Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 12 Oct 1999

Vol. 509 No. 1

International Agreements: Motion.

Minister for Defence (Mr. M. Smith)

I move:

That Dáil Éireann approves the dispatch, pursuant to section 2 of the Defence (Amendment) (No. 2) Act, 1960, as amended by section 3 of the Defence (Amendment) Act, 1993, of a contingent of the Permanent Defence Force for service with the multinational force in East Timor, known as INTERFET, established under the authority of UN Security Council Resolution 1264 of 15 September 1999 and that it further approves the terms of the Agreement on Participation in the International Force East Timor (INTERFET), a copy of which was laid before Dáil Éireann on 6 October 1999.

The purpose of this motion, which is required under section 2 of the Defence Act, 1960, as amended by the Defence Act, 1993, is to enable the dispatch of an Irish contingent for service with the UN-authorised multinational force in East Timor. This force was established under the authority of UN Security Council Resolution 1264 of 15 September 1999. The motion also provides for approval of the terms of an agreement on Ireland's participation in INTERFET. A copy of the proposed agreement has been laid before the House.

This agreement provides that Ireland, like all other countries participating in INTERFET, will be responsible for its own costs. Similar provisions applied in Ireland's participation in SFOR, in Bosnia and Herzegovina and, more recently, in KFOR in Kosovo. In commending the motion to the House I wish to underline a number of key points at the outset.

First, upon the outbreak of violence in East Timor in September, the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs contacted a number of their counterparts to mobilise international support for the establishment of a multinational force. Ireland also pursued the matter directly at the United Nations Security Council in calling for the establishment of such a force. Second, INTERFET's presence is central to the international community's co-ordinated efforts to restore security and normality in East Timor, to protect the civilian population and to facilitate the safe return of refugees to their homes. Third, INTERFET was established under the authority of the UN Security Council through Security Council Resolution 1264. The Government welcomed this resolution as soon as it was adopted and indicated immediately its readiness, subject to the approval of this House, to provide a contingent for the multinational force. Fourth, Irish participation in INTERFET is in keeping with our foreign policy traditions and objectives. It is especially in keeping with our long and respected tradition of peacekeeping that Ireland should participate in this UN-authorised force.

I wish to set out the background to INTERFET. The UN Security Council, acting under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, adopted Resolution 1264 on 15 September 1999 which, among other things, authorised the establishment force in East Timor with all the necessary means to fulfil its responsibilities under a unified command structure. This was pursuant to the request of the Government of Indonesia, conveyed to the Secretary General on 12 September 1999. The tasks of the forces as prescribed by the resolution are, first, to restore peace and security in East Timor, second, to protect and support the United Nations mission in East Timor in carrying out its tasks and, third, within force capabilities to facilitate humanitarian assistance operations. The resolution went on to authorise the states participating in the multinational force to take all necessary measures to fulfil this mandate.

The United Nations civilian mission, UNAMET, was never entirely withdrawn from East Timor, but its operations had to be retrenched in the face of the then violence against its personnel and facilities. It is now being redeployed and rebuilt on the ground as quickly as the replacement of its matériel and facilities can be provided, and the provision of protection and support to it by INTERFET will continue to be one of the latter's key tasks.

On 14 September the UN Secretary General, Mr. Kofi Annan, was informed by the Foreign Minister of Australia of that country's willingness to command the proposed multinational force and subsequent to the adoption of Resolution 1264 the Government of Indonesia agreed that Australia could have this role. Preparations were made for the early deployment of the force, which was given the name INTERFET, and deployment in East Timor commenced on 20 September. The overall envisaged strength of INTERFET is 8,000 personnel. Its present strength in East Timor is 5,300.

In view of the geographical location of East Timor, the Security Council and the broad international community were anxious that support for broad implementation of Resolution 1264 be provided, to the greatest extent possible, from the region. This has been done, with participation in INTERFET either already under way or promised, by several Asian countries. In addition, a number of our EU partners have also made commitments and some have already had their forces on the ground. Contributions are also being provided by other countries, including the USA and Canada.

With regard to the duration of the INTERFET mission in East Timor, it is taking place under what is known as Phase II of 5 May agreement between the United Nations, Indonesia and Portugal, which underpins the entire process towards independence in East Timor. The period known as Phase III will commence when the Indonesian Parliament ratifies the result of the 30 August referendum. Such ratification is expected, at the latest, by the middle of November.

Under Phase III the United Nations will take over the administration of East Timor in an interim capacity, and for the purpose of assisting the East Timorese to assume the tasks and burdens involved in their independence. As part of the United Nations administration, new arrangements will be made for peacekeeping and security. INTERFET will continue in existence until these are in place. While it is not possible to say at what date such a changeover will take place, it is expected to occur within a period of eight months at the maximum – indeed the duration could be less.

East Timor is a major challenge for the international community and is an important foreign policy issue for Ireland. It is likely to be a major issue on the international community's agenda for a considerable time. Irish participation in INTERFET would be in line with the prominence which Ireland has taken on the issue of East Timor within the EU. Ireland has contributed to the United Nations mission in East Timor and is maintaining military liaison officers with that body.

Participation would also be in line with the Government's underlying approach to the crisis. Key elements of this approach are that the crisis should be resolved in accordance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the decisions of the UN Security Council that the democratically expressed wish of the people of East Timor for independence be implemented and that displaced persons within East Timor, in West Timor and other parts of Indonesia must have the right of full and safe return.

East Timor is devastated as a result of pro-Indonesian militia activity and the destruction caused by departing Indonesian security forces. The capital, Dili, and many other towns have been destroyed. Roads and other infrastructure are in very poor condition. Many thousands of East Timorese have been living, with scarcely any food or shelter, in the mountains, having fled their homes on the outbreak of violence which followed the referendum. Some have returned to their homes since the arrival of INTERFET, but many are still reluctant to do so until security has been restored. Some of the estimated 230,000 East Timorese living in refugee camps in West Timor are also beginning to return. Many people had been forcibly removed either there or to other parts of Indonesia. The Indonesian army has withdrawn the vast bulk of its forces and has left a token presence of approximately 1,400 men. To avoid a security vacuum pending the coming into effect of the next stage of the process, there is an urgent need for INTERFET to increase to full strength to ensure peace and stability.

Following discussions between the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Department of Defence, discussions took place between Ireland and Australia to ascertain how the proposed Irish contribution might be most effectively utilised. As a result of these discussions it was confirmed that the proposed Irish contribution, comprising 40 personnel, of whom 30 would be from the Army Ranger Wing, would be welcomed. The proposed Irish contingent will comprise a platoon of 30 personnel drawn from the Army Ranger Wing together with a national support element of six personnel. It is also proposed to provide four staff personnel for the headquarters of INTERFET in Dili. The contingent will form part of a New Zealand battalion. The national support element will be located mainly with the Australian Forward Mounting Base in Darwin, Australia, but also in East Timor as required. Participation by the Defence Forces will be for an initial period of four months, beginning on 15 October 1999, with the possibility of a replacement contingent serving for a further period of four months to mid-June 2000.

The contingent will be under operational control to the commander of INTERFET. The contingent headquarters will be located at INTERFET headquarters in Dili. These headquarters will consist of the senior Irish officer-national contingent commander at lieutenant-colonel level, together with a staff of three. The Army Ranger Wing detachment will come under the senior Irish officer-national contingent commander for national command and discipline purposes. The Army Ranger Wing personnel will be operating within the New Zealand battalion group.

On 5 October 1999 a Defence Forces officer flew to Sydney, Australia, to act as military liaison officer with INTERFET planning staff. On 7 October 1999 two further officers departed for Sydney to make the necessary preparations for the reception of personnel and equipment in Darwin on 15 October 1999. It is proposed that the main body, including staff for INTERFET headquarters, will depart, subject to Dáil approval, for Darwin on 13 October 1999 and that the contingent will deploy in theatre on or about 22 October 1999 after one week's training and acclimatisation in Townsville, Australia.

INTERFET operates under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, that is, it is entitled to use force to implement its mandate and to protect itself and the international civil presence, established in accordance with Resolution 1264. The protective element of Chapter VII mandate is becoming the norm in UN authorised operations in recent years, for example, the Somalia operation, the SFOR operation in Bosnia, the KFOR operation in Kosovo and the UN operation in eastern Slovenia. Troop contributing countries are increasingly unwilling to commit troops to operations unless there is a Chapter VII authorisation to enable the peacekeeping force to take all necessary measures to protect itself.

INTERFET is a challenging and complex undertaking. The situation in the mission is volatile and fluid. INTERFET is attempting to restore peace and security in the area to enable UNAMET to complete its mission and humanitarian organisations to provide the necessary assistance in East Timor. Normalisation of the security situation is, therefore, a priority for the currently deployed elements of INTERFET. The conclusion of the military authorities, following the reconnaissance, is that the risk to INTERFET personnel in East Timor is high and can be expected to remain so in the immediate future. Ongoing risk assessments will take account of developments as the situation in the region evolves.

The safety of Defence Forces personnel serving on overseas missions is always a matter of serious concern and I can assure the House that this aspect was taken fully into account by the Government in making its decision. In this connection, I would refer to the UN Convention on the Safety and Security of UN and Associated Personnel which was adopted by the Sixth Committee of the United Nations on 9 December 1994. Ireland intends to accede to the convention which came into force on 15 January 1999. The purpose of the convention is to secure the better protection of personnel engaged in UN efforts in the fields of preventative diplomacy, peacemaking, peacekeeping, peace building and humanitarian operations. Some 844 members of the Defence Forces are currently deployed on missions abroad, along with approximately 60 members of the Garda Síochána. On 9 February 1999 the Government approved the preparation of legislation to enable Ireland to accede to the convention. The relevant Bill has been published by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform and was introduced in the Seanad before the summer recess. It is hoped it will be passed by both Houses this term.

