The Labour Party tabled this motion to confront what has been the Government's greatest failure since taking office. I welcome the Minister for Health and Children, Deputy Martin, to his new portfolio and wish him well. Welcome as he is, what the health services need more than anything is not a new face but a new direction.
On the day of the Minister's appointment, a woman was interviewed on the RTE news at 9 o'clock. Adele Murtagh is an ordinary member of the public, yet her story tells more about the failure of the Government than any list of statistics possibly could. Six months ago her mother was diagnosed as having fluid on the brain. She has been on a priority list for surgery ever since, but the long wait has weakened her to the point where she is too ill to undergo surgery. Care for that woman comes too late. At a time of such prosperity it is incredible that our modern health service cannot deliver treatment to someone so desperately in need of care. However, what is insupportable is that were Adele's mother a private patient she would have had her operation in time.
Let us be clear about this – Adele's case, tragically, is not unique. There are patients dying as they wait for treatment or for whom treatment is so long coming their lives are shortened dramatically. That is the reality of a health service which is not working for many thousands of people. The Labour Party's determination in tabling this motion is to drive forward the change that will meet the health needs of all citizens. If the chronic problems besetting the sick and those availing of our hospital services, in particular, and those who provide those services are to be addressed, there must be a radical, root and branch reform.
Reform is needed because the current system is failing so many. The hospital system is characterised by instability, inequality and inefficiencies. When it comes under seasonal pressures, as we saw recently, patients suffer needlessly and terribly as a result of Government inaction. Regardless of whether they are public or private patients, the misery suffered by patients in overcrowded accident and emergency units is the same. It is profoundly disturbing that sick and elderly people have to wait many hours for assessment or have to wait on a trolley or in a wheelchair for days before accessing a bed or being sent home without the necessary back-up care. That would be unacceptable in a society with a modest level of economic growth, but in one like ours that has world beating economic growth rates it is an obscenity.
On radio last night the Taoiseach said it was ridiculous that we are top of the OECD growth league, yet we do not have national stadium and that he intends to spend hundreds of millions of pounds to provide one. I have never heard the Taoiseach speak with such passion about the need for a decent, good quality health service. I have not heard him say once that since our econ omic growth is so good he will build a health service on the twin principles of excellence and equality. On the need to create a health service capable of meeting the urgent needs of thousands of people, the Taoiseach has nothing to say.
The health service is in real trouble. The stark fact is that while there has been approximately a 45% increase in health funding, the crisis continues to grow in our hospitals and the waiting lists lengthen inexorably. In its programme for the millennium the Government undertook to tackle waiting lists. In its mid-term review it promised to tackle waiting lists. On taking up his new portfolio the Minister yet again promised to tackle waiting lists. Yet, since taking office, despite all the promises and despite the surge in Exchequer funding, while it is difficult to know the up to date figures, the latest figures show that the Government has succeeded in adding at least an extra 5,200 people to the waiting lists with the total number moving towards 40,000. These are the people on the waiting lists – we are not talking about those who are on a waiting list to get on to these waiting lists. Despite the increased funding fewer cardiac surgery procedures were carried out nationally in 1998 than were carried out two years previously. In the Mater hospital alone the figure was down by around 20%.
There are 391 patients waiting to attend the pain clinic in St. Vincent's hospital. These are people whose suffering is so great that normal treatment has failed to assuage it. Even for this last resort type of care, there is a waiting list. Over Christmas in one hospital the position was so bad there was a waiting list to get into the morgue. When the position has deteriorated to this level it is tempting for an Opposition party to simply catalogue the disasters and leave them to fester at the Government's door, but reform of our health services requires fresh thinking and an intelligent, imaginative approach. The Labour Party is committed to providing the leadership that is required to meet that challenge.
In this context, we framed this motion in the form of a twin track approach. First, we must ensure a significant increase in health care investment. Whatever funding the Government puts into health must be measured by the yardstick that applies across the EU. Ireland has the fastest growth rate and a reported per capita income higher even than Germany's. Yet, when it comes to the percentage of our GDP spent on health, Ireland is at the bottom of the league. Germany spends approximately 10%, Britain spends approximately 8%, yet Ireland's percentage has plummeted during the Government's term of office. In 1997 it dropped from more than 7.3% to 5.3% and it is now at 5.5%, which is remarkably low in European terms.
While Government investment in health care is not enough, it is not effective in terms of measured health outcomes. We have the highest death rate in the EU from cardiovascular disease and to date our cancer services in terms of outcomes do not compare favourably with other EU countries. We are near the bottom of the list with Britain. The chance of a person's survival in Ireland once he or she has been diagnosed is a direct reflection of the underdevelopment of our cancer services.
Most complaints Members hear from their constituents relate to accident and emergency units. These units are the gateway for most patients to our hospital services and it is where the greatest pressure is evident. We know that greater resources at general practice level in terms of training, resources and beds in low-tech local units will reduce significantly the attendance at A&E units. That is well known, yet the increase in funding in general practice in 2000 is insignificant – it is less than inflation. We also know that more than 200 acute hospital beds at any time in the Eastern Health Board region are inappropriately occupied because the Government has not resolved the shortage of step-down beds and has not put in place the necessary supports for the elderly in the community. We know A&E units would provide a better and a faster service if they were fully staffed by A&E consultants, yet there are only 18 such consultants in the country and the majority of A&E units have none. Doctors in training deal with emergency cases in a way that often leads to inefficiencies and overuse of diagnostic facilities. Our young doctors are overworked, our nurses are alienated and we are not appointing enough consultants. Most importantly, we are not moving significantly towards a consultant provided service and away from a consultant led one.
