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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 24 Jun 2003

Vol. 569 No. 3

Intoxicating Liquor Bill 2003 [ Seanad ] : Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I welcome the opportunity to bring the Intoxicating Liquor Bill 2003 before the House. At the outset, I want to thank the Chair and members of the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights for providing me with the opportunity to outline the general scheme of the Bill at their meeting on 11 June. Arising from this discussion, I have introduced a number of changes in the Bill and I will mention these when I am dealing with the detailed provisions. Before doing so, however, I would like to make a few general points.

This Bill is an interim response to the recommendations of the Commission on Liquor Licensing and the first report of the Strategic Task Force on Alcohol established by the Minister for Health and Children. The Commission on Liquor Licensing was established by the Government in late 2000 to review the liquor licensing system and to make recommendations for any necessary legislative changes. By the time it had concluded its work at the end of March 2003, the commission had submitted four reports covering various aspects of the licensing laws and collectively containing over 130 recommendations.

One of the commission's recommendations is a codification of intoxicating liquor law that is currently contained in the Licensing Acts 1833 to 2003, spanning three centuries. Such an exercise is long overdue, and I have therefore accepted this recommendation without hesitation. The many structural reforms to the licensing system that have been advanced by the commission will be addressed in the codification Bill.

I do not wish to enter into the detail of the codification exercise at this stage, other than to say that it should be guided by the following principles: the aim should be a rationalisation of the law in order to make the licensing code more user-friendly and accessible for licensees and the public alike; it should also aim to simplify and streamline application and renewal procedures, where possible, in order to reduce unnecessary administrative burdens and overheads; open and transparent decision-making procedures, including adequate advance notice for designated notice parties, and opportunities for public consultation are essential; clear and coherent legislative provisions that leave no room for ambiguity or doubt are needed in order to facilitate compliance with and enforcement of the law; the importance of public order, public health and planning aspects must be recognised in order to prevent, and reduce the incidence of alcohol-related harm; and objective criteria are required for the granting of licences that recognise, among other things, the need for an appropriate spatial distribution of licensed premises in order to serve the needs of local areas and their communities.

I am happy that the preparatory work is already under way in my Department. I expect that an outline of the codification Bill will be available by this time next year. In the meantime, I have decided to bring forward the present shorter Bill to respond to urgent recommendations of the commission.

The proposals set out in the Bill are consistent with the concerns outlined in the interim report of the Strategic Task Force on Alcohol that was published last year, and are also relevant in the context of the special initiative on tackling alcohol abuse set out in chapter 2 of the current social partner agreement, Sustaining Progress.

The proposals set out in this Intoxicating Liquor Bill form part of the State's response. Other actions are being considered by my colleagues, the Minister for Health and Children and the Minister for Transport. In the area of advertising, the Minister for Health and Children is proceeding with the preparation of legislation to reduce the exposure of children and adolescents to alcohol advertising, sponsorship, marketing and promotions. A new road safety strategy is currently being developed by a high level group and drink driving issues are being examined in that context by my colleague, the Minister for Transport, Deputy Brennan.

I want to turn now to the detail of the Bill. Section 1 contains the Short Title, collective citations, construction and commencement provisions. Section 2 contains definitions. The definition of "bar" is taken from the Intoxicating Liquor Act 1988. It is important because a distinction is made in various sections of the Bill between "licensed premises" and "the bar" of licensed premises. Admission to the bar of licensed premises is prohibited in certain cases but access to other parts of the premises is not affected, such as a function room or dining room.

This section also contains definitions of "drunken person" and "disorderly conduct." Arising from the discussion with the joint committee, I have brought the definition of "drunken person" into line with section 4(1) of the Criminal Justice (Public Order) Act 1994. This provides that it shall be an offence for any person to be present in any public place while intoxicated to such an extent as would give rise to a reasonable apprehension that the person might endanger themselves or any other person. The broad definition of "disorderly conduct" takes account of recommendations of the Commission on Liquor Licensing. Section 3 repeals a number of provisions that are being replaced in the Bill and I will mention them as I move through the sections.

The provisions set out in Part 2 of the Bill update the law regarding conduct on licensed premises. Sections 4, 5 and 6 deal with drunken persons and drunkenness, while sections 7 and 8 deal with disorderly conduct. They update and replace provisions in the Refreshment Houses (Ireland) Act 1860 and the Licensing Act 1872 which have fallen into disuse.

Section 4 prohibits the supply of intoxicating liquor to drunken persons by licensees, as well as drunkenness in the bar of licensed premises. It provides that a licensee shall not admit a drunken person to the bar, and that where a person is drunk on leaving licensed premises, it shall be presumed that the person was drunk while on the premises until the contrary is proved.

Section 5 prohibits the supply of intoxicating liquor to drunken persons in licensed premises by a person other than the licensee. In other words one cannot buy by proxy or through an intermediary when one is drunk.

Offences by drunken persons are set out in section 6. It provides that a drunken person shall leave licensed premises on being requested to do so by the licensee or by a garda. Moreover, such a person shall not seek entry to the bar of any licensed premises – access to a restaurant or other facilities within a hotel will not be affected. A Garda power of arrest is also included.