As the Irish contingent to INTERFET will exceed 12 in number and will be armed, Dáil approval of the dispatch of the contingent is required under the terms of the Defence Acts. As for SFOR and KFOR, all contributors to INTERFET are responsible for all their own costs. This is set out in the terms of the Agreement on Participation, a copy of which has been laid before the House. The terms of the agreement must be approved by Dáil Éireann under Article 29 of the Constitution. The motion before the House incorporates these terms. I estimate that the total costs arising out of Defence Forces participation in INTERFET for eight months from the end of October will be £1,735 million. The 1999 element of these costs – £834,000 – will be met out of the existing 1999 Defence Vote. It is of course possible, as I indicated earlier, that the duration of the INTERFET mission will be considerably shorter than eight months.

For Ireland, the INTERFET command and control arrangements are broadly analogous to those which currently apply to our participation in SFOR, in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in KFOR in Kosovo. In summary, in so far as the discharge of INTERFET's mandate is concerned, the Irish contingent would come under INTERFET's central and unified command and control structure. All contributing nations will retain national command of their contingents. Moreover, as already applies in the case of SFOR and KFOR, the force commander will utilise national contingents in accordance with their capabilities, taking into account the advice of the national contingent commander.

INTERFET is an important expression, not just of the international community's commitment to peace in East Timor but also of its will to have the democratically expressed wish of the East Timorese people of 30 August upheld and implemented. Participation in INTERFET would be a further concrete example of our commitment to inclusive co-operative security in the United Nations, and to helping the people of East Timor in their search for peace and normal political life.

Ireland has a long-standing reputation in UN peacekeeping which is a legitimate source of pride for all of us. I attach great importance to our continuing involvement in the mainstream of peacekeeping. Our participation in INTERFET is important in this connection. The Government's approach to the situation in East Timor is one of long standing and has been clear, consistent and unwavering throughout. The pro-active decision by the Government in proposing that the Dáil approve participation in the UN-authorised INTERFET is further evidence of the Government's readiness to play a full part in addressing the humanitarian, political and security challenges posed by the crisis in East Timor in a way which is consistent with our own traditions, capabilities and objectives. I commend the motion to the House.

Mr. G. Mitchell

I wish to share my time with Deputy Timmins.

Acting Chairman

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Mr. G. Mitchell

I support the motion, as does my party. The approval given here today will result in Irish soldiers taking on probably the most dangerous task since the Congo. Our service men and women have served with distinction in many parts of the world. For example, we have the largest battalion for the longest period in Lebanon. They have made the country very proud by the honourable service they have given. That all 100 Irish rangers volunteered for this dangerous task shows that our pride is well placed. Our hopes and prayers go with them and to their families.

UN-led peace enforcement as well as peacekeeping may become increasingly dangerous and will be sub-contracted out, so to speak, more and more to regional organisations in the future. This is the third time Irish forces will serve in a mission involving a peace enforcement element, the first being Somalia and the second SFOR in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Some people inside and outside this House see peace enforcing as some sort of aggressive or even imperialist action. If the international community is to ensure that its will is enforced, peacekeeping, however honourable and beneficial it may be in certain circumstances, is sometimes not enough. Sometimes force has to be used to ensure aid gets through, for example, that refugees can return to their homes and that internationally declared safe havens or safe areas are genuinely safe.

In the case of East Timor, the international community promised these gentle, peace-loving people that they could exercise their democratic right to choose their own destiny. Now, however belatedly, we must carry out our promise and enable the people of East Timor to return to their homes and enable the independent state of East Timor to be born. Peace enforcing is not about backing one side or another in a super power conflict that ended ten years ago when the Berlin Wall fell. Peace enforcing is about the international community acting under UN mandate through regional structures from time to time to ensure that human rights and international law are respected. In this ever changing, post Cold War environment, Ireland must re-define its role in the new security architecture and we, with our world-wide peacekeeping experience, should be one of the security architects. For too long we have kept our heads down and behaved as if the Cold War continues. Worse still there are those in the House who have recklessly misled the public, as evidenced by the Taoiseach's outrageous claims about Partnership for Peace when in Opposition, cynically and immediately abandoned once in office. We must be more transparent when it comes to security policy. This is why the promised White Paper on defence should immediately be published. Furthermore, the White Paper should address the issue of NATO membership.

The Taoiseach has given another undertaking, this time that any move to join NATO would be the subject of a referendum. Is this not exactly what he said on PfP? Why should people now take him at his word? It is time for Fianna Fáil to stop the cynical opportunism on foreign policy and be honest with the Irish people about the options which we could follow. Failure to clearly spell out the options in the White Paper and to encourage a public debate will lead to accusations of trying to railroad through a decision when eventually, in the not too distant future, we face important decisions on Ireland's involvement in international security structures.

If ever we join NATO let it be done by the front door and with the knowledge of the people. That is why I believe there should be a debate on NATO membership. Article V of the NATO charter presents a most serious commitment and should only be taken on with public approval. Let us remember, however, that Seán McBride, the then Minister for External Affairs, said in 1949 that Ireland would become a full charter member of NATO the day after partition ends. The Good Friday Agreement has dealt with that principle. The people of Strabane are bound by all the articles of the NATO charter; their neighbours in Lifford are not. What will happen if all-Ireland security and defence becomes an agenda item in some future North-South discussions? Surely any stance to be taken by the Irish Government should be capable of carrying the public with it in this specific area. This can only happen if the public has heard the debate. The debate should be informed by the upcoming White Paper, which should set out the case for and against NATO membership so the public and their representatives in Parliament know and understand the issues at stake.

Anybody calling for a debate on NATO membership automatically runs the risk of being accused of favouring NATO membership, something I have been accused of in the past when I called for such a debate. I am not calling for membership of NATO, because I have not heard the arguments for and against. However, could we please stop throwing the word NATO around as if it was a four letter, dirty word? Part of this island is already in NATO. Let us put behind us the era when we were not capable of discussing issues openly, fairly and transparently. It is not necessary to abuse or accuse each other. If I heard the debate and became convinced of the arguments against joining NATO, then I might become one of the greatest advocates arguing against NATO membership. However, when I simply ask to hear the case for and against, all I hear are accusations of militarism and some political blackguarding. The Minister could do a great public service by setting out the case for and against membership in the proposed White Paper on defence. In these changing times it would be wiser for us to have the debate than to put our trust in assurances given by the Taoiseach which turn out not to be worth the paper on which they are written.

The White Paper must also take account of the serious developments in the European Union and the emerging European defence identity. The EU summit in Cologne last June agreed that the military planning and co-operation functions of the Western European Union be incorporated into the EU. Ireland is fully involved in the discussions on how to bring this about and the transfer of these functions to the EU is expected to be completed by the end of 2000. The courage shown by the brave Irish soldiers now preparing to depart for East Timor should inspire politicians to have the courage to give leadership in important areas of public policy. Policy on defence should not be developed on a nod and wink basis; it is time to be up-front and open and to set out our policies in writing in this area.

In conclusion, I pay tribute to Mr. Tom Hyland in particular. He has taught us all a lesson, namely, that each person counts. He has single-handedly put this issue on the agenda in Ireland and it is a great indication to us all that each of us individually can make a difference, and I salute him. I am also delighted that my introduction of a Private Members' Bill to give effect to the convention on the protection of UN personnel serving abroad and my raising of the issue many times in the House has resulted in the Bill being passed by the Seanad and being about to be passed by the Dáil, if it has not already been passed today. I ask that it be implemented without further delay, because so far we have lost 76 Irish service men and women serving abroad and it is absurd to think that they, if attacked while serving with the UN for example, can have the protection of the law in New Zealand but not in Ireland. Therefore, I am delighted to see the legislation going through the Oireachtas as our soldiers going to East Timor should have that protection.

My party will support the motion.

Mr. Timmins

I thank Deputy Mitchell for sharing time with me. I also take this opportunity to welcome back Deputy Seán Power who, following the shock of the closure of Magee Barracks, has finally made his way back to protect the back of the Minister for Defence.

I join my colleague, Deputy Mitchell, in welcoming this motion. It is timely in that it comes on the eve of the motion on Partnership for Peace. I also received today a copy of a small booklet, My time in the Congo, by Joe Fitzpatrick, one of only two survivors, along with Thomas Kenny, of the Niemba ambush in November 1960. I take this opportunity to bring to the attention of the Minister the lack of official recognition of these two survivors.

Today's motion is a requirement under section 2 of the Defence (Amendment) No. 2 Act, 1960, as applied by the Defence (Amendment) Act, 1993 in order to enable the dispatch of an Irish contingent for service with the UN authorised international security presence in East Timor. As tensions increase in the world's trouble spots, the peacekeeping skills of the Irish, which are almost unique, are in much demand. This slogan is repeated so often that it may lose its effectiveness, but I can assure the House that having witnessed it at first hand in the Lebanon and Cyprus, the Irish temperament, aligned to an uncanny ability to assess and defuse an incident, places us in a different league in the nations of peacekeepers.

It is very important that the Irish contingent gets to East Timor as soon as possible as they can bring a calming influence to a force that may operate a little too rigidly on occasion if one is to take at face value recent television footage. The presence of a peacekeeping force in East Timor is central to the international community's co-ordinated efforts to restore security and normalisation, to protect the civilian population and to facilitate the safe return of refugees to their homes. As the Minister mentioned in his speech, INTERFET, the international force in East Timor, was authorised by the UN Security Council acting under chapter 7 of the UN charter under resolution 1264 on 15 September 1999. INTERFET will be deployed under unified command and control with the aim of providing a safe environment for all the people of East Timor. It will initially assist UNAMET, the current multi national force in East Timor, and will ultimately replace it. The responsibilities of INTERFET under Security Council Resolution 1264 include, among other things, deterring renewed hostilities, establishing a secure environment, ensuring public safety and order and protection and freedom of movement.

Our contingent will be composed of members from the Army ranger wing who are more than capable of carrying out these tasks. It is a welcome development that they have been afforded an opportunity to make a public contribution. Much resources and time have been put into their training. Fortunately they have been called upon only on rare occasions to deal with matters at home. I hope this climate will continue. It should not however deter us from continuing to put resources into this elite and necessary force.

Thanks to the work of a few dedicated individuals many people in this country have some knowledge of East Timor. Most of us in this House are familiar with the information supplied by Mr. Tom Hyland over many years. He is to be complimented for his perseverance and commitment.

