that the standardised unemployment rate will fall from 11.5 per cent in 1996 to about 10.25 per cent this year.

It is encouraging that long-term unemployment is falling faster than short-term unemployment. On a labour force survey basis, the number of long-term unemployed fell by 17,000 in the year to April 1997. Since 1993, there has been a drop of 39,000 in the number of long-term unemployed people. This means that just under two-thirds of the fall in unemployment since 1993 has been due to a fall in long-term unemployment.

Consumption and investment grew strongly in 1997, reflecting the favourable economic climate. Supported by excellent labour market conditions, higher disposable incomes and relatively lower interest rates, personal consumption grew by around 6 per cent during 1997. Retail sales remain buoyant, while car sales have reached record levels.

Strong domestic demand, a recovery in external demand, low interest rates and low inflation have resulted in strong investment growth in 1997. This is particularly encouraging because increased investment expands the capacity of the economy and its ability to sustain strong non-inflationary growth. Despite strong growth and demand, the balance of payments has remained in comfortable surplus in recent years. This is expected to continue in 1997, primarily due to strong merchandise export growth and net inward transfers.

Prices rose by just 1.4 per cent on average during the first ten months of the year. The strength of the pound during the second half of last year, greater competition in retailing, and the subdued international inflationary environment are some of the reasons for the moderate inflation so far this year. My Department is forecasting an inflation rate of 1.5 per cent for the full year. This strong economic performance has led to a further surge in revenue receipts. Revenue growth has comfortably exceeded budget-day targets. As a result, the Exchequer's overall position is better than expected. I do not wish to discuss the 1998 budgetary position today. On budget day I will outline the economic and budgetary prospects for next year and up to the year 2000.

The economic achievements I have summarised are largely due to prudent budgetary policy and the consensus between the Government and the other social partners. National programmes have underpinned our competitiveness. In turn, sound fiscal policies have allowed the Government to reduce taxation and to increase spending on key social programmes. It is essential that budgetary policy remains on track, that the consensus remains strong and that a significant investment is made to support Ireland's future development. If the Government's expenditure plans do not strike the right balance between the requirements of budgetary policy and the need to meet social and economic priorities, it will be all the more difficult to sustain the progress of recent years.

I now turn to the Government' expenditure policy. Although I will go into the issue fully later on, I stress now that the 1998 Estimates reflect a rate of growth in current spending, pre-budget, which is significantly below the Government programme limit. Our programme commitment is to limit the growth in net current expenditure to 4 per cent. In deciding the Estimates allocations, the Government was determined that this limit will be respected. The 1998 Estimates show net current expenditure, as defined in our programme, rising by 1.8 per cent in 1998 over the likely 1997 outturn. Budget day spending measures will increase expenditure, but I am confident that the post-budget figure will remain below the 4 per cent limit. I am also determined that the 1998 expenditure outturn will still show net current spending growth below the 4 per cent limit.

The Government's programme also set a limit of 5 per cent to the growth in capital spending on average up to 1999. The figure reflected in Exchequer-funded capital for 1998 is 17.5 per cent. One of the main reasons for this high figure is the provision of £100 million in 1998 for the education technology investment fund, which has been announced by the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Minister for Education and Science. There are justifiable increases in other capital spending programmes which I will outline later.

I now want to review the 1997 and 1998 spending position. Deputies will understand that my remarks on both 1997 and 1998 are based on the figures published in the Abridged Estimates Volume on 12 November and do not take account of any budget day spending changes.

The 1998 Estimates will not change, apart from measures announced on budget day. The 1997 figures shown in the 1998 Estimates Volume published on 12 November are provisional assessments of this year's spending outturn for each Vote and its subheads. This is an innovation. In previous years, Estimates Volumes published before the end of the year generally repeated the year's original Estimate, adjusted where Supplementary Estimates had been approved by the Dáil.

As the 1998 budget will be announced on 3 December it is appropriate that the Dáil and the public are given in the Abridged Estimates Volume the best possible information about the emerging 1997 position. The outturn figures given in the volume include spending which will require Supplementary Estimates for which the Government will be seeking Dáil approval before the end of the year.

The decision to introduce the budget before the end of the previous year taken by the last Administration is a move the Government has fully endorsed. The change in the budget timetable brings Ireland into line with our partners in Europe and will help to make our budgetary procedures and expenditure control more effective. Departments and agencies will know earlier what their allocations are for the coming year and will be able to plan in advance and monitor expenditure to ensure it stays within those allocations.

Total net current spending of £10,148 million was provided for in this year's Revised Estimates published by the previous Government. This was an increase of 6.5 per cent on the 1996 outturn. It is estimated that net current expenditure in 1997 will be £10,385 million, £237 million higher than the budget figure and 9 per cent higher than 1996.

This year the Government has had to meet a number of significant costs on some important economic and social programmes. The main reasons for the increase over the budget day figure are as follows: the pay bill is £126 million higher than originally expected. The main reasons for the increase are Garda and prison officer overtime which will cost an extra £31 million and an increase of £27 million in the cost of local bargaining settlements in the case of paramedics, prison officers and clerical grades in the Civil Service. The Exchequer pay and pensions bill for 1997 will be 10.5 per cent greater than the previous year. I will mention later another significant pay issue.

Additional spending of £59 million will arise this year on health, £42 million of which is in respect of hepatitis C compensation while a further £17 million relates to extra costs mainly on the various drugs refund schemes. Extra spending of £33 million will arise on agriculture, of which £25 million relates to the green pound devaluation. Some £22 million more than budgeted may be needed for Defence, mainly for Army hearing loss awards.

These and other additional costs have been offset to some extent by savings elsewhere and by extra revenue accruing to Departments, the main element of which is buoyant PRSI revenue. This contributed to a reduction of £120 million in the Exchequer subvention required this year for the social insurance fund.

The 1997 expenditure totals include payments which were expected to be made in 1998 but which the Government has decided should be made this year. As this year's outturn for the key budget aggregates, particularly that for the general government deficit, will be substantially less than foreseen in the budget and as the spending commitments involved will have to be met, it is wise to make provision now reducing the burden facing the Exchequer in later years.

A sum of £103 million will be paid this year in the education area to meet liabilities which had been expected originally to arise in 1998. Secondary teachers are paid on the fifth day of the following month. With effect from this December, they will be paid on the last working day of every month. This is a permanent change, not a once-off adjustment. It is justifiable. There is no reason teachers should wait five days to be paid and accordingly, £35 million will be issued in 1997 to allow payment of salaries on this new basis.

Up to now recoupment by the Exchequer of higher education grants paid by local authorities has been made in arrears in the following year. It is proposed to change the system so that recoupment will be made within the relevant financial year. In 1997 £68 million will be spent for the purpose. This is a permanent change which it is right to make. Local authorities act as agents of central Government in this matter. The move will rectify a long-standing cash-flow problem for the local authorities and will put them in funds to meet their current liabilities.

The 1997 budget estimate for capital expenditure was £1,576 million. The outturn is expected to be £1,618 million, some £42 million higher. The main reasons for the increase are: £23 million more education capital was allocated to allow further improvement of facilities in the primary and third level sectors; £22 million more was allocated in the area of health towards the programme of improving and expanding hospital facilities, while in agriculture the on-farm investment programme cost the Exchequer an additional £15 million. Net savings in other areas reduce the total addition to £42 million.

I will now outline the 1998 current supply service expenditure Estimates. The Abridged Estimates Volume shows that total net current supply services spending will increase from £10,385 million this year to £10,811 million in 1998, an increase of £426 million. Of this increase £298 million or 70 per cent is to cover additional Exchequer pay and pensions costs next year. The balance, £128 million, is for additional non-pay costs.

In 1998 the Exchequer pay and pensions bill will amount to £5,607 million, an increase of £298 million or 5.5 per cent over the projected outturn for 1997. This includes the provision of £146 million for general round increases under the terms of the Partnership 2000 pay agreement and a further £128 million to cover the remaining PCW local bargaining cases. The forecast outturn for 1997 is £5,309 million, an increase of 10.5 per cent over the 1996 figure. Of this increase 7 per cent is due to increases in pay rates, both general round increases and local bargaining increases.

These figures demonstrate in stark terms the pressing need to contain the growth of the public service pay costs. They show also that, despite the acknowledged need for pay moderation, successive Governments have failed to translate this into an acceptable level of growth in the public service pay and pensions bill.

Much of the public service pay cost of the PCW is being concentrated in 1997 because of the deliberate back-loading of the general pay increases under the PCW and the slow pace of local bargaining negotiations throughout the public service. A significant part of the increase in the pay bill is attributable to the level of local bargaining increases secured earlier this year by a number of major groups, particularly in the health sector. The nurses' settlement, for example, is adding £49 million over and above what had been provided for originally in 1997 and this, in itself, is adding 1 per cent to the bill.

Although the PCW expired in the public service on 30 June 1997, a number of local bargaining cases remain to be resolved. I would like to see all these being finalised as early as possible in 1998 but they will have to be resolved within the limit of the PCW cost norm as originally established. I stress this point because there seems to be an impression in some quarters that there is now open season on that limit. This is not the case.

I wish to refer briefly to the threatened industrial action by craft workers in the local authority and health services in support of their claim for an increase of £27 a week, which would work out at an increase of approximately 10 per cent. People should be aware that when direct discussions on the craft unions' claim failed to reach agreement it was the craft unions which refused to abide by normal industrial relations procedures and decided instead to ballot their members on industrial action. Threats of industrial action in pursuance of claims under the local bargaining provisions of either the PCW or Partnership 2000 fly in the face of the industrial peace clauses of those agreements and the agreed procedures for dealing with disputes. They are contrary to the spirit of social partnership which has been at the heart of the consensus approach of the national programmes. There is no basis for any group to resort to industrial action in pursuit of its claim.

The Partnership 2000 pay agreement, which came into operation in the public service on 1 July 1997 and is to continue to 30 September 2000, provides for general round increases totalling 7.25 per cent plus a locally-negotiated increase of 2 per cent. In the public service, this 2 per cent increase is not payable before 1 July 1999, payment being conditional on the achievement of verified progress to a satisfactory level on implementation of the public service modernisation programme in each sector of the public service. This is the only provision in Partnership 2000 for locally-negotiated pay increases, clause 6 of which debars the submission and processing of claims other than those permitted under its terms.

It is essential that the terms of Partnership 2000, including the explicit limit on the cost of local bargaining increases, be adhered to within the public service if we are to continue to manage our economy in a balanced and responsible way to the benefit of all.