Is it that we care less about our sick and elderly than other Europeans? I do not think so. Is it that we do not have a tradition of excellence in health care, the infrastructure for it or the educational capability? Hardly. What is lacking is political courage. The idea that because we are wealthier today we should spend less proportionately on our health services is one the Government is satisfied to promote, but it is not shared by the public who are bewildered at the state of our health services. Undoubtedly, the Minister will list figures when he speaks later – sometimes Ministers count them twice – but this is meaningless if at the end of the day we are not investing in a way that establishes once and for all stability, equality and efficiency in our hospital services.
We have excellent people working in health care who draw on a fine tradition. Yet the service provided for the elderly and less well off has been christened a Mickey Mouse service not by an Opposition Member keen to score points, but by a leading consultant physician. As recently as 10 January, 30 patients spent the night on trolleys in the accident and emergency unit in Beaumont Hospital, which is a flagship hospital. Ennis General Hospital had one third more patients than it had capacity for and there were 162 patients in the 129 bed Limerick Regional Hospital. In many hospitals elective cases were cancelled and patients were added to the waiting list over that period. According to the Department of Health and Children, there was no flu epidemic. This is disputed but if it is true, one can imagine what havoc a flu epidemic would have caused.
Propping up an inherently unstable system by blindly injecting it with more money will not change the fact that it is a system caught between a long-standing chronic lack of resources on the inside and ineffective attempts to control unmet demand through waiting lists on the outside. The current two-tier system of unequal access is virtually in-built into the structural interdependence of public and private care. Public budgets depend on a certain number of people paying for their own care, although they are entitled to it already. The fact that the same personnel and facilities are used to treat public and private patients is often seen as an advantage in terms of consultant care.
The adverse incentive within such a system, however, lies with forcing greater numbers into taking out more private insurance. In effect, the longer the waiting list, the greater the potential income from fee-paying clients. It creates a serious problem in cost containment in that, other than the professional and humanitarian impulse among professionals, there is little impetus for consultants to treat a greater number of public patients. Without the advantage of accessing care there would be little incentive for subscribers to take out insurance. Yet, without it our public system would be so encumbered as to be rendered inoperative.
The central challenge, as the Labour Party sees it, is to progress beyond the current system not by eliminating the advantages provided by health insurance but by ensuring that those advantages are extended to all our citizens. We have no interest in or desire to re-apportion scarcity more thinly. That would be pointless and extremely damaging to our health services. We recognise that health funding in Ireland is not drawn from bottomless sources, but we are also keenly aware that we have a historic opportunity to transform our health service to meet the needs of the 21st century.
In education, the area for which the Minister previously had responsibility, the principle of equality was established by previous Governments. We take it for granted that all children have a right to good quality education regardless of whether their parents can pay. The same principle needs to be established in health. Placing greater value on health means establishing equal access to quality care as a fundamental right. It means introducing legislation to protect that right and appropriate funding and structural change to bring it about. Some 42% of the population already pays private health insurance while 58% does not pay for such insurance. We must work from that basis and move on to deal with the deficiencies as we see them. It is clear that the best way to develop a fully comprehensive system which provides primary and secondary care is to introduce, or at least set about introducing, a universal health insurance system.
A properly designed universal health insurance system will ensure the stability of the system as well as equality within the system which are lacking at present. It will also create a dynamic which hospitals are denied because of the strict budgetary controls that exist at present which lead to closed wards and blocked beds. There are many models to which we can look, particularly in the European Union where insurance based systems are standard and where equality and excellence are established principles. The system we are proposing would marry the benefits of State financing and regulation, which are vital to ensure universality, social solidarity and equity, and the benefits of consumer choice and competition, which has the power to enhance quality and cost effectiveness within our health system.
The State would have a central role in planning the system, defining cover of care, acting as a regulator and ensuring that those who cannot afford to pay themselves are looked after, in part or totally, as well as providing necessary capital. The Labour Party will soon publish its proposals for such a universal health insurance system. We are doing so because we are deeply committed to the transformation of our health service. We are conscious that it is in everyone's interest that a new initiative is taken to overcome the deficiencies and faults in our current system. If they are not confronted, they will not only impact on public patients but on those who are already beginning to experience problems within the private sphere in terms of costs and waiting times.
The Labour Party is in Opposition, it is limited in terms of resources and we do not claim to have all the answers. Even if we thought we had them, we would still want to engage with the public and all the key players in the health services. We want to open up the public debate in a way that confronts the necessity for radical reform. Equality must be a fundamental guiding principle in access to health care for every individual, regardless of income, geographic location or social status, and excellence must be the measure of the quality of that care. I am convinced that universal health insurance is the key that can deliver both as long as such a system is properly designed and formulated.
We cannot fulfil the task on our own. My party's approach is open-ended to ensure that all the key players in our health services, including patients, are involved in the debate that can lead to a fully comprehensive policy. In the Department of Education and Science, the Minister worked within a system where the principles of equality and excellence were already well established. The challenge now presented to him by my party is to bring about those principles in our health care services.
A senior cancer specialist recently described our health system, in comparison to other European systems, as clearly and measurably deficient and characterised by profound intrinsic structural flaws. He argued for a universal health insurance based system, and the Labour Party agrees with him. Our position is clear about the way forward. We have a world-class economy, it is time we had a world-class health service. I also wish to share my time with Deputy Ó Caoláin.