There was a general sense of relief when it was established that an open election would be held. We are proud that the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Andrews, had a central part to play in this. The initial jubilation, however, was short-lived as the horror pictures of atrocity after atrocity flashed into our living rooms. As is always the case with these terrible tragedies, the extent of the carnage and terror is never fully understood until a long time thereafter. We always talk about learning lessons but the international community never appears to put such lessons to practical use. It is unacceptable that the treatment of a group or section of society has to become so brutal before any remedial steps are taken. I realise this and other similar situations are never as simple and straightforward as often depicted but the happenings in the aftermath of the elections were well signalled from many quarters.

Without fear of contradiction, one can state that there were systematic widespread and flagrant violations of international humanitarian and human rights law in East Timor. Where possible, those who bear individual responsibility should be brought to justice. There were attacks on the staff and premises of the United Nations mission in East Timor, on other officials and on national and international humanitarian personnel. The members of the Defence Forces and An Garda Síochána who served in East Timor during this time deserve our thanks and admiration for the courage and commitment they displayed in what must have been a most difficult period for them and their families. The personal element is often forgotten when we make calls for military intervention. It is as if it is something way out there but such multinational or special forces the world over merely consist of someone's mother or father, sister or brother, son or daughter who have no other ambition than to make this world a better place to live.

From the Wild Geese to INTERFET Irish people have made a contribution and I warmly welcome the Government's decision to move towards our entry to Partnership for Peace when many more Irish troops will be afforded an opportunity to make a positive contribution to world peace. It is never necessary to force people on such missions as the will to participate has always been there and I hope that will remain the case.

On 5 May 1999 agreements were made between East Timor and Portugal and the United Nations and the Governments of East Timor and Portugal which briefly outline the peaceful and orderly transfer of authority in East Timor to the United Nations which would initiate the procedure enabling East Timor to begin the process of transition towards independence. The Indonesian authorities were either unwilling or unable to provide for the peaceful implementation of this agreement as they oversaw the systematic implementation of a scorched earth policy in East Timor under the direction of the Indonesian military. There was a massive forced displacement of the population to refugee camps in West Timor and efforts to permanently displace refugees around Indonesia. The militia and the Indonesian army engaged in selective execution of students, intellectuals and activists and are responsible for the disappearance of large groups of people and mass killings in various locations, including Dili and the internally displaced persons camp in the Church and Suai. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has stated that the President of Indonesia accepted a proposal to establish a joint commission of inquiry on human rights violations. I hope the Government will keep this commitment on its agenda and pursue it at every available opportunity. In all this chaos UNAMET was forced to withdraw from its headquarters.

There is a responsibility on the international community to ensure the will of the East Timorese people is respected without additional suffering. Notwithstanding all of this, it is imperative that INTERFET conducts itself in an impartial manner so that its presence can be credible. It should endeavour to earn the confidence and trust of the parties in conflict while ensuring its actions do not make a difficult situation more difficult. UN Resolution 1264 is just an initial step in the difficult and complex process of restoring peace and order in East Timor and implementing the election result of 30 August. For INTERFET to be successful it must have the full co-operation of the Indonesian authorities.

I welcome the decision by the Government to send an Irish contingent on this mission where the expenses of the force will be borne by the participating member states. The experience gained by members of our Defence Forces in Somalia in the early 1990s and in Kosovo will be put to good use in the planning and preparation of the contingent. Ireland has a longstanding reputation in peacekeeping which is a legitimate source of pride to us all. INTERFET is an expression of the international community's commitment to peace in East Timor and for us in Ireland it is a demonstration of a co-operative approach to ensuring international peace and security.

This year we celebrate 41 years of peacekeeping. The Defence Forces have served on 52 missions on four continents contributing 45,000 tours of duty and suffering 76 fatalities. There are 844 Irish troops serving on over 20 missions overseas. For a small force it is a big commitment. It is essential that the best equipment is made available and I urge the Minister to condense the purchasing programme for the armoured personnel carriers to enable our troops to continue their participation at the highest level.

We are often quick to have a go at the Minister but I compliment him on keeping his commitment to increase overseas allowances. It is important in the current economic climate to pay more than lip-service to the service provided by our troops who make great sacrifices to serve overseas, often at monetary loss. I wish the families of those who will serve with INTERFET well and the troops a safe tour.

Mr. Quinn

I welcome the motion and express the support of the Labour Party for the decision to send a contingent of Irish troops to serve with INTERFET in East Timor. This is the second occasion this year on which the Dáil has had to sanction the involvement of Irish troops in an international peacekeeping operation. As with the motion passed on 1 July sanctioning the participation of Irish troops in the KFOR operation in Kosovo, the INTERFET force is operating under a United Nations mandate and is entirely in keeping with the active role Irish troops have played in peacekeeping operations throughout the world for more than 40 years.

There is no doubt that Irish troops will face a difficult task in East Timor which is still recovering from the impact of almost 25 years of illegal occupation by Indonesian forces. The situation remains fraught with danger with armed militia groups still active in the background, ethnic hatred still very evident, tens of thousands of refugees returning to villages and homes destroyed by months of conflict. The aftermath of the activities of the Jakarta backed militias has left a huge humanitarian problem with hundreds of thousands of people, perhaps as many as 500,000, unaccounted for. These are the people who fled into the mountains or across the border into West Timor to try to avoid the murderous intention of the militias. When they do return many will find their homes have been devastated and their crops destroyed. They will face a fraught and uncertain future. Clearly an urgent priority for INTERFET must be to create the conditions where those who have left can return to their homes and where the necessary level of food relief can be provided until the people of East Timor can cope for themselves. Some concern has already been expressed by relief organisations at what they see as the relatively slow pace of the INTERFET operation to date, but it is understandable that the force has to proceed with some degree of caution. Already there have been a number of clashes between INTERFET troops and East Timor militiamen, in which the militiamen died and Australian troops were wounded. Confusion over maps led to another clash between Australian troops and Indonesian forces in which an Indonesian policeman died. There is always the danger of accidental conflict between INTERFET and the pro-independence guerrilla movement, FALINTIL.

We should not underestimate the difficulty and dangers facing the Irish troops going to East Timor. While the priority must be to restore order and provide secure and stable conditions, neither the Irish troops nor, indeed, any other troops with INTERFET, should be unnecessarily exposed to danger.

There is an obligation on our Government to ensure that when Irish troops serve abroad on peace-keeping operations they have the equipment and training necessary to guarantee the maximum possible level of safety and security. I know that training will not be a problem, as has already been stated by a number of speakers, as Irish troops have always been well prepared for operations abroad. This is acknowledged in the respect with which they are held by other contingents with which they have served.

However, the situation in regard to equipment is much less satisfactory. In this regard the long delays in providing the Army with modern armoured personnel carriers is particularly unfortunate. Troops in such an area cannot rely on trucks and jeeps alone. The shortage of adequate equipment has meant that Irish troops serving abroad have had, to some extent, to depend on other contingents for protection. This is not operationally desirable and neither is it good for morale.

If we want our troops to be able to play an active role in peace-keeping operations throughout the world, then we will have to provide them with the resources and equipment to enable them to do so. Money is available and, in particular, I would urge the Government to expedite the delivery of the long promised armoured personnel carriers.

The death, earlier this year, of Private William Kedian in the Lebanon while serving with UNIFIL, illustrates the sort of dangers that our troops serving abroad face on a daily basis. We owe them a debt of gratitude for their willingness to put themselves in danger in the interests of bringing peace to the trouble spots of the world. The very least we can do to repay that debt is to ensure that they have the best possible equipment.

The arrangements for the East Timor oper ation are somewhat unusual. As I understand it, the INTERFET operation is initially under the control of Australia but sanctioned by a UN resolution. My understanding is that at some point before the end of this year, the United Nations will assure direct control of this operation. I note from the agreement laid before the Dáil that the financial arrangements for INTERFET will be quite different from those operations under direct United Nations control, as for example the UNIFIL operation in the Lebanon, where part of the cost is reimbursed by the United Nations.

It seems from the documents laid before the House that the Irish Government will have to bear the entire cost, including wages, transport, equipment, food, lodging, utilities and medical care. I don't have any problem with the principle that we should pay for our own contingent, but I would ask the Minister if any estimate is available of the likely cost.

Mr. M. Smith

Of just this operation?

Mr. Quinn

Of the whole operation. The Minister has, in fact, addressed some of those costs in his speech, for which I thank him. Will the funding arrangements, however, change when the United Nations assumes direct control? We have been clearly appraised as to what the present position is and I gather from the Taoiseach's response that the funding arrangements will not change. I would also ask if allowances have been agreed with PDFORRA and RACO on the allowances to be paid to our troops serving with INTERFET. The Minister is indicating that they have.

Twenty five years ago the international community stood aside and took no action when Indonesia illegally invaded and annexed East Timor. For much of the past 25 years, the international community turned a blind eye to the suffering of the people of East Timor at the hands of Indonesian forces. A handful of journalists worked tirelessly to ensure that we were not allowed to ignore what was happening. In the case of Ireland, as has already been said, Tom Hyland and the East Timor-Ireland Solidarity Campaign have literally done Trojan work; initially in making members of the Dáil and the public aware of the problem of East Timor and, subsequently, in keeping us up to date with developments there.

The international community is culpable for its failure to act over 25 years. Indeed, the United Nations is also open to criticism for its failure to take adequate steps to ensure that the people of East Timor were provided with adequate protection when they participated in the recent UN-sponsored referendum on the future of that territory. Sadly, as we all know, the people of East Timor, at the urging of the United Nations, put their faith in the democratic system. When they voted overwhelmingly for independence on 30 August, however, they found themselves at the mercy of the murderous activities of the Jakarta-backed militias and, in some cases, regular Indonesian forces. There was nobody there to protect them.

The international community now has an obligation to try to make up for the 25 years of neglect. We can do this in two ways. First, by mounting a humanitarian operation on the scale required to ensure safety, shelter and food for all of the people of East Timor, and, second, by ensuring that those who were responsible for the atrocities against the people of East Timor are brought to account.