In the Abridged Estimates the Government allocated an additional £128 million for the improvement of the non-pay element of expenditure programmes in 1998. This will be spent as follows. An additional £122 million is being provided for the Department of Social, Community and Family Affairs to meet the carry-over costs of the 1997 budget measures and for demographic factors such as increases in the number of recipients on certain schemes; budget day social welfare changes will add to the £122 million; an extra £98 million is being provided for the Department of Health and Children, £58 million of which is required for hepatitis C compensation payments; in the Defence Estimate, non-pay spending is being increased by £50 million, necessitated mainly as a prudent provision for the possible cost of hearing loss compensation; the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment is being allocated an extra £31 million in 1998, mainly to support improvements in the standard of training being offered on FÁS schemes in addition to some increase in the number of trainee places and, finally, the Justice Vote is being increased by £13 million mainly for the continuation of the development of the courts service.

The significant increase in capital expenditure next year reflects the Government's determination to provide the social and economic infrastructure essential to underpin Ireland's continued development. In 1997 capital expenditure is forecast to be £1,618 million. In 1998, with the Government providing £1,926 million, there will be an increase of £308 million. This additional sum is being allocated to a number of key development programmes: the Department of the Environment and Local Government will be spending an additional £123 million; expenditure on national and non-national roads will increase by £57 million, in addition to a provision of £20 million, the first step in an eight-year redevelopment programme of Ballymun; the capital allocations for the Department of Education and Science will include £100 million for the Education Investment Technology Fund while capital spending within the Health and Children Vote will increase by £18 million to further improve our hospitals and a major investment in the information technology facilities of health agencies; more funds are being allocated to information technology in other programmes throughout the remit of the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform and, with the continued implementation of the anti-crime package, an additional £20 million will be spent on the prisons building programme in 1998.

These are important economic and social programmes. I am sure all Members will accept that fast economic growth requires investment in infrastructure and that some of the resources generated by growth should be allocated to the improvement of social facilities.

The Education Technology Fund is a particularly important case, the Government having decided that the need to meet the merging skill shortages in our economy and give a boost to research and development activity necessitated its establishment. Without skilled workers and access to the latest available technology, it would be very difficult to sustain economic growth. It was becoming evident that bottlenecks were arising which could choke off growth unless we acted quickly and on a scale that matched the seriousness of the emerging problem.

I want to explain fully how the 1997 outturn figures and the 1998 expenditure plans fit into the Government's capital and current spending targets. The Government is committed to limiting the growth in net current expenditure to an average annual 4 per cent over its lifetime. The base to which the 4 per cent net current spending limit applies — as was made clear in our election manifesto and repeated in the programme for Government — is spending on the Central Fund, comprised mainly of debt-servicing in addition to expenditure on net current supply services. This is an appropriate measure since the difference between spending defined in this way and current revenue equals the current budget surplus or deficit.

Central Fund expenditure is not included in the Abridged Estimates nor in the Summary Public Capital Programme Expenditure since Dáil approval thereof is not required each year. Therefore, we have to add the figures in the Estimates volume to those for the Central Fund. I must emphasise that the figures for the Central Fund for 1997 and 1998 are provisional. On the basis of the 1998 Estimates volume and the provisional figures for the Central Fund, total current spending will rise by 1.8 per cent over the likely 1997 outturn. While budget day spending will add somewhat to that 1.8 per cent figure, I can assure the House that post-budget spending will remain below the 4 per cent limit. It is my clear intention that the 1998 outturn will also be within the 4 per cent.

In commenting on the end-September Exchequer returns, I announced that the Government had discharged certain matured liabilities. Similar payments were made in previous years. These payments were made from the Central Fund in relation to An Post and Telecom Éireann pension funds and the Small Savings Reserve Fund, £150 million having been paid to the pension funds and £100 million to the Small Savings Reserve Fund. The allocation to the Small Savings Reserve Fund will be increased by a further £158 million before the end of the year, as I made clear on the publication of the Estimates. The provision being made under this heading this year covers the total unpaid interest accruing on small savings schemes this year. From 1999 onwards the Exchequer will follow a change in European Union accounting rules which provides for full accrual of interest under these schemes.

Much of the criticism directed against the Government is based on those adjustments. The charge appears to be that the Government deliberately made these payments to increase this year's base in order to reduce the 1998 percentage increase.

That is correct.

That criticism is completely misplaced. I make no apology for the decision to effect these payments in 1997. I do not think anyone would argue that the Government should ignore large debts such as that for the Small Savings Reserve Fund or An Post and Telecom Éireann pension funds until they have to be met. The Government considered it prudent to avail itself of the opportunity created by the exceptionally strong Exchequer position this year to meet inescapable liabilities. The pension funds' liability is inescapable and the Small Savings Reserve Fund exists to deal with an equally unavoidable liability. There is nothing secret about these payments. In commenting on the end-September Exchequer returns and on presentation of the 1998 Abridged Estimates, I spelled out the position in full.

Slipped in on the back page.

If these Central Fund payments were not effected and if the changes in the payment arrangements for teachers' salaries and the recoupment of higher education grants were delayed, the expenditure position would be different and total net current expenditure would rise by 6.3 per cent in 1997 over last year and by 5.2 per cent in 1998.

The base to which the Government's capital spending limit applies is Exchequer-funded capital, which includes expenditure on what are known as "non-programme outlays". These comprise mainly capital expenditure on the financial restructuring of the semi-State bodies. Capital spending this year is increasing by 10 per cent over that in 1996. In 1998 capital spending will rise by 17 per cent and, as I mentioned earlier, the 1998 figure includes £100 million for the Educational Technology Investment Fund.

On the basis of the figures in the Abridged Estimates, the total increase in current and capital spending in 1998 over 1997 is 3.5 per cent.

There are a number of different aspects to public expenditure policy. While the general policy stance has to be right, it is also important that efficient administrative arrangements for monitoring and controlling spending be put in place.

As part of the implementation of the strategic management initiative, in the 1996 budget my predecessor announced the introduction of a multi-annual budgetary planning process, designed to assist Governments in settling their annual budget by taking account of the medium-term budgetary effects of policy changes. I shall continue to implement and develop that new system. The main aim of this new approach is to allow Government to examine its budgetary policy within a general framework, thus allowing consideration of the effect of decisions on the allocation of resources between taxation and expenditure over the medium term. This will have a major impact on the manner in which public expenditure is managed at all levels.

In parallel with the other changes being introduced under SMI, designed to afford greater devolution of responsibility, the new system aims to encourage Departments to improve the financial management of their spending programmes, to focus on the results achieved and move resources from areas of lower to those of higher priority. In particular, Departments will be encouraged to put in place management systems designed to ensure maximum value for money.

A system of expenditure reviews will also reinforce this approach. Earlier this year the Taoiseach announced the first programme of spending reviews. The Government is determined to develop the multi-annual approach further.

The economy is expanding. We are in the fourth year of strong growth. Ireland's success has been built on the prudent budgetary policies adopted in the past decade and on the consensus between the Government and the social partners. The Government's expenditure policy as shown in the 1998 Abridged Estimates Volume maintains that sound approach. I assure Deputies the same policy will be firmly implemented throughout the Government's term of office and will secure Ireland's continued economic progress in the years to come.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Deenihan.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

The management of the economy touches every aspect of society. It impacts on industrial policy and on our ability to create and sustain jobs. The way we manage the economy determines how much we can invest in education and provide for essentials like health care. This is a serious business which deserves serious and considered debate, especially in this House, and because it is a serious business it is also complex. It is unfortunate, therefore, that public debate is often reduced to discussing who benefited from which tax cuts, which Department achieved a better spending deal or the services which did not secure sufficient funding.

The Government has two principal annual events when it sets out the key elements of its economic management. The publication of the Estimates, which we are debating today, and the Budget Statement which the Minister will deliver next week. The rainbow Government recognised the need for serious and informed debate on the management of the economy. The last Government made the decision that the Budget Statement would be presented before the end of the previous year, and I am glad the Minister has reaffirmed his commitment to this strategy. The rainbow Government also introduced the publication of three year multi-annual budgets showing the impact of policies on the economy and announced, on the publication of the Estimates, the proposed budget spending.

We are now debating this Minister's first crucial economic document, the Estimates, and already he has withdrawn one of the initiatives of the rainbow Government, inhibited debate in the House and inhibited our task as parliamentarians to make the Government accountable for the taxpayers' money it spends. We are debating the 1998 spending programme and we do not know the post-budget position. All the Minister had to say on that issue last week was to the effect that just because he had not announced it did not mean it has not been agreed. That is unfair to the House and to those of us who have to contribute to this debate, because we are not looking at the full picture. I do not know whether we are now debating 80 per cent, 90 per cent or 95 per cent of the Estimates but I know we are not debating the complete Book of Estimates.

We know that social welfare increases are announced on budget day and we can speculate on the extent of those increases, but we know from statements by line Ministers that there will be increased expenditure also in Agriculture, Health and possibly in a variety of other Departments. We do not have the full picture and that is not good enough. The Minister is deliberately preventing us from doing our job, We are unable to discuss the full Book of Estimates.

The serious business we are discussing concerns the spending of £16 billion of taxpayers' money and taxpayers and parliamentarians have the right to know the full picture when debating the Estimates for next year. We cannot have a serious debate when the figures the Minister has presented are effectively an illusion and a betrayal. The Minister has perpetrated an illusion in the publication of the Book of Estimates. He explained again today the reason he put money into the An Post and Telecom pension funds and why the small savings reserve fund was boosted. He made a case for bringing forward the pay day for certain teachers' salaries. He made a case for compensating the local authorities for higher education grants this year in a manner which has not been done before.

In the illusion the Minister has presented, he claims that expenditure, before the budget day increases, will increase by only 1.8 per cent but he said in his previous statement that if we compare like with like, this is really an increase of 5.2 per cent. The Minister should not come into the House on the day we are debating the Estimates and repeat the illusion. The public has a right to know by how much, comparing like with like, expenditure will increase next year. On the Minister's own figure, current expenditure will increase by 5.2 per cent.

The betrayal by the Minister is greater than the illusion. He has betrayed those who voted for Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats on an understanding that he would control public expenditure, and he has betrayed a general electorate who believed his programmes would be prudent and that spending would be curtailed. He has betrayed himself also because for two and a half years, the only economic comment he issued from this side of the House was that in Government he would control public expenditure. That was the only arrow in his quiver and now, at his first opportunity and before we have the budget day increases, he is increasing current expenditure by 5.2 per cent and capital expenditure by 17.5 per cent.