Section 7 places a duty on licensees to preserve order on licensed premises, while section 8 prohibits disorderly conduct on such premises. A person engaging in disorderly conduct must leave the premises on being requested to do so by the licensee or a member of the Garda Síochána and shall not re-enter the bar of the premises within a period of 24 hours. A Garda power of arrest is included.

The section also provides that a licensee may refuse admission to a person convicted of an offence under the section where such admission could reasonably be regarded as involving a substantial risk that the person would engage in disorderly conduct.

Section 9 extends the temporary closure of premises penalty to include offences under several sections, including sections 4 which deals with supplying drunken persons and permitting drunkenness, and section 7 which deals with the duty of the licensee to preserve order. While temporary closure of the premises will be mandatory in the event of conviction, the District Court will retain a margin of discretion with regard to the duration of the closure period. This penalty is confined under existing legislative provisions to convictions for under-age drinking.

I do not agree with a view that has been expressed that the temporary closure penalty should not apply to a first offence but rather to the second and subsequent convictions. We need to send a strong message from this House that drunkenness and disorderly conduct on licensed premises are not acceptable. Changing the provisions of the Bill in the manner suggested would not serve that purpose. It would send out the message that everyone has one free go before being convicted of the offence of serving people who are drunk on their premises.

Part 3 contains amendments to existing legislative provisions, including, in particular, those relating to persons under the age of 18 years set out in Part IV of the Intoxicating Liquor Act 1988.

Section 10 provides that Thursday night closing time will revert to 11.30 p.m. from 12.30 a.m. The Commission on Liquor Licensing has recommended this change and it is also in line with the recommendations of the Strategic Task Force on Alcohol. I want to indicate to this House, as I indicated in Seanad Éireann, that if this is not an adequate rebalancing of the licensing hours, I will revisit the issue in the context of the 2004 Bill to which I alluded earlier. I say that because Deputy Deasy indicated strongly that it was his view that closing times on Fridays and Saturdays should also be brought back to 11.30 p.m. I want to do what has been recommended by the Commission on Liquor Licensing. If it transpires that Deputy Deasy's suggestion retains some force, the matter can easily be revisited in the context of the 2004 legislation.

Section 11 replaces section 5 of the Act of 1927 which makes provision for the grant of special exemption orders. The section contains three important changes. First, in subsection (7) it provides for a local authority a role in determining the duration of special exemption orders in its administrative area. The District Court will retain discretion in granting such orders but will be required to have regard to any resolution adopted by a local authority in the area in which the premises are located. The local authority must consult with the Garda and consider the views submitted by the Garda and any other person, including views on health aspects, in advance of adopting a resolution.

Second, the grounds on which objections to the grant of such orders may be made under subsection (6) are being extended to include undue inconvenience or nuisance to persons residing in the locality or an undue risk to public order in the locality. At present, the grounds are limited to undue inconvenience to persons residing in the vicinity of the licensed premises, a narrow category of people whose interests could be affected.

Third, the possibility of the District Court requiring an applicant for a special exemption order to install a closed circuit television system is specifically mentioned in subsection (4)(b). I am not in favour of requiring all licensees, irrespective of the size of the premises and regardless of whether they apply for special exemption orders, to install CCTV. The need arises mainly in relation to larger premises, and the provision I propose will enable the Garda, which is a notice party, to request the court to attach the CCTV condition where it has reason to believe it to be justified or appropriate. A CCTV system may seem to be a small imposition on the proprietor of a large and substantial premises, but in the case of small premises on the main streets of towns such as Loughrea or Killorglin in County Kerry, where there are many premises and where turnovers are not large, the installation of a CCTV system could be economically onerous and disproportionate, bearing in mind the potential implications for public order and the like.

Section 12 prohibits the provision of entertainment during the 30 minutes drinking-up time that is permitted under existing provisions. Section 4(2) of the Public Dance Halls Act 1935, which permits dancing during the 30 minute period following expiry of a special exemption order, is being repealed. The Commission on Liquor Licensing has recommended this change to ensure that the original purpose of facilitating an orderly clearing of premises is not defeated.

Section 13 substitutes a new section for section 32 of the 1988 Act. It prohibits the purchase of alcohol for, or delivery to, persons under the age of 18 years of age. However, the purchase or delivery of intoxicating liquor for consumption by a person under 18 years in a private residence where a parent or guardian has given explicit consent shall not be unlawful. The provision that is being replaced is flawed in so far as it permits the delivery of intoxicating liquor to persons under 18 years in a private residence without parental consent.

Section 14 substitutes a new section for section 34 of the 1988 Act. It prohibits persons under the age of 18 years from bars of licensed premises. However, under subsection (2), a licensee may permit a child – defined as a person under the age of 15 years – to be present if accompanied by a parent or guardian, but not after 9 p.m. This discretion shall not apply where it appears to the licensee that the child's presence in the bar could reasonably be regarded as injurious to the child's health, safety or welfare.