After 25 years of occupation and exploitation, and especially in the aftermath of the recent violence, East Timor – as we have heard from the Minister – is in a sorry state. With the withdrawal of Indonesian troops and many Indonesian settlers, much of whatever infrastructure there was, both physical and social, has collapsed. There was much looting prior to the Indonesian withdrawal. It seems that there will be no alternative to the UN taking over and effectively administering the territory until such time as a fully functioning, independent state can be established in accordance with the democratic wish of the people, as expressed in the referendum.

Let the House be under no illusion, this will be a costly business. The cost, for example, of the United Nations civil administration which ran post-war Cambodia for 18 months in the early years of this decade, came to around $1.66 billion. Many of those countries which are most critical of the United Nations are also those who are slowest in paying their debts to that organisation. I would remind the House that during a recent visit to Washington, the United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights, Mary Robinson, pointed to the failure of the United States to discharge its debt of $1.7 billion to the United Nations. She said the failure was depriving United Nations agencies such as the Commission for Human Rights of the funding needed to discharge their tasks. I understand that the United States, which committed possibly hundreds of millions of dollars to the war effort over Kosovo, has yet to pay any of the approximately $40 million start-up cost of the subsequent civilian policing operation.

The United States is not the only offender, but I hope that our Government will put pressure on all defaulters to fulfil their financial obligations to the United Nations. In relation to the United States, this is not a failure of the Administration led by President Clinton; this is the failure of the conservative, Republican-dominated Congress to vote the moneys necessary in successive annual budgets to meet their legal obligations to the United Nations.

While this country has already made a modest contribution to the relief operations in East Timor, we are in a position to do much more and we should do it. Particular attention must be paid to the plight of up to 250,000 people who are still over the border in West Timor. Many of these are living in appalling conditions in camps where they are still at the mercy of Indonesian forces and pro-Jakarta militias. Reports from reputable international relief bodies, like Trócaire, talk of Indonesian military and militias "systematically raping, executing and disappearing prisoners in the camps of West Timor". The United Nations must insist on access to these camps and all those who wish to do so must be allowed to return to East Timor as soon as is humanly possible.

In addition, Ireland should be seeking first, the establishment of an independent international panel of experts and a war crimes tribunal, through the invocation of the Genocide Convention and second, there should be full access for UNHCR and the international humanitarian organisations to all the camps in West Timor; third, control over the safe and voluntary return of refugees should be given to an international body, specifically the UNHCR; and, fourth, all the militias should be disarmed and disbanded. In addition to taking this welcome initiative, which the Labour Party warmly supports, the Government must also mount a diplomatic initiative.

I can think of few international incidents in recent times that have galvanised so much public and popular support here as the plight of the East Timorese. That was particularly the case due to the work done of the East Timor Ireland Solidarity Campaign in bringing to our attention the plight of the people in East Timor and of the United Nations, following the collapse of the Suharto regime, in inviting those people to participate in an exercise of democracy.

As we move into a global economy and move to regulate and legalise international trade in the form of the World Trade Organisation and as we try to create a new global civic order for much of the commerce we, in Europe, take for granted and for much of the economic activities that now take place on a daily basis across the globe, we cannot pretend to try to have that kind of integration of the global market economy and not have it matched by the promotion of democracy and the rule of law nationally and internationally. East Timor is likely to be a test case for many people in East Asia in particular who note the commitment given by the West to free market economics but seem to think we can have such economics without functioning democracies running side by side. It is, therefore, not sufficient for us to do what we are willingly and happily doing here today in approving a motion to send 40 of our best trained troops to East Timor. We also must complement their work on the ground with diplomatic efforts within the United Nations, the European Union and the World Trade Organisation to copperfasten the foundations of democracy tentatively laid in East Timor on 30 August by a brave people only to be abandoned by the international community, the horrific results of which we all saw on television.

I hope the force will be able soon to operate within the operational mandate of the United Nations and that it will be seen as a United Nations force and not an Australian-led force because of geopolitical reasons. I hope the Minister will be able to report back to the House in the near future on how the operation is functioning and what the next step will be. As our troops seem to have been in Lebanon for a long time, an Irish contingent is likely to be posted in East Timor for a long time because that territory does not yet have the capability of becoming an independent State, given that it is so close to such a powerful neighbour.

Mr. Power

I wish to share my time with Deputy Hanafin.

An Ceann Comhairle

That is agreed.

Mr. Power

I welcome this motion to approve the dispatch of an Irish Defence Forces unit to East Timor. The horrific pictures and terrible stories we saw and heard during recent weeks have sickened people throughout the country. While it is all very well to comment with the benefit of hindsight when we are well versed on East Timor, given that independent analysts predicted before the referendum was held what would happen after it was held, the terrible atrocities that have taken place since the referendum should not come as any great surprise. There can be no doubt but that the international community failed the civilian population of East Timor.

While I welcome the decision to send this mission to East Timor to try to restore peace and security there, for many, such assistance will come too late. The purpose of this mission is to protect the civilian population, to ensure the safety of refugees as they return to their homes and to give them some hope for the future. I am delighted Irish troops will participate in this mission. As soon as the UN Security Council established INTERFET, the Government signalled its intention to support this initiative and this motion seeks the approval of the House to send an Irish contingent to East Timor.

Other speakers mentioned our great tradition in peacekeeping, the type of person we send abroad and how well our peacekeepers have been accepted in many parts of the globe. This mission is a positive development and one I support. I am aware from those in Army circles and particularly from those in the ranger wing who will go on this mission that they are keen to participate. As Deputy Timmins, who has plenty of experience in this area, explained earlier, the ranger wing is probably the most highly trained unit within the Defence Forces and, fortunately, it is not called into action too often. Those in the unit are delighted to get this opportunity to put into practice what they have been training, over many years, to do.

It is important not to underestimate the risk this type of mission involves. Often, it is only when bodies are returned home that we realise the dangers troops are placed in when they serve overseas. These troops could not be heading to a more difficult situation than that which exists in East Timor at present. While they realise that, they are prepared to make that sacrifice in the interests of bringing about peace in East Timor. That is something we should not take for granted.

In terms of our participation in future United Nations missions, we must acknowledge that our capabilities are very restricted due to our lack of equipment. While I realise a programme is in place to re-equip the Defence Forces, it extends over too long a period. It is important the Minister shortens the period for the implementation of that programme to ensure our troops can serve overseas in a meaningful way in the future. We should not allow ourselves to be restricted to the extent to which we are at present due to a lack of equipment. Our troops have proved to be very acceptable peacekeepers in the past and it is important to uphold that tradition through continued participation.

This mission is a positive development and I wish those taking part in it a safe tour. While the tour of duty will be four months – the Minister indicated our troops might serve for another four months – I hope it is not as long as Deputy Quinn predicted and that peace will be restored to this area that recently suffered such atrocities.

Other speakers have praised Tom Hyland for the tremendous work he did. I would like to be associated with those comments and to pay tribute to the Members of the Dáil and Seanad who supported Mr. Hyland's calls for assistance. I am sure that for a long time they believed they were very much on their own and did not get the support they sought from the Government. Their efforts in that regard must be acknowledged.

On the day of the all-Ireland, Mr. Hickey made a case for Cuba. While the situation in Cuba has not received the attention it deserves, perhaps that protest could be the start of efforts to bring about major changes that must take place in that country. The US policy on Cuba is indefensible. Given the critical role the US plays in Northern Ireland and the wonderful efforts it has made there, we are reluctant to criticise its policy on Cuba. It is, however, important that we should reflect on these matters in isolation and not allow our views to be blinkered.

The Cuban situation should not be tolerated. Many children and older people there are dying for want of basic medicines. The blockade in Cuba should not be allowed to continue. I would like the Government to raise this issue at European level.

I pay tribute to the Minister for resolving the problem of overseas allowances, which a number of Members raised during debates in the House. The increases are acceptable to both RACO and PDFORRA. I wish those participating in the tour a safe journey and I thank them for the courage they are showing the rest of the world.

Ms Hanafin

On 30 August when the people of East Timor voted for independence I am sure they thought that six weeks later they would be savouring the freedom of democracy. However, they are the people who are suffering and we could have anticipated it. From thousands of miles away, courtesy of people such as Tom Hyland, we knew the Indonesian authorities would not accept it. The world knew trouble would follow and the United Nations knew democracy would not be enforced as quickly, speedily or easily as one would have hoped.

Who was given responsibility for security in East Timor following the elections? Indonesia, a country which closed off East Timor from 1975 to 1989 and arrested its own people if they were seen walking down the street with East Timorese, was given responsibility. That agreement was made by the United Nations, Portugal, the colonial power, and Indonesia, the departing power. The United Nations failed to exert its authority to recognise that trouble was imminent and did not include a safety clause or a fall back position in case security in East Timor did not work out and, as we have seen, it has not.

In recent weeks those people have suffered murder, rape, maiming, genocide and the destruction and devastation of their country by the Indonesian authorities and militias backed by those authorities. They have witnessed the most gross violations of human rights. This could have been anticipated but the United Nations is guilty of the failure to anticipate these events. As a member of the United Nations, we had to wait until the United Nations was invited in, although we were willing to participate in any force. Why wait and witness these gross violations? Why wait for the genocide? Surely a case can be made for having an international peacekeeping force on standby which would not take six weeks to put together but would be ready to move in and protect these people? Some of the people who are now willing to participate in a peacekeeping force are exerting gross hypocrisy by funding and providing arms to the Indonesian authorities, while knowing they will be used against the vulnerable people of East Timor.

Australia deserves credit for its role in establishing the initial force in East Timor. Today we are putting our money where our mouth is by agreeing to participate in the force. It was my privilege, as part of an all-party delegation, to meet Alexander Downer, the Australian Foreign Minister, prior to the vote on East Timor. He questioned why a small country thousands of miles away would be interested in East Timor and he wanted to know if we would be willing to take a proactive role. Today shows that not only do we talk about human rights and raise it at United Nations level, but we are also willing to send our forces. We have already sent gardaí to the area in a civilian capacity and we are now sending the Irish Rangers. I wish them well in their work. The gardaí have played a valuable role since they arrived but more needs to be done. This week we witnessed attacks on the Catholic church and the burning of radio stations.