The Minister has also betrayed the previous Minister for Finance, Deputy Quinn. He was a very good Minister but because of the illusion this Minister has perpetrated on the Book of Estimates the historic record will show that current expenditure in the last year Deputy Quinn was Minister for Finance increased by 9.2 per cent. It did not happen that way. On the Minister's own admission it was his con trick that has made the historic record appear the way it does. The actual increase was 6.2 per cent and the Minister's pre-budget position is 5.2 per cent. On the basis of commitments already made by other Departments and the commitments he will have to make on budget day to social welfare increases, the Minister's post-budget position for 1998 in terms of current expenditure will exceed the end of year position of the rainbow Government for 1997. The increase will be much higher in percentage terms than the outturn for 1997. It is extremely unfair to one of the best Ministers for Finance we have had for the Minister to make prudent economic management appear as if the previous Minister was profligate with public expenditure by fiddling the record to give the impression that public expenditure in 1997 increased by 9.2 per cent.

More than anything else the Minister has betrayed the people because he failed totally in his economic statement today to demonstrate any medium-term planning or awareness in the construction of the plans for spending the £16 billion of taxpayers' money. It was a short-term, confined statement outlining the usual brick by brick approach where every programme receives an additional amount of money. There is no indication of any personal economic management or a political input which will result in a different approach being taken to that taken in the past.

It is worth examining the Government's promise in the programme for Government. In the programme, the Minister and his colleagues are committed to "limit net current spending growth to 4 %, which is broadly equivalent to the 2 % growth in real terms agreed in Partnership 2000, and capital spending growth to 5 % on average up to 1999, ...". On the Minister's own admission, the 4 per cent is already 5.2 per cent even before he starts spending on budget day. The 5 per cent on capital spending is now 17.5 per cent; I presume the Minister does not intend to announce further increases on budget day.

Net current spending is not defined in the commitment in the programme for Government, but we all know what 2 per cent real growth in Partnership 2000 means and we get a better picture of what the Minister is up to if we examine the amounts of money rather the percentages. The Department of Finance estimates that current spending in 1997 will be £13,310 million. This includes the £101 million of expenditure the Minister confirmed is being brought forward to 1998. It also includes £100 million for rate support grants to local authorities which did not arise in the year to which they are ascribed. The real base for assessing the Partnership 2000 programme is an outturn of just over £13 billion. A 2 per cent increase on that amount, having allowed for 2 per cent inflation which the Minister informed me by way of written question is the inflater which underpins the Book of Estimates, results in a spending increase of £520 million post-budget for 1998. When the illusion is removed the Minister is committed in the programme for Government, on which he was elected, to increase spending by not more than £520 million.

The Minister in his statement accompanying the Estimates outlined various percentage increases, but the position is more revealing when account is taken of the numbers. The reality is that current spending has increased on a pre-budget basis by £903 million to £13,912 million. The Minister has exceeded his current expenditure target by almost £400 million before a penny has been provided for social welfare increases on budget day. The Estimates he presented are an illusion. Notwithstanding, that he has already overshot his target by 74 per cent, he has further fudged the position. In his rush to confuse people with an array of percentages he maintains he can spend a further 2.2 per cent to bring that figure up to 4 per cent, or another £305 million on budget day, and still remain on target. How can we have a sensible and serious debate when the Estimates he presented are such a hall of mirrors and were deliberately drawn up to confuse people so that the House cannot make him and his colleagues accountable unless we plough through the figures?

The Minister said that current spending can increase by £1.2 billion for 1998, at the same time he is being prudent and approximating to the 2 per cent increase agreed in Partnership 2000. He gave a commitment to increase spending by not more than £520 million, but he has already given a commitment to increase spending by £903 million and said he will spend another £305 million on budget day. The Minister talked about a post-budget position of plus £1.2 billion in hard cash when his commitment was to increase expenditure by not more than £520 million. He should explain to the people what he is doing. I have set out what he is doing and what he plans to do on budget day. We may allow some latitude in this House for political promises, but an increase in expenditure of £1.2 billion does not approximate to £529 million in anyone's language. This is a betrayal of the highest order and of everything for which the Minister stood and to which he was committed.

The Minister referred to a number of Estimates. As an agricultural debate is scheduled for tomorrow, I will not go into the difficulties faced by the agricultural sector. My colleague, Deputy Coveney will deal with that. Last year the rainbow Government provided £10 million to support a programme to tackle the demand for drugs. Deputy Rabbitte chaired a committee which organised and focused that programme in communities and made sure there would be a real response to the drugs problems in the most affected areas of our cities, particularly in Dublin. Despite the massive increase in spending and the £1.2 billion by which the Minister intends to increase spending, he was unable to increase the allocation to that programme for 1998. However, that is in line with the Government's priorities. We saw the cavalier attitude of the Minister for Justice to the release of certain prisoners by the courts. We saw him posing among the potted plants explaining how great the Government's anti-drugs programme would be. Despite all the excesses in expenditure not an extra penny has been allocated to that programme, one of the most effective programmes introduced in this House, principally by Deputy Rabbitte.

We all welcome the IT initiative for schools, but the allocation for equipment in third level colleges has been reduced in the Book of Estimates. How can we address the skills shortage without equipping third level colleges? I do not understand the way the Government makes decisions. It seems the Minister takes up a principled position and is then forced to change it by line Departments. Elements of expenditure are lobbed in like stones into a pool and they do not seem to relate to the rest of the spending programme. In this case it seems the Minister was hijacked by the Minister for Education who was supported by the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste. There is a programme for information technology in the schools and propaganda states it will address the skills shortage, but the allocation is being cut to the institutions at the cutting edge of supplying skilled people, the universities and third level colleges from which IT experts came in the past. That does not make sense. However, that approach is similar to the Minister's approach to the management of the economy to date. It seems the Minister has stood back from events, allowed himself to be persuaded by the decisions of others. He seems to accept those decisions and does not equate them with an overall policy or pattern.

We debated the appalling difficulties evident in Iarnród Éireann's track network. I understand that matter that will be raised in the House shortly as one of my colleagues has tabled a Private Members' motion on it. However, there is no provision for improvement to that area for 1998 because the grant-in-aid will be increased by only 2 per cent. In circumstances where the capital budget is increased by 17.5 per cent it should strike somebody that investment is needed on a permanent basis in our railway network. The allocation to it of only 2 per cent hardly allows for inflation.

There is general welcome for the Minister's abandonment of his target of 5 per cent growth in capital and for the 17.5 per cent increase. The £100 million investment in the IT initiative accounts for approximately one third of that increase, but he provided an extra £195 million for normal ongoing capital expenditure. That is important, but we should assess it as a preparation for the certain reduction in Structural Funds in a year's time. Where is the impetus to maintain the level of infrastructural development which will be necessary after the current round of Structural Funds expire? It is not to be found in the increased provision of only £22 million for water and sewerage schemes or the increase of £1.4 million for Dublin transportation. An amount has been allocated for the Luas project. Economic growth could be choked by the emerging traffic problem. We see the difficulties facing the Asian tiger economies. The first signal of things going wrong in South East Asia was when cities like Kuala Lumpur, Bangkok and Taipei became choked by traffic and it took two hours to travel in a car the distance one could walk in ten minutes. They became less attractive bases for foreign investment. Given the traffic problems in Dublin I cannot understand how the Government has allocated a figure of only £1.4 million for Dublin transportation. With the exception of the Luas project which has been deferred, that is the allocation for all the improvements necessary to alleviate traffic in Dublin. I cite those examples as representative of the Government's lack of planning, prioritisation and economic management.

The Estimates campaign was fought on the traditional package. There were winners and losers, but effectively it does not provide for renewal programmes. The existing programmes will be maintained and a brick by brick approach has been adopted. Existing programmes are deemed to be worthy and they will be allocated small or large increases depending on the strength of the cases made by Ministers. With the exception of the IT initiative, no attempt has been made to move money in a strategic way to address the priorities which are changing all the time.

Will the Minister give us some information on how he intends to spend the Central Bank's reserves which will no longer be needed after 1 January 1999 when we join EMU? I understand approximately £1 billion will become available. Will that be used to reduce the national debt, for the capital programme or to replace the Structural Funds which will be reduced at that point? The fact that those reserves are in the Central Bank does not mean they should not be accounted for in this House. The capital budget is being increased, Structural Funds are being decreased and that tranche of money will be available when the current level of the Central Bank's reserves will no longer be required when the European Central Bank takes over management of the euro currency. It is important, therefore, that the Minister should outline his intentions regarding that fund in his reply to this debate or on budget day. We also need to know how the Government intends to find the resources to allow the continued vital improvement of infrastructure. Are we to conclude from the Book of Estimates that work will be scaled down in 1999 and that this is a once off increase?

Every Deputy on this and the Government side wants extra spending in various areas. That is the norm in politics. However, the Minister is uniquely charged under the Constitution with the management of public finances and the economy. He is the guardian of prudence. When he was in Opposition, the Minister committed himself to being a prudent guardian but he has abjectly failed to go anywhere near meeting his targets. More importantly, he has failed to set out a programme of his priorities in terms of how the thrust forward can be maintained and the bottlenecks which threaten our progress can be relieved.

There are no references to this aspect in the Minister's speech or in any of his statements. He is the quietest Minister for Finance to occupy the office. I searched for statements made by him since he was appointed but it would be as easy to find geraniums in the desert. He has issued approximately three statements since he became Minister for Finance. I do not understand why he is not laying out a programme and indicating his priorities. Does he feel the Government is insecure and it is pointless planning for the medium term? It is most disturbing.

There cannot be a Government deficit of more than 3 per cent of GDP, even in bad times, once Ireland joins EMU. Consequently there must be a surplus in good times. In Ireland's case that surplus must allow us to continue investing in our physical infrastructure, training young people, improving the health services, etc. However, the 3 per cent deficit is intended to be used only in times of economic difficulty. In normal times the Government is expected to balance the budget and in good times, such as the current position, it should budget for a surplus.

The Minister should address the concept of the 3 per cent deficit and outline his views. There is a misconception among the public about how it operates. I understand the 3 per cent deficit would not be the norm. It is not the parameter within which the Minister operates or the definition of the ball park in which he plays. It is a mechanism for times when the economy gets into difficulty. In normal times, once Ireland is a member of EMU and the euro is in circulation, the books must be balanced. In good times, such as these, the Government is expected to budget for a surplus. In effect, the 3 per cent is a loaded fiscal gun which will be fired only if the economy suffers a serious shock. If the Government over-spends and there is a small swing down in the economy, it will find itself running deficits up against the 3 per cent limit.

If there is a shock in the economy, as happened previously, there will be no bullet in the fiscal gun if the Government is up against the 3 per cent limit. The Minister must lay out his strategy for the future and state if he will run surpluses or deficits overall or concentrate on the current budget surplus. The Minister is expected on budget day to do much more than he has done to date. He will be expected to outline his targets and give a vision of how he thinks the country will develop in the future.

Once currency management and the level of interest rates is transferred to a European central bank, the running of the deficit on occasions up to 3 per cent will be in effect the only instrument of fiscal management the Minister has in his control. It is most important that he sets out his position at the earliest possible date on this matter. He will not have a bullet in his fiscal gun if he continues to increase public expenditure by £1.2 billion when his commitment was to increase it by £500 million. I wish to share the remainder of my time with Deputy Deenihan.

I thank Deputy Noonan for sharing his time. He was making a good contribution and I am sorry to stop him.

The Minister for Finance should consider himself lucky. He took over a buoyant economy and a position where, irrespective of who is in power, the Government must be influenced by the Maastricht guidelines and Partnership 2000. There is almost all-party consensus on the national budgetary strategy. The Minister is in office at a very good time. As a sporting man it is similar to taking over management of the All Blacks rugby team, the Manchester United football team or even the Kerry football team. The economic framework was established for him by the previous Government over three years but he will be on trial after the budget. Up to now he has run on the record of the rainbow coalition and the former Minister for Finance, Deputy Quinn. He should accept that they did an exceptional job in controlling public expenditure while at the same time ensuring buoyancy in the economy.

The ESRI medium term review sets out a positive outlook for the economy towards 2010 and beyond. There is now a unique opportunity to develop the economy into a highly competitive and robust engine of growth which will support higher standards of living and employment. However, the opportunity presented is unlikely to be permanent and it demands a strategic outlook towards the development of the economy. Deputy Noonan dealt with this aspect in detail and I agree with him that the Minister should outline his strategy for the next three years.

The use of budgets merely to adjust and shift the edges of economic policy is no longer sufficient. They must fulfil a strategic function. The move towards multi-annual budgets announced in the January 1997 budget is a first step towards a more radical strategic approach and away from short-term considerations. Moreover, the establishment of a competitiveness council acknowledges the fact that competitiveness is at the centre of our capacity to produce and sell on domestic and world markets. Our ability to compete will in turn determine living standards and employment.

The Government and other economic bodies must be under no illusion regarding the position in which we will find ourselves if, as expected, the UK remains outside EMU for some time. Tax and public spending strategies in addition to other elements of competitiveness must be appropriate to this new scenario. Soft options via currency accommodations will not be open to us at that time. It is most important for the Minister in planning his budgetary strategy to consider what will happen in the next two to three years. Two imminent changes in the country's macro-economic environment must be addressed — the advent of EMU and the expected reduction in EU support in the form of Structural Funds and funding under CAP. Ireland's only hope of prospering in EMU is to achieve and maintain a more sharply competitive economy. If that is not the case, we will fail to maximise the potential of the markets open to us.

The gradual reduction in EU Structural Funds support will require the public finances to be sufficiently robust to accommodate the loss. For example, net transfers from the EU in 1997 are expected to amount to approximately 3.8 per cent of GDP, equivalent to £1.7 billion or almost 10 per cent of total Government expenditure. These changes in the macro-economic environment require the firm control of current expenditure as the single most vital element of the strategy to develop a competitive economy.

I refer briefly to the national debt which has amounted to over £30 billion since 1994 while in 1996 it was over eight times that in 1976. Debt repayments in 1997 are estimated to be £2.5 billion, the equivalent of one sixth of tax revenue. A reduction in debt service costs would have had, as IBEC described, a ratchet effect permitting greater tax reform, higher capital expenditure and stronger growth. Growth would ensure revenue buoyancy to facilitate additional debt reduction. It is time the absolute level of the national debt should begin to be reduced. The first step to achieve this is an EBR surplus and I hope the Minister will adopt such a policy in his budget.

Free fees in higher education have been extended to all, but higher education grants are inadequate, especially for low income families. People cannot attend college because grants are not sufficient and this issue will have to be seriously considered. I am delighted there is a commitment of £1 million in the Office of Public Works Estimate to improving access for disabled people, including those with physical and sensory disabilities. That is a welcome start.

I am grateful for my first opportunity to contribute to the Estimates debate as Labour Party spokesperson on finance. I will take an opportunity later to make comments of a general nature, although they are related to the subject matter of the debate, namely Government expenditure and Estimates.

Most of us have had the experience from time to time of accounting for moneys we have spent, of presenting accounts. One sets out the various items of expenditure, adds them up, produces a total and makes whatever comparisons one wishes with last year or next. The business of Government is more complex but the principles are still the same. The Minister for Finance is unique as he presides over unprecedented economic growth where the economy has grown by almost 40 per cent since 1992. My party is proud to have contributed in some small measure to the economic policy which underpinned that success. Over 200,000 new jobs were created in that period, almost one quarter of them in the 12 months to last April, and inflation has virtually ceased, at least for the moment.

The former Minister for Finance, Deputy Quinn, introduced a budget in January 1997 which projected a current budget surplus for the first time in several decades. As a result the Exchequer is awash with money. Tax buoyancy is running at a rate which is little short of astonishing and consumer spending is rising at a rate which would have been considered alarming not too long ago. The Minister could certainly bring in a budget surplus should he choose and he may do so despite himself.

However, he has a problem with public spending which he told us time and time again when he was in Opposition and has repeated since he took up office. He wants to bring in a large budget surplus and may even end up borrowing to fund an unnecessary deficit. This arises from targets the Minister set inspired by a senseless ideological approach. Last year's budget debate was interesting. The Minister, then Opposition spokesperson for finance, berated the Government for selling out the future. The claim was arrant nonsense at the time and still is. He believed what he said and sought to do something about it. The result was three spending commitments in the Fianna Fáil manifesto, each of which translated into the Government's programme for the new millennium.

The first and most important commitment was that Government spending will fall as a percentage of national output. The second was that spending on current supply services will not grow by more than a gross 4 per cent year on year during the Government's term of office and the third was that spending on capital items will not increase year on year by more than 5 per cent. These commitments are daft, irresponsible, artificial and unnecessary.

However, the Minister is entitled to be judged by his criteria. The suggestion in his statement a few weeks ago that the year on year increase in net supply services will be just 1.8 per cent next year is outrageous and offensive as he has deliberately doctored the figures to suit his ends. The previous Government set up a fund in December 1995 to compensate hepatitis C victims and set aside £60 million for it. At the time Fianna Fáil berated the Government in language and tones that were little short of hysterical, yet the Minister has brought forward almost £500 million in expenditure. If the Progressive Democrats Party stands for anything, it is for control in cutting public expenditure. Is the Tánaiste willing to stand over this extraordinarily fancy footwork executed by the Minister? How can he expect us to take his Estimates seriously if he goes to such strenuous efforts to fix the figures in a way which is intended to give entirely the wrong impression? If the Minister does not take himself or his targets seriously how can he ask the House to do so?

He has been hoist with his own petard. He dreamt up these targets, set them out with the Taoiseach and asked the electorate to vote for his party. He also asked the public and the Dáil to judge him on these targets. His reputation will stand or fall on his capacity or willingness to meet them and on that basis he has already failed. He has not even attempted to meet the 5 per cent target on capital spending, but that is good. If the smoothing carried out in October and just recently to the current target is eliminated, he is perilously close to his 7.4 per cent limit. Even if he makes minimal changes on budget day, he will exceed it by a considerable amount. In fairness to him, he selected a target which he had some chance of meeting but he deliberately included central fund spending, no doubt in the reasonable anticipation that debt service costs would fall. He also correctly calculated that the Exchequer subsidy to the social insurance fund could be reduced in light of continuing buoyancy in PRSI receipts. He had a great deal going for him, but nonetheless failed at the first hurdle. He will not meet the 4 per cent target or even come close by any objective standards.

The gross spending figure is probably a fairer reflection of current Government spending and it already shows an increase of 4.5 per cent over the 1997 outturn, even if the smoothing which was carried out is taken into account. If it is discounted the gross figure pre-budget will be in excess of 6 per cent and it will be higher still following it. The Minister's credibility and that of his self-imposed targets is at nought within five months of taking up office. However, this is not bad because the targets do not make sense and, despite improvements in recent years, many public services are underdeveloped and underfunded.

I refer to the educational sector where not too many years ago one could send a teacher into a classroom with 40 or 50 students and reasonably expect that those students would emerge with a decent education at the end of the process. This happily is no longer the case. We are now obliged to provide laboratories for children who want to study languages and science. Even subjects like history and geography which were based on book learning now require back-ups and equipment of a kind which we did not consider necessary ten or 15 years ago. In addition, the need for access to information technology at every level of education is now universally acknowledged. Add to this the fact that our pupil-teacher ratio is one of the highest in Europe, and we have a very significant demand for additional money.

The position is similar in regard to health. Technology and skills are improving all the time. Life expectancy is increasing year on year. People's expectations are rightly increasing — the Minister knows this better than most. The demand for specialised facilities in areas such as mental handicap has never been greater. At the end of the 1990s people are not prepared to accept conditions and treatment which would have been regarded as acceptable only 15 years ago.

This is all to the good. It is to be welcomed and not feared. There is nothing wrong with a spending target in itself. However, spending targets have to be real, and they have to be justified. The Minister has simply plucked a figure out of the air. It relates to nothing in particular, and it does not make sense. Surely to goodness we should relate any spending target to our capacity to pay. What household would attempt to budget its spending without having regard to its income. What company would decide on its spending without first having regard to the money it took in. This is exactly what the Minister wants to do. Tax revenues this year will rise by perhaps more than 10 per cent, and our capacity to pay for improved services will rise in proportion to that but, for his own reasons, the Minister has chosen to peg spending at a figure somewhat between 4 and 6 per cent over last year's outturn. He is looking to go a good deal further. He is committed to reducing spending as a percentage of national output. I have yet to hear any sensible debate on this issue. I have yet to hear the Minister set out a cogent reason we should do this. Ireland's public spending as a percentage of national income is less than the OECD and EU averages. Our public services are worse and less developed than the EU and OECD averages and there is a cogent case, in some instances, for spending more. In a sense this is a classic bind. In times of economic difficulty, we are told we cannot afford to spend money on improved services. In times of economic boom, such as we are currently experiencing, the Minister would have us believe we should set aside money for a rainy day. Either way public services suffer, and those who depend on them suffer.