Today I spoke with Tom Hyland who is in Darwin on his way to Dili. The message he wants to get across is that the 180,000 people who are trapped in West Timor and who want food, medicine and shelter also want to go home. That is the message we also want to send. They need aid and I commend John O'Shea and Goal who are active in this area. However, there are other ways we can help apart from what we are doing today. We must help to eradicate TB, which is one of the great scares, and to contribute to the long-term development of East Timor through education and training.

As a country which made a peaceful transition to independence and democracy after our War of Independence and the Civil War, we can help this new independent state by giving it support and advice on how to run its Government and implement democracy. Reconciliation and rebuilding are the key words in relation to East Timor. Ireland is playing a role today. Through the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Minister for Foreign Affairs we have continually highlighted the issues. I hope it is just the beginning of our commitment to East Timor to uphold democracy, to ensure that what has happened for the past 25 years and the trouble we could have anticipated in East Timor will not happen again because we and the United Nations sat back.

Ms Fitzgerald

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this motion which commits Irish troops to further peacekeeping work, which is not without its dangers. The last time we discussed sending troops abroad was in relation to Kosovo, another place which was not without its dangers. I commend the courage and willingness of the members of the Defence Forces to serve abroad.

The international community watched with horror a number of weeks ago as the saga in East Timor unfolded. I agree with Deputy Hanafin that it was a tragic symbol of the ineffectiveness of the United Nations and it has done much to undermine the efforts of the UN to reform and rebuild. I hope that in the weeks and months ahead the UN peacekeeping force will do something to change that and to make up for what the people of East Timor suffered. We should have had a force ready to go in and the people should not have been left in such an appalling unprotected state.

I congratulate the Minister for Foreign Affairs on the proactive role he took, both nationally and internationally, in relation to East Timor and Tom Hyland who has done so much over a long period to sensitise us on this issue. It shows how important one person's commitment and dedication to a cause can be in our world today. It is encouraging to know that one person can make a difference by his or her sense of commitment, expertise and willingness to highlight a particular issue.

This motion commits members of the Defence Forces to serve in East Timor. They and the Irish Rangers were not reluctant or did not hesitate to put themselves forward for this mission. Similar questions to those on Kosovo arise about this mission. We are proud of the record the men and women of the Defence Forces have earned over the past 40 years. They have been heroes and they have suffered. Some months ago we sent our sympathy to the family of Private William Kedian who died in the Lebanon. When we send our troops abroad, the question immediately arises as to whether we are prepared for the mission and if we have sufficient numbers, resources and equipment to ensure they can participate safely. These are relevant questions when we send troops abroad for peace enforcement, which is more dangerous. We have seen on television in recent days how dangerous the mission in East Timor can be and we know how dangerous it was in Kosovo. These requests bring into sharp relief the type of tasks now demanded of our Defence Forces and how we need to invest in them. I recently visited Lebanon with Deputies McGennis and O'Sullivan and we saw the work being done there. We saw that resources for mine clearance and APCs were necessary for safety, given the explosion of mines and shelling.

Our Defence Forces do not have adequate resources and this limits the role they can play. We must welcome the dispatch of the Army rangers to East Timor where they can play a major role in restoring peace in difficult circumstances. However, it is clear we will only be able to play a minor role in international peacekeeping unless the Government provides better resources to the Defence Forces. Much of the money promised from the sale of Army barracks for reinvestment in the Defence Forces must be front-loaded to allow the early purchase of necessary equipment. When the Defence Forces went to Lebanon, the equipment was supplied. In the new type of peacekeeping, we must carry our own costs and purchase suitable equipment for the terrain and tasks involved. At the moment we have only two APCs which are used for training purposes. This shortage of equipment has already prevented Irish troops from playing a major role in Kosovo where we only sent a transport company. We had to borrow the lorries in which troops trained for that mission.

The Defence Forces need a great deal of investment if they are to carry out international peacekeeping tasks. The Minister's gradual approach to signing a contract for new equipment means it will be up to six years before the Army gets it. In that context, discussion about our role in Partnership for Peace is rhetoric. There is no possibility of developing and fulfilling the promises we have made if we do not take on board the need to invest in the Defence Forces. It is unfair to send them abroad without the proper equipment and training.

It is appropriate that we send the contingent of 30 soldiers plus ten support personnel. However, other forces apart from the rangers are needed in East Timor. We must put this in perspective. Australia has committed 4,500 troops to INTERFET, of whom 3,000 are already on the ground. Its near neighbour, New Zealand, has committed 1,000 troops, including SAS units, to which the Irish ranger unit is to be attached. To maintain an acceptable force to space ratio, these combat troops are being deployed ahead of support personnel. The support units are at a premium, so much so that Australia is recalling reservists and ex-servicemen and women with medical and engineering skills to the colours to meet that need.

There is no doubt as to where priorities lie. It is clear that the most pressing need is for medical and engineering units, not additional combat units which lack self-sufficiency. The UN has consistently said that the relatively ready availability of combat troops is rarely matched by an equivalent commitment of technologically sophisticated support and logistical troops whose presence is critical to the success of major relief operations such as the present one, where large numbers of people have been rendered dependent on the ability of the international community for the basics of life. As an industrialised nation, Ireland may reasonably be expected to provide soldiers with specialist skills in support and logistical technologies to operations such as INTERFET.

We must acknowledge that this proposal goes no way towards meeting that expectation and need. This must be seriously considered and addressed in the longer term if Ireland is to maintain its reputation as a responsible member of the international community. Our growing prosperity has made it possible and practical to make good past deficits in the investment in our defence infrastructure. The resources are there and we do not have the excuse of relative poverty. We can and should do more to adequately equip our Defence Forces for peacekeeping operations. Fine Gael has long argued in favour of providing enhanced logistical, signal, police, transport and medical support to peacekeeping operations.

This proposal is what Irish people want and it is clearly the will of the majority in this House that we should send troops abroad, as was evident from the debate on Kosovo and our willingness to join international peacekeeping missions. If we are to continue to do this effectively, given the change in peacekeeping operations, we will need to examine the resources of the Defence Forces. We also need to look at the number of troops we are sending, given the enormous range of needs in East Timor and the human rights issues at the core of the conflict there. As a nation moving into the 21st century, this is the very least we can do to fulfil our international obligations.

Ms M. McGennis

I wish to share my time with Deputy Pat Carey.

Acting Chairman (Mr. Kirk)

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Ms M. McGennis

I support the motion. As the Minister said, Ireland's participation in INTERFET is in keeping with its long and respected tradition of peacekeeping. I join in paying tribute to Mr. Tom Hyland, who is a constituent of mine. He has proved how the single-minded determination of one person can bring to prominence the plight of a country such as East Timor, not just here but worldwide. He has significantly contributed its achievement of independence.

As the Minister said, the task of the force is threefold: to restore peace and security in East Timor, to protect and support the United Nations mission in East Timor and, within force capabilities, to facilitate humanitarian assistance operations. Deputy Fitzgerald mentioned our visit, along with Deputy O'Sullivan, to Lebanon. The Minister said the conclusion of the military authorities following reconnaissance is that risk to INTERFET personnel in East Timor is high and can be expected to remain so. It was presumed that because of the long period spent by Irish troops in Lebanon there was little or no risk. However, two weeks after our visit, Private Billy Kedian was killed during active service.

When we decide to embark on missions which differ from our normal UN mandate, it is important people know the risk is significant and the force we are sending is different from those we sent to the Congo, Cyprus and Lebanon, which were unarmed missions. This is different and it is important people know that.

The cost of the operation was referred to, which also reflects a change in our UN responsibilities. Although it is right that Deputy Quinn should bring this to our notice, the Irish people understand why this money needs to be spent, given the suffering of the East Timorese, as we have seen on television. Following the referendum it was hoped there would a peaceful transition to independence. However, what happened subsequently was unbelievable and the East Timorese now face a difficult future. We owe a debt of gratitude to one RTE correspondent who remained in East Timor for some time and reported on what happened. Bishop Carlos Belo described what happened following the referendum as "a vision of hell". Deputy Dukes and I oversaw elections in Cambodia this year. We visited a number of places in that country to see where atrocities had occurred and we vowed silently that these would not be permitted to happen again. However, judging from the pictures on our television screens and what the Bishop described, the atrocities which were carried out in Cambodia so many years ago were recently repeated in East Timor.

According to Deputy Hanafin, Tom Hyland says the people of East Timor want freedom and independence. They are entitled to freedom and independence and, I hope they now see themselves on the road to achieving that. However, the huge humanitarian need there should be put on record. It should be our main reason for send ing troops. The major health problems of the East Timorese are tuberculosis, malaria and HIV, while 44 per cent of the population sufferss from malnutrition. If that is the state of the health of the East Timorese, they must be urgently taken out of the refugee camps and returned to their homelands where the humanitarian organisations and the UN mission can provide them with basic sanitary and medical supports.

I support the motion and I hope we can assist the East Timorese assume the tasks and burdens of independence.

Mr. P. Carey

I support this motion which provides for the participation of Irish troups in the INTERFET mission. Some of my colleagues and I met the Minister for Foreign Affairs in Australia a couple of days before the referendum in East Timor. What was most striking about this affair was the relative unpreparedness of the international community for what became a humanitarian disaster on a scale to which, unfortunately, we have become accustomed.

The United Nations and significant members of that organisation were caught napping yet again. It happened previously in the cases of Rwanda, Somalia and Kosovo. Whether it is due to the bureaucracy of the UN or the composition of the Security Council and the ability of large members to veto decisions, each time there is a significant international catastrophe as occurred in East Timor, the United Nations is ready – yet again – to do nothing. That should concern us. When we are discussing the future of Irish foreign policy, which is bound to arise later this week when the House discusses participation in PfP, this issue should be addressed.

Like other speakers, I pay tribute to the role played by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Andrews, not only in his capacity as Minister but also prior to his appointment. He succeeded, with Tom Hyland, in highlighting the problems in East Timor which the international community should have been ready to confront. The Minister was highly regarded in his role as special representative of the EU when he visited Dili.