The Minister's commitment, his target to reduce spending as a percentage of national output is, at best, out of date, at worst, irresponsible. It is a throwback to the Thatcherism of the 1980s. It is a philosophy that has already failed. It is a philosophy which, directly or indirectly, intentionally or unintentionally, slowly but surely, creates a two-tier society, a society divided between those who send their children to private schools and those who use public schools, a society divided between those who use private medicine and those who use public hospitals, a society divided between those who depend on the Department of Social Welfare for their old age pensions and those who provide for their own. All of these divisions are unnecessary and artificial, but they are the inevitable medium to long-term result of the policy on which the Minister is embarking. The ESRI put it succinctly in its report of a few weeks ago. We can use the fruits of economic growth to give those of us who have good jobs better cars, or we can use them to increase social solidarity, to build a society in which all of us will be better off, safer and mutually dependent.

We all know what the people want. We want to preserve our traditional sense of community. We want to believe that if the child next door has an accident or needs an operation, he or she will get what is needed, irrespective of whether his or her parents are working or the income they may be earning. Most Irish people really do care that all our people are given a decent chance. I genuinely believe that most Irish people believe in equality of opportunity, and that "mé féinism" has not yet reached the corrosive and dangerous levels which it appears to have attained in other countries not very far away.

As a society we have a choice to make over the next five or ten years, a choice which we were denied for most of the 70 years since the establishment of this State. We can choose to invest in ourselves as a society, or to disproportionately benefit those who are already well off. Whether he intends to do so or otherwise, it is clear this Minister is headed in a particular direction. This party will be one of the first to loudly and clearly say "stop".

None of this is to say that public spending is always good. Nor does it mean the State is uniquely gifted in spending people's money. There is undoubtedly waste in the public services. There is undoubtedly waste within the Civil Service. Management and budgeting techniques in the Civil Service are archaic and in need of urgent reform. We need to get away from a position where budgets are increased incrementally in accordance with inflation without any serious evaluation of that budget in the first place. There is understandable pressure on local Civil Service managers to, as it is put, maintain their budget. This in turn leads to pressure to spend money in a given year so that an increase can be justified in following years. It is time for a serious evaluation. It is time to look in a fundamental way at what Government does. Obviously we need to ask ourselves if we are getting value for money, but we also need to go further. In many cases we need to ask ourselves whether we should do a particular programme, or deliver a service in the way in which is being currently delivered.

Many of us on the left have something of a problem with the issue of public spending. We have given the impression for too long to too many people that we believe public spending is good in itself. We have given the impression, intentionally or otherwise, that taxpayers' money can or should be used to get ourselves out of just about any problem, or to provide just about any service. That view is facile and inadequate. Public spending is not always good. Private spending is not always bad. Too often in the past public spending has been a waste of money. I will argue long and hard for more public spending where I believe it is needed, but each and every project must be seriously evaluated both before and after the money is committed.

In his budget speech earlier this year Deputy Quinn, as Minister for Finance, announced "a rolling programme of expenditure reviews under which the objectives and the rationale for the continuation of all major departmental spending programmes would be subjected to systematic evaluation over a period of three years or so". The Minister announced this process would begin earlier this year in 1997. In the second report to Government of the Co-ordinating Group of Secretaries, entitled A Programme of Change for the Irish Civil Service, the Secretaries set out a detailed framework for change in the way the public services are delivered and the way in which the Civil Service operates. In particular, the report argues for customer orientation and a focus on results. It argues for consultation with and participation by customers on a structured basis, the provision of quality information and advice to customers, reasonable choice for customers and a complaints and redress mechanism. All of this is important, and all of it impacts directly and indirectly on the quality of service provided to the people. This approach will or should apply to all public bodies, not just to the Civil Service. Public statutory bodies, such as local authorities and health boards, are in regular contact with huge numbers of people, and it is vital that these services are delivered in a customer friendly way.

All of these proposals are part of the SMI initiative. This initiative was driven with some force by the last Government. Perhaps I do the Minister and his colleagues an injustice, but I see no sense of urgency in the Taoiseach or the Minister in relation to pushing the process on. This will take time, consultation and commitment. We need to see some evidence from the Minister and the Taoiseach that they are fully behind this very important project.

An equally important part of SMI are the proposals for greater accountability. It is not enough that services and the delivery of services should be evaluated in-house or by consultants. Governments and individual service managers must be held to account in public. This whole estimates process is perhaps a good case in point. We borrowed the process from the British. It is now utterly inadequate and out of date. Civil Servants acting on behalf of Ministers sit down in private for weeks if not longer as part of what is laughably called the Estimates campaign. No Minister or civil servant will ever be asked in public to justify a demand for more money. The public will not know what is going on unless some Minister considers it judicious to organise a suitably discreet leak to the press. Billions of pounds of taxpayers' money are spent or committed and the public is not told what is going on. Eventually a deal will be done and the ultimate compromise will be disclosed to the public at a press conference, not in the Dáil, in terms which are barely capable of being understood by anyone other than those whose full-time job is to understand these matters.

I will take an example from this year's Abridged Estimates. Under Vote 33, Department of Health spending of £2.1 billion is accounted for under just two headings. The former Minister, Deputy Noonan, probably understands this but the rest of us do not. A sum of £1.442 billion will be spent on "grants to health boards in respect of net expenditure", while the remaining £707 million will be spent in respect of "grants on behalf of health boards to certain other health boards". No other details are given. No ordinary member of the public could possibly be expected to understand what this means.

As part of this entire process, we then have perfunctory statements in the Dáil. While this gives Ministers the opportunity to give the public some information about how its money is to be spent, it is only an information session. It is not a debate and is certainly not an exercise in public accountability. It cannot even be regarded as a half decent debate on budget strategy since the Government will not tell us until Friday the revenue it took in during the past year and what it expects to take in next year. We are required to debate Government spending plans, with all the targets etc., that go with them, without any reference to its capacity to pay.

In a few months departmental Estimates will be brought before committees where Ministers will answer detailed questions in so far as they are asked. However, detailed questions are rarely asked, partly because the decisions have already been taken and much of the money spent. We need not have such a system. In most mainland European countries those who want more, or even less money, are required to argue the case before a committee. They do this before the decision is made, not after. This gives parliament a real say in how money is spent and gives the public real information before its money is spent. It also encourages more rigorous preparation and pre-evaluation by those who propose to spend the money.

We have some experience of this sort of process. We have become adept at making the case for spending European Structural and Cohesion Funds. We have completed a lengthy process of evaluation which should be brought before the committees of the House at the earliest opportunity. We need to look at the overall mid-term review carried out by the ESRI and the evaluation of each operational programme.

Not too long ago what I am saying would have been regarded as naive and idealistic. However, during the last years of the 1990s it is the minimum required. The policy document "Delivering Better Government" produced by the Secretaries states:

An open culture with a free flow of information between Government and citizen is essential if confidence is to be maintained in the institutions of State. The electorate of the next century will be the most highly educated in history and, owing to advances in information technology, will have access to and the use of a bewildering amount of information. For the institutions of State to remain relevant they must recognise this trend and be much more open about their activities.

It goes on to state that a radical change in the culture of the Civil Service is required to bring this about. It will also require a change in political culture and a rapid infusion of political will. I see little evidence of either from the Government but I hope I will be proven wrong.

I welcome the establishment of the education investment fund. There is a clear need to give people access to training, reskilling and upskilling to enable them to take advantage of the many hi-tech jobs being located here. There is a particular need to take advantage of information technology and to ensure that students of all ages have access to it. The previous Minister for Education, Niamh Bhreathnach, was much exercised by this issue. While I have some concerns about how the fund will be operated, I congratulate the Minister on bringing it to fruition.

I welcome the increased funding for social and voluntary housing. Despite the progress made over the past four years, we still have some way to go to make up for the drastic cutbacks in social housing introduced on the last occasion Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats were in power. I also welcome the further increase in bilateral aid to developing countries. While it is not as much as we would like, nonetheless it is an increase.

Before the general election Fianna Fáil engaged in a commendable process of consultation with interest groups and put together an admirable set of policy documents. It asked the electorate to vote for it and many of them did. Many of these policy documents found their way into the manifesto and An Action Programme for the New Millennium. However, since the election the Government has shown a remarkable and almost unprecedented unwillingness to tear up its programme. Ministers have engaged in a series of U-turns and seem to be blithely unconcerned about the effects of their actions on a public which is already very cynical about politicians and the political process. Sadly, there is evidence in the Estimates that this process is continuing.

I will give an example. In Opposition the Minister for Justice, Deputy O'Donoghue, was very strong on rhetoric. He made specific promises in relation to the Garda and prison places. However, there is no evidence in the Estimates that the number of prison places will be any higher than that promised by the former Minister, Deputy Owen, earlier this year. The amount allocated for Garda pay is lower than it was last year, while there will be only a slight increase in the number of gardaí from 10,810 to 10,980. The overall budget for the Garda is up by only 1 per cent. There is little evidence in the Estimates of the massive drive against crime promised by the Minister for Justice in Opposition. The Minister's actions do not match up to his rhetoric.

The Government's health programme is full of commitments in regard to mental handicap, disability, waiting lists etc. Yet, when the fluff is stripped away and we look at the 10 per cent increase in spending we see that the amount allocated for the improvement of services is only £30 million. The Government is committed to the Partnership 2000 agreement which includes a commitment to spend £500 million on programmes designed to target the problem of social exclusion. I see no indication in the Estimates that money will be spent on these programmes.

If the Minister and his party had not created expectations in the run up to the general election neither they nor their partners would be in Government. We will measure the Minister's performance next week against these expectations and the targets he has set for himself. We will also measure his performance against the principles of equity and fairness and its effect on employment and people with fixed incomes, not least old age pensioners. The Minister and the Government have a choice in terms of how money is spent and the sort of society we want to create. The way they exercise that choice will be assessed well beyond the bounds of the House. The Minister set a test for himself in the Estimates. However, by his own targets, he has failed this test and fallen at the first hurdle. It remains to be seen whether he can rise again.

I wish to share my time with the Minister of State, Deputy Ó Cuív.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I am very pleased to have this opportunity to speak on the 1998 Estimates. Overall the funding being provided for the areas under my responsibility is being increased by more than 17 per cent. These increases are in line with the Government's key commitments as outlined in An Action Programme for the Millennium. I will refer to a few specific areas in the time available to me.

The arts plan was prepared by An Chomhairle Ealaíon — the Arts Council — in 1994 and launched in early 1995. The plan was the first formal published statement of forward planning by the Arts Council, and with it the council had set itself, and the arts community, on a course of development-led strategic planning which would transform the contemporary arts in Ireland. The launch of the plan engendered great hope in the arts community that, after many years of underfunding, we had reached a stage were the arts were to receive the level of funding they rightly deserved. While great strides were made in this regard, the decision of the previous Government to extend the life of the plan from three to five years stifled the efforts of the Arts Council to deliver on the targets and measures set out in the plan.

While in Opposition, I strenuously objected to extending the life of the plan and committed myself and the Fianna Fáil Party to implementing the funding targets set out in the plan at the first possible opportunity. I made a commitment to this effect both in my party's election manifesto and in the programme for Government. I was pleased, therefore, to secure the major increase of 25 per cent in the Arts Council allocation for 1998, bringing the council's funding level to £26 million as promised in the manifesto and the programme for Government.

In providing this finding I have met in full the commitment in the programme for Government to provide a budget of £26 million in 1998 for An Chomhairle Ealaíon. This increase of £5.166 million is a clear demonstration of the commitment of the Government to the development of the arts in Ireland. The Arts Council is now in a position to complete its five year arts plan next year, a full year ahead of the timetable by which the previous Government had intended it would be implemented. The Government's programme, An Action Programme for the Millennium, makes specific reference to the position of artists in all disciplines who choose artistic creation in and through Irish, to the need for support of artists with disabilities and for more regional emphasis for the arts. I note An Chomhairle Ealaíon's commitments as stated in the arts plan and, in the context of its formal review of the achievements of the plan, look forward in particular to An Chomhairle's assessment of the position at the end of 1998 as compared with the position previously.

The cultural development incentives scheme — CDIS — is a part of the Operation Programme for Tourism 1995-1999 and is the responsibility of my Department. The CDIS is primarily designed to assist the four main categories of the visual and performing arts, art centres, theatres, galleries and museums. The total amount of funding available under the scheme is £18.467 million. This amount, together with matching finance from successful project promoters, will enable a total capital infrastructure of at least £24 million to be put in place in the period up to the end of 1999.

Another area worthy of notice is the provision of a total of £37.378 million in 1998 for the Irish language and the Gaeltacht, together with an allocation of £10.83 million to Teilifís na Gaeilge. Included in the former figure is an allocation of £24.25 million, which is being provided for Údarás na Gaeltachta. Some £21.1 million of the £24.25 million is capital to enable An t-Údarás to pay grants to industries locating or expanding in the Gaeltacht and to build and refurbish industrial buildings. An t-Údarás has been achieving worthwhile results in recent years in the area of job creation and the substantial funding being provided for in 1998 will enable the organisation to press ahead with its programme of work. An allocation of £2.96 million is provided for Bord na Gaeilge, an increase of 15 per cent on the 1997 figure.

There are increased allocations for Gaeltacht improvement schemes, Gaeltacht cultural and social schemes and Ciste na Gaeilge, from which the voluntary Irish language organisations and miscellaneous Irish language projects are funded. An allocation for Gaeltacht roads will be provided in the 1998 Estimates as part of the provision for improvement schemes in the Gaeltacht. Work will continue on the major marine works scheme on Tory Island.

I am very pleased to note there is an increase in the Estimates provision for Gaeltacht housing grants under the Gaeltacht Housing Acts, from £1.3 million in 1997 to £1.5 million in 1998. This extra provision is included due to the fact that grants are available once again for new exterior windows and doors etc. in Gaeltacht houses. Because of the great commitment and interest of the Minister of State we have been able to ensure those improvements have been made in the Estimates.

For the first time, provision of £2.6 million is made available in the Estimates of this Department for the islands, both those within and without the Gaeltacht. This money will be directed mainly at primary services, for example, infrastructure, ferry services and problems which are encountered on the islands. This function was transferred to my Department this year from the Department of the Taoiseach. While the peripheral location of islands makes it difficult for islanders to participate fully in the life of the nation, island communities have a very special heritage, and this unique cultural enrichment and inheritance should be protected and nourished to the benefit of the island communities in the first instance and of the nation as a whole.

It is my intention and that of the Minister of State, Deputy Ó Cuív, who has specific responsibility for off-shore islands to carry out a comprehensive analysis of the access requirements of populated off-shore islands and to draw up a five year plan to ensure every island has suitable ferry access. The provision of adequate piers will also be a major part of this five year plan, as well as a detailed coastal erosion survey on each island so that a preventative programme can be drawn up and implemented on a phased basis. The policy prepared by the Minister of State before the last general election also deals with basic services on islands such as education, transport to education, health services and cost of living, and it is our intention to implement this policy in the lifetime of this Government.

There is a major increase of more than £15 million in the provision for national parks and wildlife. This increase is primarily to cover the expected costs in 1998 of compensation to farmers-landowners whose lands are being designated as special areas of conservation. Under this designation land will be required to be farmed in accordance with an approved agricultural environmental plan which will specify the conditions necessary for the protection of the natural habitats and species in these areas.

The Government has accepted in the context of Partnership 2000 that fair compensation will be paid for losses incurred as a result of compulsory restrictions designed to protect these areas. The affected farmers will have two options: they can join the rural environment protection scheme administered by the Department of Agriculture and Food or they can opt for direct compensation from my Department. In the 1998 Estimates, £14 million non-capital and £5 million capital is earmarked for the special areas of conservation project.

The Heritage Council's allocation of £4 million for 1998 represents a 34 per cent increase on its allocation of £2.992 million for 1997. While the council believes the increase should be even higher, it can be assured I will continue to do all I can to support its tremendous efforts and work. I am aware of its value, concern for and commitment to our general heritage. Likewise, the National Gallery will have a 7 per cent increase on its 1997 allocation of Exchequer funding to enable it to continue with its excellent work. I express my satisfaction with securing a total of £174.6 million for the three Votes in my responsibility.

Tá an-áthas orm deis a bheith agam labhairt ar na Meastacháin seo. Mar a léirigh an tAire tá go leor airgid curtha ar fáil anois ó thaobh na Gaeilge agus ó thaobh na Gaeltachta de. Faoin Aire deiridh a bhí ann bhí ciorraithe á ndéanamh bliain i ndiaidh bliana ar an taobh sin den vóta. Tá an tAire taréis a chinntiú go bhfaighidh an Ghaeltacht agus na heagrais Ghaeilge a gceartanna féin ó na meastacháin i mbliana.

Tá áthas orm go mbeidh suim £37.378 ar fáil i Vóta na Roinne i 1998 le caitheamh ar mhaithe leis an nGaeilge agus leis an nGaeltacht. Anuas ar sin tá soláthar £10.83 milliún á chur ar fáil do Theilifís na Gaeilge.

I dtaca le Teilifís na Gaeilge de ní ceart dearmad a dhéanamh go bhfuil dualgas ar RTÉ soláthar a dhéanamh don staisiún sin mar go bhfuil dualgas reachtúil ar RTÉ freastal a dhéanamh i dtaobh na Gaeilge. Ta soláthar £24.5 á chur ar fáil d'Údarás na Gaeltachta i 1998. Sin méadú 5 faoin gcéad ar sholáthar 1997. Caithfear cuimhneamh gur cuireadh airgead speisialta ar fáil i mbliana le haghaidh foirgintí agus cúrsaí tógála. Ní hamháin go bhfuil an t-airgead sin á chur ar fáil ach tá an t-árdú don bhliain seo chugainn anuas ar an airgead speisialta sin.

Tá an soláthar do Bhord na Gaeilge méadaithe 15 faoin gcéad agus tá méadaithe sna soláthair do Thithe Gaeltachta, do Scéimeanna Feabhsúcháin sa Ghaeltacht, do Scéimeanna Cultúrtha agus Sóisialta agus do Chiste na Gaeilge as a mhaoinítear na hEagrais Dheonacha Ghaeilge agus na tógraí ilghnéitheacha Gaeilge. Is féidir deimhniú go mbeidh airgead arís an bhliain seo chugainn — soláthar nach raibh déanta i 1996 nó i 1997 — do scéim na mbóithre Gaeltachta. Tá mé cinnte go mbeidh an Teachta Ó Cionnaith fíor-shásta é sin a chloisteáil mar níorbh cheart deireadh a chur leis an scéim sin riamh. Tá éileamh do-chreidte ar an scéim sin agus tá fhios agam go bhfuil an-áthas ar mhuintir na Gaeltachta go bhfuil an scéim tagha ar ais.

Tá soláthar sa bhreis faoi Achtanna na dTithe (Gaeltachta) imithe suas ó £1.3 milliun i 1997 go dtí £1.5 milliún i 1998. Cuireann sin ar ár gcumas na deontais a cuireadh ar ceal ag an Rialtas deiridh a choinneáil — sin iad na deontais do na fuinneoga agus do dhóirsí.

Tá áthas orm go bhfuil an deontas sin tagha ar ais agus go bhfuil na deontais don dara theach agus sealla saoire tógtha san áireamh freisin. Don chéad uair tá soláthar buan sna Meastacháin do na hoileáin. Ta £2.6 milliún ar fáil i Meastacháin na Roinne don bhliain seo chugainn. Caithfimid breathnú ar na fíricí taobh thiar de seo. Tá £0.6 milliún de sin ag baint leis na seirbhísí atá tógtha anonn. Ciallaíonn sé sin go bhfuil £2 mhilliún de bhreis, sé sin do na seirbhísí iompair go hÁrainn a bhí ann ariamh agus glacaim leis sin. Tá £2 milliún á chur ar fáil do na hoileáin le haghaidh forbairtí caipitil agus reatha don bhliain seo chugainn. Caithfear cuimhneamh sa chomhthéacs sin nár caitheadh i 1996 agus 1997 ach £2 mhilliún san iomlán. Go deimhin féin nuair a tháinig mé féin isteach sa Roinn bhí riar mhaith den airgead nach raibh caite. Mar sin tá dúbailt déanta ar an airgead sin don bhliain seo chugainn agus cuuirfidh sin ar ár gcumas roinnt le na scéimeanna riachtanacha a chur i bhfeidhm. Beidh seo dírithe go bunúsach ar cheisteanna ar nós ceist seirbhísí iompair, ceist infrastructúir, go mór mhór céibheanna, bóithre agus an iliomad fadhbanna atá lucht na n-oileán ag plé leo.