The INTERFET mission is high risk both for its participants and for the people of East Timor. The expectations of the East Timorese are high, and rightly so. They have been savagely and brutally treated. There is an issue of genocide here which should be addressed and I will refer to it again if time permits. I am delighted Ireland can send troops, albeit a small number, to participate in this mission. I agree with other speakers that we should be able to provide troops on a wider scale for peacekeeping and peace enforcement missions such as this. Ireland has built up a unique expertise in this area over the years and, as a mature democracy, we should not be afraid to participate as much as possible even if resources can be limited from time to time. We were very glad of the support of other countries when we were going through the difficulties of the peace process and this is our opportunity to reciprocate.

On the role Irish humanitarian organisations have played, Bishop Kirby and Justin Kilcullen of Trócaire and other NGOs managed to penetrate into East Timor long before the UN could. This is an example of a unique input which we, as a western democracy, can play in these situations. The international community should pursue the possibility of establishing a war crimes tribunal to investigate the crimes that have been committed against the people of East Timor by their oppressors. The pictures we saw on television and the reports in the newspapers over recent weeks are chilling. In terms of severity, unfortunately, they match the brutality and savagery of anything we saw in Kosovo and elsewhere. The establishment of a war crimes tribunal would be a positive contribution.

I wish the Irish troops well. They will discharge their duties as well as other Irish troops and gardaí have done and are doing in other similar missions. As was said in one of today's newspapers, the international community must ensure that East Timor or Timor does not become a new Vietnam or Australia's Vietnam. It has the potential to spin even further out of control if the UN does not manage to focus its attention and use the INTERFET mission in the way the international community expects it to.

Mr. Dukes

I support the Government's proposal to send a contingent of the Permanent Defence Force for service with the multinational force in East Timor. I also share the motivation for this proposal as expressed by the Minister, my colleague, Deputy Fitzgerald and other contributors to this debate. We are right to show our concern and to support that concern for the human rights of the people of East Timor, their civil rights, their right to live in peace and their right to personal safety and integrity. These are the reasons it is appropriate that we should participate in this operation.

In doing this, we reaffirm our support for UN peacekeeping operations and our readiness to participate in them. That is entirely in keeping with the concept of an active foreign policy which most people in this country share. It is also in keeping with the belief that, however unpalatable it may be, there are occasions when the use of armed force is necessary to make or protect or keep peace. Ultimately, there are occasions when, even though it might be unpalatable, we need armed forces to vindicate the human and civil rights of ordinary people. We should ponder this in the context of the debates to be held in the House this week. It is not enough to be in favour of human and civil rights. We must be prepared to act in support, defence and vindication of those rights.

I extend my good wishes to the Irish personnel who will be involved in this mission, both those who will be part of the contingent that is due to leave shortly and those who will participate in the second contingent which the Minister mentioned as a possibility in four months time. At the same time I remind the House that our defence forces have found increasing difficulty in recent years in filling contingents for peacekeeping duties overseas. It is no secret that it has become more and more difficult to ensure that our contingents are up to strength. The reasons for that are simple. Many members of the defence forces have a substantial number of missions of this kind under their belt. It is difficult to ask people who have already served on a number of occasions to go away from their families again and expose themselves to danger. Although they have never been reluctant to go, it is difficult to ask them to expose their families to the worry of having their loved ones away for a considerable period and all the other difficulties that arise as a result.

This is a symptom of a serious personnel problem in our defence forces. We do not have sufficient personnel to comfortably meet the calls made on us or match the contribution we want to make. It is important to emphasise that now when we are expecting, in the near future, the publication of a White Paper on defence policy. I hope the Government is conscious of what it means that we are finding it difficult to fill contingents and that there will be positive action to address that in the White Paper. What it means, in simple straightforward terms is, we need more members in the defence forces and more people trained for the kind of operations that are involved here.

Parallel with an increase in personnel there is a crying need for investment in equipment. I know armoured personnel carriers are on order. Deputy Fitzgerald reminded us of the delivery time for the current order. I am sure the Minister will say that things are being done as quickly as possible but the defence forces have been waiting too long for that equipment. It is only one of the many items of equipment they need. They need more equipment and they need it now to enable them carry out the duties we are asking them to do in a way they, as professional soldiers, would like to do.

Deputy Fitzgerald mentioned that apart from combat and mobility equipment we need to provide contingents that have abilities in logistics and signals. On the logistics side, we recently acquired some material for the KFOR force but, as far as I understand, all the equipment for that operation is now in use. We could not do that anywhere else without acquiring new equipment quickly.

Our defence forces have no tactical airlift capacity of any kind, which a defence force like ours would need. It would be idle to speak of strategic airlift capacity. The Minister will contradict me if I am wrong but a substantial part of the operation of supplying Irish contingents to the Lebanon is by sea. When a supply mission of that kind is undertaken it immediately impacts on the level of activity we have in patrolling Irish waters. These are the kinds of problems of capacity that we require our defence forces to deal with, day in, day out, and we are selling them short.

Our participation in this operation is yet another reason for joining the partnership for peace. I have no doubt that this Irish contingent will acquit itself extremely well as Irish contingents in these operations always have but it is significant to note that it will be operating as part of the New Zealand battalion. It is a small contingent. Nonetheless it is useful and the operation will undoubtedly add to the level of expertise available for the defence forces in operations of this kind. This operation makes the point very clearly for those who want to see that the kinds of operations envisaged in our presentation to the partnership for peace are an essential part of day to day training and activity for the defence forces. If we are to have the capacity to train and hone the skills of our defence forces in the way that is required we will have to have a force of a size that will train and sustain the kinds of operations involved here. If membership of partnership for peace is to have any real meaning we must have that minimum critical mass in the defence forces to use it effectively and efficiently.

The Taoiseach is on record as saying there will be no budgetary consequences from our membership of the partnership for peace. If that is the Government's view and approach to the matter then we will seriously undersell ourselves and let our defence forces down again in the process. To participate properly in the Partnership for Peace and in UN operations, to ensure maximum benefit for the purposes of the operations in which we are involved and the maximum addition to the skills and expertise of our defence forces we must provide the equipment required for the operations envisaged and ensure that our personnel levels are adequate to maintain the kind of training required.

Irish and other European troops will be involved in East Timor, half a world away from them, as will US and Canadian troops. There were serious problems in the past in providing peacekeeping forces in Africa and Asia, to which other speakers referred. The UN has an enormous job to do in encouraging the development of regional organisations under its charter so that problems which arise in Africa and Asia can be dealt with expeditiously by forces originating in those areas. No matter how committed, enthusiastic or well-disposed we may be, it is extremely difficult for armed forces to work well half a world away from their countries of origin, and we will see that in East Timor. That is not, in any sense, to criticise or undervalue what is being undertaken but we must be realistic and look at regional operations under the umbrella of the UN.

Mr. Collins

I wish to share time with Deputy Michael Ahern. We are debating a serious motion of substance regarding the future use of our defence forces. Members of the defence forces, whether from the navy or army, cannot be dispatched and sent on foreign missions unless the approval of this House has been secured in advance. If the House was not in session, for example during the summer recess, it would have had to be recalled to approve sending members of the defence forces abroad on foreign missions under the auspices of the United Nations. I fully support the motion. In essence, it approves sending more than 40 Irish Army personnel to take part in what is known as the INTERFET mission in East Timor. This is in accordance with the United Nations Resolution 1264 which was approved by the United Nations Security Council on 15 September last.

The new leader of Indonesia, President Habibie, declared his intention to hold a referendum on East Timor and allow the people of East Timor to decide whether they wanted to support independence. This commitment was given earlier this year and the referendum was scheduled for the end of August. The United Nations agreed to send a monitor force to East Timor, known as UNIFIL, which was put in place to guarantee that these elections would take place in a spirit of democracy and universal suffrage, and that is what happened when the elections took place. Eighty per cent of the East Timorese population voted once again for independence. This independence had been taken from them by force in 1975. Within hours of the result, however, all hell broke loose. Pro-Indonesian military forces, backed in part by elements of the Indonesian army, began a rampage of looting, murder and general destruction. It appeared at one stage that the Indonesian government may have been forced not to recognise the result due to pressure from within its own army ranks.

The credibility of the United Nations was at stake because it had sponsored an election which was in danger of being nullified by force. On 15 September last, by means of Resolution 1264 of the United Nations, the UN-backed security presence in East Timor, known as INTERFET, was born. INTERFET continues to conduct operations aimed at improving the security situation in East Timor. INTERFET forces deployed in East Timor now number about 5,400, of which there are approximately 1,300 personnel from many countries. These include Australia, Brazil, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Malaysia, New Zealand, Norway, the Philippines, Korea, the United Kingdom and the United States. INTERFET is also overseeing, in part, the reconstruction of Dili, the main population centre in East Timor.

INTERFET was sent into East Timor because of the deteriorating security situation in the country. This was fully recognised in Resolution 1264 which also took cognisance of the responsibility of the United Nations to enforce the democratic decision of the people of East Timor of 30 August. INTERFET is also in place to reaffirm the right of refugees and displaced persons to return to their homes. We must remember that on 12 September, President Habibie of Indonesia stated that he was willing to accept an international peacekeeping force, under the auspices of the United Nations, into East Timor. INTERFET has helped to reduce the level of violence in East Timor although the violence has not totally subsided. There is need for a greater co-ordinated humanitarian response to the problems in East Timor and the safe and unimpeded access by humanitarian organisations must be permitted into East Timor to oversee this important humanitarian exercise.

From an Irish perspective, we should support the resolution because it comes within the overall parameters of Irish foreign policy. Ever since we joined the United Nations in 1955, we have taken part in humanitarian peacekeeping missions under the auspices of the UN. This included missions in the Congo and Cyprus while we currently have more than 600 troops permanently based in Lebanon. The Irish Army has observers in the western Sahara and, until recently, had observers in Angola, while members of the Army are also based in the OSCE. The difficulties in the many states that made up the Former Republic of Yugoslavia have also required substantial UN intervention. The Dayton peace agreement, which ended the war in Bosnia, included proposals to send a substantial peacekeeping force to the region to implement the provisions of the peace agreement. This force is known as the SFOR operation and more than 50 Irish Army personnel are currently taking part in that mission. This year we witnessed the awful war which took place in Kosovo. Once again, international intervention was required to implement the peace agreement which was put into effect to end the Kosovo war. Another peacekeeping force known as KFOR is now in operation and more than 100 Irish Army personnel are taking part in this peacekeeping, humanitarian and reconstruction mission in Kosovo.

In many cases, these regional conflicts have brought about the need for peacekeeping operations to be brought into effect. Irish Army personnel can play an active and constructive part in bringing together the various aspects of such peace agreements which need to be implemented.

Mr. M. Ahern

I welcome the opportunity to make a brief contribution to this important debate which relates to sending Irish troops to East Timor. Since 1958, Irish peacekeepers and military observers have participated in 46,000 individual tours of duty involving 37 UN peacekeeping missions. Over the past 41 years, the Irish Defence Forces have garnered the highest accolades due to their professionalism, fairness and commonsense. The rangers and the other personnel who will be sent to East Timor will continue to uphold those high standards on their tour of duty.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Andrews, and the Taoiseach took a proactive role following the outbreak of atrocities in East Timor. They contacted a number of their counter parts to mobilise international support for the establishment of a multinational force. Ireland also pursued the matter directly at the United Nations Security Council in calling for the establishment of such a force. From a layman's perspective, the standing of the UN has decreased because it only seems to react when violence erupts even though, in many cases, such violence is predicted. Changes need to be brought about in the UN. I am proud that Ireland is not standing idly by while another nation is being subjected to murder, pillage and destruction. The numbers of personnel we are sending to East Timor may not be large but we are sending a signal that Ireland cares about this problem and that actions speak louder than words.

I join the other Members who praised Tom Hyland who, for many years, highlighted the problems in East Timor. His tenacity shows that one person can make a difference. I wish him continued success in his mission. Trócaire, GOAL and Concern deserve our praise also because they have come into the breach at a time of need. I ask people to support these worthy organisations which are doing so much good for those in need. Another issue which needs to be highlighted is the trade in armaments. This is a massive industry to which we can shut our eyes but we must not do that. It is our moral duty to continue to raise the immorality of the arms trade throughout the world.

The decision of the Government is evidence of its readiness to play a full part in addressing the humanitarian, political and security challenges arising from the crisis in East Timor. I extend my good wishes to those members of the Defence Forces who will travel to East Timor. I hope they will all come home safely.

Mr. Deasy

We support this praiseworthy motion. This is a token force but, nevertheless, it is a meaningful contribution to the attempt to solve the problem on hand, which is considerable. I do not know whether this has been referred to or whether people share my view, but in Indonesia we are dealing with a totally different type of civilisation and politics. It is not democracy as we know it – the army calls the shots. From news reports, it appears that President Habibie's position is in jeopardy because of his agreement to hold a referendum in which the people of East Timor decided their fate. The result of the referendum went against the wishes of the hardliners in the Indonesian Government, particularly the army generals. If he is deposed and the army asserts itself, as it can quite easily do, the future will be very bleak for East and West Timor.

It is hard to see how the proposed 8,000 troops in INTERFET will be able to deal with the situation because there is a standing army in Indonesia of 400,000. To date, only 5,300 of the INTERFET forces are in position in East Timor. If the militants in the Indonesian regime get their way, the people in that area will face an awful future. There will be no future for the United Nations forces because one cannot compete with an army of that size in that type of terrain. It would not be a viable option.

The Australians are providing the backbone of the force. Some South-East Asian countries are also providing a significant number of personnel and we are providing a smaller number. However, the great powers, particularly the United States, are not going to get involved. They have had their fill of trying to plug holes all over the world where there are tyrants and vicious regimes, such as Pol Pot in Cambodia and, more recently, the Balkans. They are no longer going to get involved in these conflicts – they had enough of that in Vietnam – and it is hard to see anyone else filling the void.

There were frightening pictures on television last week of the Chinese celebrating the 50th anniversary of their liberation. They were frightening displays, in that its armed forces are so huge. It also makes its presence felt on the Security Council in terms of thwarting others from trying to do what is necessary in these troubled parts of the world. However, what, in reality, is China doing to try to resolve any conflict, particularly this one which is so close to it? Has anyone asked why China is not playing a part in providing some humanitarian aid and physical assistance to people who are being downtrodden, murdered and raped, instead of strutting its military power in public? It is a disgrace. The Chinese, along with the Russians, criticised KFOR when it went into Kosovo to sort out the slaughter that was going on there. We must get our priorities right and pinpoint the people who are not playing their part. As small as the part we are playing is, it is a significant effort.

The days of the West getting involved in these situations are coming to an end because people are not prepared to see tens of thousands of their soldiers being killed in what many of them regard as futile exercises. I do not regard this as futile, but many countries which do not have our record of trying to help others in need would look upon it as futile. They would regard the Cambodian situation and all the wars which are still raging in Africa, such as in Ethiopia, Eritrea, Sudan, Angola, Rwanda, Burundi, Sierra Leone, Gambia, Liberia and even Algeria as futile. They do not want to get caught in the middle of a no win situation.

If we are to resolve the situation in Timor, East Timor should not be taken in isolation. The UN mandate should be extended to include West Timor. We know from reports that there are approximately 230,000 East Timorese in concentration camps in West Timor. The word "refugee" has been used but it is clearly not correct. According to a television report yesterday, soldiers in the Indonesian army, primarily, and the pro-Indonesian militias which have caused so much havoc, are rampaging through these camps, day and night, raping and killing as they wish. Who is doing anything to stop that? The remit of the United Nations is merely to take back East Timor and conform with the result of the referendum. However, there is just as major a problem in West Timor.

Who will have these people brought before a war tribunal for the crimes they are committing against humanity? Will General Wiranto, the leader of the Indonesian army, the President or the other army personnel involved be apprehended and brought before a tribunal? We see how difficult that is in Bosnia. It would be much more difficult in terrain such as Indonesia and Timor. I would like the Minister to refer to this in his reply. What sanctions are going to be taken against the people who have been murdering, maiming and raping at will for years?

This goes back to 1974, when the Portuguese, who should never have been there in the first place, left East Timor. They left it in disarray and allowed the situation to arise where the Indonesians were able to walk in, take over and persecute people for 25 years. Nobody has ever been prosecuted for the atrocities that occurred in that time. This has not been happening for just the past two or three months or since the referendum was held in August, but for 25 years. I would like that point to be raised with the Government, particularly the Minister for Foreign Affairs, who has done an excellent job.

Everyone associated with or knowledgeable about the Timorese situation agrees that the Minister, Deputy Andrews, has done an excellent job. Ireland, given its size, has been particularly vigilant and to the forefront in bringing the issue to the front of world affairs and to the attention of the world community. We, in the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, have met Tom Hyland and his associates who have done wonderful work on behalf of East Timor. We would not know what is happening there if it were not for their bravery and diligence. The non-governmental agencies, such as Trócaire, GOAL, Concern and others, have also done great work.

It is up to us to keep highlighting the injustices that are taking place out there and to see that the 230,000 people in concentration camps in West Timor are allowed return. They were dragged and hunted out. We saw them being driven off in lorries. They were afraid to speak to television reporters or to face the television cameras because they knew the sanction for so doing would be death. Many of them were killed. We have a duty to see that the mandate is extended to West Timor.

The Minister has the full backing of this House. We appreciate the work being done by the Government.

Mr. O'Kennedy

I wish to share my time with Deputy Ó Caoláin.

Acting Chairman

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Mr. O'Kennedy

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to the debate and also to welcome, once again, the readiness of the Army to contribute to what has been a consistent policy, which is much recognised and respected throughout the world, since our first undertaking in the Congo almost 50 years ago. This fact demonstrates beyond doubt that there is no barrier to the Army contributing to peacekeeping under current arrangements. It is significant that we have the seventh highest level of peacekeeping commitment in the world and, in terms of our size, that means we have proportionately the highest level of peacekeeping commitment in the civilised world. That is a vindication of our consistent foreign policy over the years and of the readiness of our Defence Forces and successive Governments to make that commitment. I say that because there are some who have retired from the Army and who, acting as spokesmen, imply that we have a disability, that we cannot fulfil a fully effective peacekeeping role, if we do not enter into other organisations such as that which we will debate tomorrow. This motion demonstrates that we can and do, and that the world community especially welcomes Ireland in that role. I know that, in terms of the professional capacity of the first troops to go out, the Ranger corps, whom I was pleased to meet on a professional level two or three years ago, it is a well equipped and committed elite corps and I have no doubt it will further enhance the role and status of the Army in these areas.

That said, I note in the course of the debate so far that there has been an understandable tendency to blame the United Nations for what people see as the belated response to the awful oppressive brutality which has been inflicted on the innocent wretches of East Timor by a brutal Indonesian regime over the past 20 years. It is too easy to blame the United Nations. We can target the blame much more precisely because, for the past 20 or more years, the United States, for example, has supplied the brutal Indonesian regime with the armaments which helped it maintain its oppressive hold over the innocent wretches in East Timor and the United Kingdom has supplied that brutal oppressive regime with the armaments which enabled it to inflict unspeakable horrors on the innocent people in East Timor. These facts have been known throughout the world. We do not need the intelligence services of either the British Government, the American Government or many European Governments which were major players in the armaments export trade – that unspeakable trade of death. They knew – if we knew, they certainly knew – what the oppressive Indonesian regime was up to. It is a little off the mark to blame the United Nations, which is the world community of nations, when we know the supporters and suppliers of arms for this brutal regime. Incidentally, other brutal regimes around the world, which are not now at the same stage as Indonesia but whose problems will surface tomorrow or the day after, are being supplied with the weaponry of death, destruction and suf fering by countries which are democratic and are friends and partners in many ways. We owe it to the world, as a small nation with a consistent voice, to speak out against this kind of unspeakable trade which has caused the problems in countries such as East Timor.