For the first time, a special provision of £2.6 million has been made available in the Department's Estimate for the islands. This must be put in context with expenditure, part of which was carried over from the previous Departments of the Taoiseach and Transport and Communications for the Aran Islands ferry. When that expenditure is subtracted from the total, we are left with approximately £2 million. In 1996 and 1997 expenditure amounted to £2 million, £1 million per annum, and there was a carry-over to 1997 of money not spent in 1996. We have increased dramatically funding for the islands.

It will not be difficult to spend this funding on infrastructural projects that have been neglected for many years. In conjunction with a five year plan, it will enable us to deal with urgently needed infrastructure, piers and other basic services on the islands. The requirement of islanders to live in a modern society like the rest of us is at last being recognised. I am pleased this additional funding is being provided in the Estimate and congratulate the Minister on her strenuous efforts to ensure it was put in place.

Ba mhaith liom a rá go bhfuil áthas orm go bhfuil deireadh curtha leis na ciollaithe ar fad a cuireadh i bhfeidhm ar na scéimeanna Gaeltachta faoin Rialtas deiridh agus gur féidir linn tosú as an nua ag tógáil ar na scéimeanna seo seachas a bheith dá ngearradh siar de shíor.

I wish to share time with Deputy Yates.

No Minister in the history of the State has inherited such propitious economic circumstances as those that form the background to the Minister, Deputy McCreevy's preparation of the Book of Estimates for 1998, nor has any Minister for Finance ever engaged in such a scale of manipulative accounting. The Minister, who in Opposition criticised the spending targets of the rainbow Government, has deliberately contrived to add hugely to the spending outturn by dragging spending proper to 1998 into the 1997 outturn. From the Minister's point of view, this serves the dual purpose of grossly exaggerating spending for 1997, which no doubt in time will be attributed to the rainbow Government, and allowing him to engage in the make-believe of staying within his spending ceiling of 4 per cent for 1998.

I am puzzled as to how this scale of manipulation conforms to the standard of accounting procedures required by the Department of Finance. The House deserves answers to that. I am also somewhat puzzled as to why it is permissible in November to add more than £400 million to this year's outturn without interfering with Maastricht parameters, when the previous Government was advised that such risks could not and should not be taken. I suppose we can enlist the help of our friend "buoyancy" which, irrespective of economic portents, is never anticipated by the Department of Finance. Whatever the explanation, the Minister for Finance has an embarrassment of riches. In Opposition days, he would have carefully guarded this crock of gold inherited from the rainbow Government and designated some of it to paying off the national debt and the remainder towards PD style tax cuts with which he, as an Opposition Deputy, was greatly enamoured. There is none of that now. Anyone the Minister, Deputy McCreevy — the Scrooge of Opposition — can find to invoice him in 1997 for bills that would more properly fall due in 1998 will get a cheque in the post before Christmas.

All this clears the way for a feast on budget day which is politically designed to stabilise this rickety Government. It may or may not achieve that objective but as the minder of the nation's finances the Minister is fooling no one. He has doctored the figures to make his profligacy appear to conform to his 4 per cent ceiling. Public criticism has forced him to concede in his contribution that, comparing like with like, expenditure has already increased by 5.2 per cent. If these central fund payments were not made and the changes to payment arrangements referred to earlier — for teachers' salaries and the recoupment of higher education grants — were delayed, the expenditure position would be different: total net current expenditure would rise by 6.3 per cent in 1997 over last year and by 5.2 per cent in 1998. That is out of the Minister's mouth. His manipulation has converted an estimated outturn of 6.3 per cent for 1997 to a current figure of 9.2 per cent. In a couple of years' time, no one will recall that it was Deputy McCreevy as Minister rather than Deputy Quinn who brought home this spending result. Incidentally, this is the closest we have come to the 10 per cent increase realised in 1992, the last time Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats were in Government.

We do not know the level of budget day spending and, therefore, we do not know the total expenditure figure. However, in the £1,200 million we do know about, there is grossly inadequate allocation to the areas of greatest need. An underclass is struggling for existence in this tiger economy. The biggest barrier to re-entry to the workforce is the absence of skills among the long-term unemployed. The geographic areas where the long-term unemployed are clustered are the same ones suffering multiple deprivation and being ravaged by the drugs menace. Only a significant allocation of resources to address this multiple deprivation will improve the life chances of thousands of our people but there is no evidence that this consideration has featured in the Minister's manipulation. Deputy Noonan has already pointed to the absence of any increase in the £10 million drugs package, confined to certain urban areas, which I introduced last year. Yet we are supposed to have consensus in this House that we will continue to have a serious recurring drugs problem unless the causes of multiple deprivation are addressed. Will the Minister spell out his plans for the £20 million youth services development fund set up under the second ministerial report, for which I obtained the approval of this House? The provision for the technology fund is welcome but the allocation to address the skills shortage is designed either for young people or for updating the skills of those already in the workforce. It is not designed to address the low — or no — skills status of the long-term unemployed.

The most serious casualty of the Minister's fiddling is the rainbow Government's plan to introduce a detailed, medium-term financial strategy for the next three years, which has gone out the window. There is a formal statement of commitment to this objective but no MTFS is outlined. Among other things, it is not possible to address in a planned way an assault on poverty if the emphasis is on manipulating the figures for reasons of political expediency. The Minister presented the decline in long-term unemployment as follows:

This means that just over two-thirds of the fall in unemployment since 1993 has been due to a fall in long-term unemployment.

He also mentioned a decline of 39,000 in the numbers of long-term unemployed in that time. That is fair enough — one can do anything with statistics — but it does not acknowledge the scale of the difficulty. The problem for the long-term unemployed is the barriers for re-entry to the workforce. The number of long-term unemployed is in the region of 150,000 people. To present this two-thirds figure as if we were making serious inroads into that number is less than a fair presentation. That emerging and existing underclass is the real problem for our tiger economy. It is a huge burden, not just in terms of the misery imposed on the people caught in these areas but also in terms of the health requirements, the Justice Vote, policing, coping with the drugs menace, etc. This is multiple deprivation and we have reached a stage when many people feel we can ignore these areas because they do not contribute much to the election or non-election of any Government. However, this is a real factor in the tiger economy and if we do not address it the rest of society will pay the price. Despite the spending figures and the manipulation, there is no serious evidence in the Book of Estimates that this featured in the Government's considerations.

It is impossible to comment on the Estimates until we see the budget day figures. However, if the Book of Estimates is anything to go by, I cannot look forward with the same glee as Government backbenchers to the way Deputy McCreevy will spend the fruits of the careful management of the last Government.

Deputy Noonan and other Opposition speakers dealt with the gross manipulation of the figures across the range of Departments. I will focus on Vote 32, for the Department of Public Enterprise, and highlight my immediate concerns. Part C of that Vote relates to the railways. In the short lifetime of this Government there have been serious rail accidents, the most notable at Knockcroghery, County Roscommon. It is now well established that unless continuous welded rail is used to replace the old-fashioned jointed track originally built in the mid-1800s, other accidents will happen. Given that the railways are a vital part of regional policy and radial links are crucial to the economic and social life of many provincial towns, this matter cannot be delayed further. A substantial sum, perhaps £85 million, is necessary to bring the railway tracks from Mullingar to Sligo, from Athlone to Ballina and Westport, and from Dublin to Rosslare up to the same standard as the radial routes in the rest of the country. Automatic signalling and adequate rolling stock are vital. I am disappointed that the mid-term review of the Structural Funds did not allow for the possibility of this being addressed.

We will be tabling a Private Members' motion on this issue as it will be too late to do something after an accident. If the number of people travelling at weekend peak times had been on the train at the time of the Knockcroghery derailment, there would have been fatalities; they were avoided by the grace of God. We do not need a serious accident to be told how critical the position is, because many of these lines were last updated in the 1930s.

The second issue is Sellafield. There was a recent Private Members' motion on the subject and the matter was raised on the Order of Business. The terms of a motion accepted by the Government specifically referred to the provision of legal costs for the case taken by the Louth residents' group. I understand a memorandum went to Government this week which indicated that £350,000 will be made available for health, engineering and radiological research but not one penny will be forthcoming for legal costs. If the Government were to make that available it would be in clear breach of the spirit and terms of the Dáil motion and would be a very serious abrogation of the Fianna Fáil promise to "fully fund" the Louth residents' case in the High Court and subsequent courts. The Minister of State has a vital responsibility to honour the Government's pledges. Given that BNFL has now taken legal action to have the case struck out in the High Court, this matter is of the utmost urgency.

In regard to CIE, I call on the Minister to ensure public service contracts are put in place as soon as possible. That is the only way we will know the subsidy on each route of Dublin Bus, Bus Éireann and Iarnród Éireann, whether it is from Lucan to the city centre, from Sligo to Mullingar by train, or from Galway to Dublin on the Bus Éireann service. We need to know that to have a basis of transparency. The subvention, which is in the region of £103 million or £105 million, must be transparently expended. I want a commitment from the Minister on when those public service contracts in lieu of the money will be put in place.

My constituency colleague, Deputy Browne, has probably received representations on another matter about which I am concerned, although it is more in the area of the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne. In the south and south-west of my county there is a very real threat that many people who currently enjoy multi-channel television will be disconnected because of the exclusive monopoly licensing system for MMDS operators. I am very unhappy with this because many people who are disconnected cannot get an MMDS service because of the topography of the land. The beam benders cannot physically go around corners which means such people can only receive RTÉ 1, Network 2 and Teilifís na Gaeilge. Notwithstanding the outstanding talents of those broadcasters, that is not enough for people who wish to retain the service to which they have become used. Many people are being deprived of multi-channel TV because of civil actions taken by MMDS operators.

The Minister, Deputy O'Rourke, has looked the other way on this issue and has hidden behind the regulator and court cases. She should take steps to introduce a dual licensing system for MMDS and deflector UHF-VHF systems which would allow both to coexist. Given the many issues in the melting pot, such as the obligation on the Government to sell the Telecom Éireann stake in Cablelink, there are many opportunities for a negotiated settlement of this issue. The Minister should take an interest in it. If people in Dublin were left without multi-channel television the problem would be sorted out within days, but people who are scattered around the country are ignored.

I am very concerned about the situation of Luas in Dublin. The Government has commissioned a study on whether Luas should be under or over ground. The outcome is predictable. We know that putting it underground is cost prohibitive, yet we are jeopardising the EU funding of this £220 million project, which will link Dundrum and Tallaght to the city centre, by this delay which will take the project beyond the lifetime of the present tranche of funding. This study is unnecessary and the further delay will add to the traffic congestion problems which affect many people in Dublin and, as it is our capital city, the rest of the country.