The world woke up and became aware of what was happening. About four weeks ago, we belatedly received statements from the British and American Governments and others, but those two particularly. It was as if they had only then become aware. In my experience, the Democratic Party Administrations in the United States have had a much more sensitive awareness of this type of issue than their Republican Party predecessors. I especially commend the former President Jimmy Carter for that. The current President is probably much more sensitive to it than some of his Republican predecessors. However, President Clinton belatedly stated about four weeks ago that the Indonesian Government and military are responsible for the East Timorese and the UN mission there and that, if Indonesia did not end the violence, it must invite the international community to assist in restoring security. They were the very ones who created the violence and who supported the brutal militia and they are now the ones to invite us to assist in restoring security. Those who caused the violence are to ask us to restore security. I find that, to say the least, a little cynical and a little contradictory.

Indonesia has been one of the constant beneficiaries of the export of small arms – that is the term used for anything short of nuclear weaponry – weaponry, ammunition and their components. I find it extraordinary that those who supplied them find that Indonesia has been undergoing an important democratic transformation recently. They say this when they have intelligence services and know the reality. What was the response of the British Government when they held their big international trade fair in the past four to five weeks? It withdrew the invitation to the Indonesians who were welcome visitors and purchasers every other time. This is the opportunity for us to say that we reject that type of scandalous international trade where the victims are always the same. The Minister stated that East Timor was devastated as result of pro-Indonesian military activity and the destruction caused by departing Indonesian security forces. From where did they get the weaponry for that destruction and brutality? I would like to see that addressed.

We will not change the brutal regime in Indonesia. Its spots will not be scrubbed off. One thing we can do is to ensure that the Indonesian regime, which, as the Minister pointed out, forced the predecessor of this organisation, UNAMET, to be retrenched in the face of the violence against its personnel and facilities, is no longer supplied with the arms which enabled it to do that. I hope our presence here will enable us to speak out even more loudly against those who supply that unspeakable weaponry of death to brutal regimes such as Indonesia and of which there are many more throughout the world.

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

I support the motion for the dispatch of a force from this State for service in East Timor under a United Nations mandate. The Irish people have been to the fore among those worldwide who expressed solidarity with and have given practical help to the East Timorese people long before the latest crisis in their history.

I understand that Tom Hyland, who is travelling from Darwin to East Timor tomorrow, has raised a number of important issues which need to be factored into our discussions this evening. What needs to be pointed out most urgently is that the genocide has not stopped. The East Timor (Ireland) Solidarity Campaign reports that more than 200,000 East Timorese people have been forced out of their country and are held in concentration camps in West Timor. These camps are being run by the very people who wreaked so much havoc during and since the referendum. It is reported that there are very few men in these camps and the fear is that thousands have been killed. The people of East Timor are also being exiled to other parts of eastern Indonesia. This is part of an official Indonesian policy as expressed by the Indonesian Minister for Transmigration. The people are not being given a choice to return to East Timor and are being exiled in fear of their lives. An estimated $27 million has been allocated by Indonesia for this forced exile.

I would like the Minister for Foreign Affairs to assure the House that Irish taxpayers' money, either through IMF or the World Bank, will not be used to finance this forced transmigration programme of the Indonesian Government against the people of East Timor. I urge the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and ask the Taoiseach to instruct the Minister for Finance, to get a written agreement from the IMF and World Bank on this.

The INTERFET mandate only covers East Timor and the UN Resolution places responsibility for repatriation of refugees on the Indonesian government. The Jakarta regime cannot be trusted to return these people. Pressure must be placed on them to ensure that refugees are placed under international protection, that is, under the protection of the Irish and other UN forces. I urge the Government to fully support and promote the demands of the East Timor (Ireland) Solidarity Campaign, including a repatriation agreement with full access to West Timor for UNHCR and other agencies, humanitarian assistance and a humanitarian corridor between West and East Timor to allow refugees to return safely.

Mr. Higgins

(Dublin West): I am opposed to this motion. The last thing the people of East Timor need now is more military units. Conor O'Clery, Asia correspondent to The Irish Times, wrote a few days ago on 7 October:

East Timor has been reduced to a wasteland. Public buildings are in ruins. The food distribution system is non-existent. The telephone, electricity and water supplies are in danger of collapse. The roads are in an advanced state of disintegration. Almost everything of value, from cars to television sets, has been looted.

And we propose to send a number of soldiers. What the people of East Timor need now is massive reconstruction, food, medicine, shelter, heat and, of course, self-government.

There are thousands of Australian soldiers in East Timor, and the Australian and United States governments are attempting to portray themselves as the saviour and friend of the East Timorese people. The nightmare for the people of East Timor – I say it calculatedly – would never have occurred if the United States and Australia had not, from the inception of the dictatorship, supported that dictatorship, given it aid, arms and comfort, from the bloody coup in 1975 which saw one million people slaughtered by General Suharto, according to the CIA, one of the worst mass murder campaigns of the twentieth century and one of the ghastliest and most concentrated bloodletting of current times. The United States, since that day, has supported the Indonesians, has given them arms, and so has Australia. When they went in, in 1975 to crush the rights of the people of East Timor, they were also supported by the United States and by the Australians. Only a matter of weeks after another bloody massacre of the people, of 270 men, women and children in November 1991, they signed contracts in relation to massive oil reserves that were divided up between the Australians, the United States oil companies and Indonesia, putting into effect the Timor Gap Treaty which was robbery of the resources of the East Timorese people. The militias were straw men created by the Indonesians. They would not exist but for the arms that were sent by Britain and the United States to arm Indonesia.

What are the needs of the people of East Timor? They want independence. Why does this Government not give official recognition to East Timor? That should be done immediately. They want protection, but when the people of East Timor needed guns and arms to protect themselves, where were the arms manufactured by the so-called democracies of the United States and Britain? They were in the hands of the Indonesians and the militias. I call for a democratic defence force of the people of East Timor themselves who can save themselves from the nightmare. I call for their self-determination and a constituent assembly freely elected by those people. I am alarmed at talk of putting that back years. That was not the aspiration of the Irish people when we had to fight a brutal empire here as well.

The fundamental agenda of Australia and the United States is to protect the economic interests of their multinational oil companies and other interests, not primarily to defend the people. If the democratic will of the East Timorese people is to take into public ownership those oil reserves, they will come up against the opposition of Australia and the United States. What should we send? The Irish people will agree to sent funds, but we should send it in the form of massive reconstruction, equipment and skilled personnel, engineers, skilled building workers, materials, heating appliances and so forth, and hospital and medical personnel, doctors, nurses and medicines. That is how we can as a people, assist the people who have been so brutalised, not in the way that is being proposed.

Minister for Defence (Mr. M. Smith)

I thank all the Deputies for their valuable contributions. There was virtually unanimous support for the motion up to the end when Deputy Higgins made his contribution and, obviously, he is entitled to his view as well.

Ireland is increasingly being called upon to participate in United Nations mandated multinational peacekeeping and peace support operations set up to address crises and to help to contain conflicts. The oppression of a people, genocide, ethnic cleansing or whatever, all present a challenge to countries such as Ireland that are spared such barbarities and which are in a position to offer help through participation in such missions under the auspices of the United Nations.

Ireland's willingness to participate in missions such as INTERFET in East Timor is motivated as much by a firm belief in the obligation on the international community to play a part in helping our fellow human beings in times of trouble as by the terrible sense of outrage which situations such as that in East Timor provoke in our minds. We feel we have a moral imperative to respond. Participation in INTERFET is an expression of solidarity by Ireland with the people of East Timor. It shows a willingness on our part to live up to the ideals and principles of the charter of the United Nations. Security and democracy go hand in hand. The horrendous violence visited upon the people of East Timor as they seek to pursue their legitimate right to self-determination through democratic means has stunned people everywhere.

In many places in the world, armed conflicts have caused and continue to cause great human suffering. Tragic examples in recent times are Rwanda in 1994 and Kosovo this year. People have been killed, maimed and expelled. The trauma among those who survive the violence deepens hatreds and rifts between people. Humanitarian tasks go hand in hand with military tasks in such crises. The multi-functional nature of UN mandated peacekeeping in recent years facilitates to a much greater degree than hitherto, civil military co-operation, including co-operation in the humanitarian aspects of peacekeeping.

Deputies referred to human rights violations. The UN Secretary-General has asked the High Commissioner Mrs. Robinson to establish a commission of inquiry and for it to report by the end of December. This Government welcomes and fully supports this approach. It was a commission of inquiry that led to the establishment of the war crimes tribunals for Rwanda and Yugoslavia. The commission of inquiry for East Timor could lead to a similar conclusion, and the report is expected at the end of this year.

The refugees in West Timor were referred to. As a result of international pressure Indonesia has started to give access to international agencies and to allow refugees to return. The Government believes this pressure must be maintained for as long as it is necessary and continues to press this view at international fora.

INTERFET is a challenging mission. One cannot downplay the inherent risks involved. Safety of Defence Forces personnel serving in missions such as INTERFET is always a matter of priority. In recommending that the Irish contribute a contingent to INTERFET, I am cognisant of the current assessment of risk attaching to this mission as advised by the military recognisance party which visited the area from 19 to 30 September 1999, and I will continue to be briefed on the ongoing risk assessments. While no guarantees can be given with regard to the safety of troops serving in any missions overseas, particularly missions such as INTERFET, it is my policy to ensure that Defence Forces personnel are adequately trained and equipped to carry out their mission. I am satisfied that the proposed role of the contingent of Defence Forces personnel which will serve with INTERFET is in keeping with their training and experience to date. I am also satisfied that they will be well briefed and will have undergone the necessary acclimatisation in Australia before being deployed to the mission in that area.

With regard to a point made by Deputy Higgins, in our experience it is impossible to carry out work in any of the war torn countries where we have served under the UN unless there is a semblance of peace and normality. It is not possible to talk about infrastructural development on any wide scale until such time as a sense of peace has been restored and where people are free to return to their homes.

I again thank all the Deputies who contributed. Deputy Kenny referred to those countries who supply armaments and warfaring facilities to the countries concerned. This has been raised by the Government at international fora and the hypocrisy involved must be attacked at every forum.

Question put and agreed to.