This Estimate should provide a consultancy budget, at least, for a second gas interconnector. There is no doubt the Kinsale and Ballycotton gas fields will be exhausted by the turn of the century and that we need more than one gas interconnector. Under the EU directive we can buy gas from Algeria, Norway and Russia on the existing European grid. The existing interconnector does not have sufficient capacity and we should work to ensure a second is constructed. Given the lead time required, we should invest money in that project now.

A Europeat midlands station is critical to the whole future of Bord na Móna. This 130 megawatt facility, costing £120 million, is dependent on £21 million of EU funding. I greatly regret the Minister has not fast-tracked this project because we could lose the funding under the 1994-9 tranche of Structural Funds as we still have to select the tender and engage in an EIS, the planning process, an An Bord Pleanála appeal and perhaps a High Court review. I am very concerned, given that Bord na Móna's sales of one million tonnes of milled peat a year depends on this, that it has not been done.

I am very unimpressed by the Taoiseach's comments on the ending of duty free sales, which will undermine both Aer Lingus's profits and Aer Rianta's survival. I am also very disappointed by the Minister's delay in implementing the EU directive on electricity power generation competition.

I do not detect from the Minister, Deputy O'Rourke, any overall policy or approach to the ten commercial semi-State companies under her aegis, which have a turnover of more than £4 billion and employ 60,000 people. As a stakeholder she has no clear view of their competitiveness in the economy. I will be extremely vigilant in pursuing the Minister to ensure the taxpayer and this House get better from her.

(Wexford): I wish to share my time with Deputy Healy-Rae.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

(Wexford): From listening to Deputies Yates and Rabbitte, one would think they had not been in Government for a few years. They are now screaming about matters such as the long-term unemployed and rail links which they should have addressed when they were in Government up to three months ago.

However, I fully support Deputy Yates on one issue, which is the development of the railway line from Dublin to Rosslare, which is a major port and the gateway to Europe. The rail line and the train facilities on that route are not of the same standard as those on the Dublin-Belfast, Dublin-Cork and Dublin-Galway lines. The benefits of an economic boom should be shared equally across the country. I expect the Minister, Deputy O'Rourke, to deal with this problem as soon as possible. It is important that the many passengers on that route would have first class facilities.

The Minister, Deputy McCreevy, outlined a number of proposals and improvements in the Book of Estimates. Ireland is enjoying unprecedented economic growth and it is only fair this prosperity should be shared among all sections of our community. He described the significant number of jobs created in 1997 and the dramatic fall in the number on the unemployed register over the last three years. Credit is due to the different Governments in power over that period.

However, it is important to reflect on the number of long-term unemployed, particularly in urban areas. There are many large urban centres in my county with high levels of long-term unemployment. The problems related to long-term unemployment, such as social problems and youth crime, cost the State a significant amount of money.

The Government should target those areas which have high levels of long-term unemployment. Schemes such as Leader, area partnerships, county enterprise schemes and those operated by FÁS work reasonably well but communities are baffled by their numbers. They appear to be top heavy with staff. People question whether those in need benefit from them. The Minister responsible should seriously consider amalgamating some of them and providing one stop shops in urban centres to enable people return to work or make their own job creation proposals. At present people are sent from one scheme to the next and become frustrated. Some of them prefer to remain long-term unemployed rather than deal with these quangos.

The Minister for Finance should commission a feasibility study of these schemes. I do not understand why, for example, counties should have four of them, each with an office, a chief executive and a staff of 20 to 30 providing the same kind of service. It needs to be seriously looked at.

FÁS also needs to be seriously looked at. Its purpose is to help the short and long-term unemployed return to work. However, some of its programmes are not in their best interest. It must be made more relevant and available to those who need its help.

Significant increases in spending on education, health and the environment are provided for in the Estimates. There should be an even spread of allocated moneys by Ministers. For example, St. Peter's College and St. Aidan's primary school in Enniscorthy are two major centres of education which need to be upgraded. Will the Minister for Education and Science seriously consider making funding available to both schools in 1998?

There is much talk about the Celtic tiger, but it must benefit all sections of society if it is to be relevant. Those on social welfare, including people on disability benefit and invalidity and old age pensions, should share in the country's prosperity. It would not be costly to make small changes. For most of the time since I first entered the Dáil in 1982, the free fuel allowance has been £5 per week per person for the six winter months. Deputies on all sides of the House have called for an increase in the allowance. The Minister for Social, Family and Community Affairs should seriously consider increasing it for pensioners and those on disability benefit and sick pay. An increase from £5 to £6 or £7 per week may appear to be small but it would mean much to those on minimum social welfare payments.

I hope the speculation about major changes to the tax system in the budget is correct. In the late 1980s and early 1990s the PAYE sector had to bear the burden of spending cutbacks. Given the economic boom, it is now payback time and the Minister for Finance should reduce the tax rates, widen the tax bands and remove as many as possible on low income from the tax net. These measures would give an incentive to people to work, look after their families and earn a decent standard of living. It is time to give a break to the PAYE sector, which has paid vast amounts in tax over the years.

I am pleased the Minister of State at the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy Mary Wallace, is present. There are approximately 360,000 people with disabilities in Ireland. Many of them have been living below the poverty line for some time. I am glad she has taken a direct interest in improving their quality of life.

Only a few people with disability are lucky enough to find jobs. Now is the time for the Government to seriously consider a generous allocation to these people in the budget. They have been forgotten for too long. I support any endeavour by the Minister of State to make improvements in this area and I appeal to the Minister for Finance to be extra generous in the budget, especially to the centres for independent living and to those who find it difficult to maintain their places on FÁS and other temporary schemes.

It is important that the Minister for Finance recognises the need to improve the quality of life of the less well off, those on social welfare, the aged and the sick. I hope he will be as compassionate as possible. The various partnership programmes have made life easier for Governments. However, I am not sure that they have made life easier for those on low pay who are just above the poverty line. Are the unions concerned about this area? Their agreements with Governments have ensured that those on middle or higher incomes have always done well while the lower paid have not. This area must be looked at seriously for the future. The Government, in conjunction with the union partners, must ensure a decent and equitable standard of living for the less well off in society. I welcome the statement made by the Minister for Finance in regard to the proposed increases. On budget day I hope he will ensure an even spread of moneys for all sections of the community, particularly the less well off.

The Waste Management Act, 1996, requires that local authorities apply to the Environmental Protection Agency for licences to operate waste disposal sites. The former Minister for the Environment, Deputy Howlin, by regulations known as the waste management licensing regulations, l997, dated 27 March l997, fixed dates by which applications should be made for existing sites depending on their capacity. The regulations fixed 1 October l998 for two sites, Killarney and Milltown, County Kerry, to either apply for a licence or close down. It further fixed 1 March l999 for sites in Kenmare and Caherciveen. In the absence of a licence application these two sites in south Kerry must close.

To qualify for a licence strict criteria must be met. In County Kerry there is one modern up-to-date facility in Muingnaminnane, Tralee, which is supposed to last for 15-16 years given the amount of material going into it. Will an expert from the Department of the Environment and Local Government or Brussels tell me how long this facility can last when waste from all over Kerry is dumped at this site? Essentially small waste disposal sites receiving less than 15,000 tonnes a year play a major role in the economic well-being of rural areas. Given that the areas served need time to adjust to the new requirements in County Kerry, a derogation from the licensing regulations should be given to these small sites for at least ten years.

How can large trucks travelling from Caherciveen and Waterville, through the Ring of Kerry, and Killorglin pass bus traffic from Killarney going in the opposite direction? This will cause major problems in County Kerry. For some reason there was a new development in this House last evening. For the first time, for some unknown and major reason, the people in the constituency of Kerry north are calling on me to repair the roads. My colleague, Deputy Spring, declared a massive invasion through Farranfore and Kenmare, south Kerry, to see what could be done there about a few major roads in l998. I welcome his intervention as will the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy O'Donoghue, and others on behalf of south Kerry. Given the pressures on him, perhaps he has decided to move to south Kerry for the next election.

I appeal to the Minister for the Environment and Local Government, Deputy Dempsey, to defer the closure of the disposal sites referred to for the reasons given.

I wish to share my time with Deputies Howlin and Shortall.

Acting Chairman

Yes, that is provided for.

I wish to make a few points concerning the area for which I am responsible as an Opposition spokesperson. During my period as Minister of State at the Department of Transport, Energy and Communications, I made a proposal to the Government and the Gas Company that the gas trunk network be extended beyond its present limited capacity from north Dublin-Cork to the west. Detailed studies were carried out of what was required. The object of the exercise was to provide an infrastructure for the midlands and the west equivalent to that available on the east coast and in the south. This means people would have a choice regarding the energy source they decide to use. We were aware from our experience that people who wanted to establish an industry were favourably disposed to areas that had the natural gas network available to it. The detailed proposal drawn up would require State funding — for the trunk main — of about £5 million per year for a ten year period. The gasification of the towns in the midlands, Galway city and other areas would be put out to tender to the best bidder, whether Bord Gáis or a private enterprise.

A case has been lodged with the EU Commission for State aid of £5 million per year for the provision of the trunk line. We were advised at the time there would be no principled objection to it. I am disappointed no provision has been made in the Estimates for that gas trunkline to the midlands and the west. This demonstrates the Government is paying lip-service to the areas outside Dublin which need this type of service if they are to compete on a level playing field with the east coast. There is also the demographic nonsense that a large portion of the population lives within a 25 mile radius of here and yet we are not providing the infrastructure to the rest of this relatively small island where people could make a living outside that. We need to address that issue urgently. The Leader of the Opposition referred this morning to the situation in Dublin city where one is sitting in a car looking at the back window of another car for perhaps an hour to travel a mile. The matter has become so serious that he raised it here, yet we are not putting in the infrastructure to allow the development to proceed in the midlands and the west. I register my disappointment that the Minister for Public Enterprise has not prevailed on her senior colleague to provide this money in the Estimates. I ask her to pursue a positive decision from the EU Commission on this issue so that she can go back at a later stage to the Minister for Finance and the Government better armed to get a positive decision.

The further inquiry into the Luas project is deliberately designed to prevent it going ahead. From the information available to me it is the Government's intention to divert the money available to Luas from the EU Commission to two projects, the Kinnegad and Dundrum bypasses, which the Department has been asked to look at. I ask the Minister to look at that.

Debate adjourned.
Sitting suspended at 1.30 p.m. and resumed at 2.30 p.m.
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