Under subsection (3), a licensee may permit a person aged 15 to 17 years to be present in the bar unaccompanied by a parent or guardian, but not after 9 p.m. Subsection (4) contains a number of exemptions to the general prohibition. The remaining subsections are broadly similar to existing provisions in section 34 of the 1988 Act.

As the House will be aware, I had originally suggested an 8 p.m. cut-off, but I amended this to 9 p.m., having listened to various views expressed on the subject. The provision is reasonable and takes account of the need to facilitate families while at the same time promoting compliance with and enforcement of the licensing laws. I understand that children's charities, including Barnardos and the ISPCC, welcome the restrictions on the presence of people under the age of 18 years in bars. The Irish Medical Organisation has also written to me on the subject. It is supportive of the general thrust of the Bill even if, in its view, the proposals do not go far enough in some areas.

It has been suggested that not allowing persons under the age of 18 years in the bar of licensed premises after 9 p.m. is in some way anti-family or that it will convey an image of the country as not being welcoming to families. I cannot subscribe to that view and I believe that most reasonable people support the Government's approach on this issue. If I was in a hotel anywhere in Ireland and saw a notice above the entrance to the bar that no persons under the age of 18 years will be admitted after 9 p.m. I would not consider the hotel to be anti-family or anti-child, nor would I feel unwelcome if I was there on a family holiday. Indeed, having been on many family holidays in many Irish hotels, I might welcome some solace after 9 p.m. and the excuse that it was illegal as a means of escaping some of the blandishments of junior members of families in the hotel.

In this context I emphasise that in any hotel it is open under this system for the patron who is there with his or her family to bring out whatever alcoholic beverage he or she wants to drink in the company of his or her children in the lounge and general public areas, such as any function room, dining room or restaurant. No offence will be committed as long as the young persons are not admitted to a bar within the meaning of the Act.

Section 15 introduces an entirely new provision in the form of a new section 34A to be inserted in the 1988 Act. It requires that persons aged 18 to 20 years inclusive carry an age document to enter and remain in the bar of licensed premises after 9 p.m. Those are the only hours during which it is required to carry such a document. An age document may be one of the following: a Garda age card, which is the official Garda card containing a hologram and photograph of the carrier; a passport; an identity card of any member state of the European Union; a driver's licence; and a document prescribed in regulations to be made by the Minister. An age document is not required to gain access to other parts of the premises so that if a publican proposes to have a room set aside in his premises for entertainment or family matters or the serving of food, as has been suggested in much public commentary, there is no requirement for an age card to be provided to gain access to any such part of the premises.

This new obligation to produce an age document to gain admission to bars is intended to assist licensees in complying with provisions relating to underage consumption of alcohol and to assist the Garda in enforcing the law. While the carrying of an age document by 18 to 20 year olds will be mandatory after 9 p.m., this does not remove the obligation on licensees to ensure that intoxicating liquor is not supplied to or consumed by persons under 18 at any time. For example, a hotelier cannot serve under 18 year olds with alcohol outside the bar of his premises. Where a publican reallocates space within his premises so as to provide family entertainment rooms, he or she must still undertake the legal responsibility of not serving drink to under 18 year olds wherever they may be on the licensed premises.

Whenever a licensee is unsure if a person has attained the age of 18 years, production of an age document should be demanded. It has been suggested that some people over the age of 21 years, possibly up to the age of 24 years, sometimes look to many people as if they could be under the age of 18 years. From time to time, some fresh faced people suffer embarrassment as a consequence. The introduction of an age card and a general requirement that it be produced should lessen the embarrassment in their case because they will always be able to carry it against the off-chance that they will be challenged.

Arising from preceding amendments, section 16 contains a number of further amendments to the 1988 Act. It amends sections 31(2) and 33(1) to provide that the consumption of intoxicating liquor by a person under 18 years of age is conditional on the explicit consent of that person's parent or guardian. Second, it makes it an offence for a person aged 15 to 17 years to be present in bars of licensed premises after the cut-off point. Finally, it amends the existing temporary closure order provision of section 36A of the 1988 Act – as inserted by the Intoxicating Liquor Act 2000 – to make it an offence not to affix a conspicuous notice giving details of the closure order as required by that provision.

Section 17 has been introduced following discussions with the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights on 11 June during which concerns were expressed by members in relation to off-licences. It contains provisions dealing with the consumption of intoxicating liquor purchased for consumption off a premises and, for this purpose, updates and replaces section 13 of the Intoxicating Liquor (General) Act 1924. The section provides that a licensee shall be guilty of an offence if, with the licensee's knowledge or consent, intoxicating liquor supplied by the licensee in a closed container for consumption off the premises is consumed in another premises owned or controlled by the licensee or in a public place within 100 metres of the licensed premises. This limit of 100 metres is also referred to in the Criminal Justice (Public Order) Act 2003. The person who consumes such intoxicating liquor shall also be guilty of an offence. The section restates the existing prohibition on the consumption in an off-licence of intoxicating liquor bought there.

Section 18 is intended to permit any member of the Garda, whether in uniform or not, to enforce the licensing laws as recommended by the Commission on Liquor Licensing. At present, the powers of non-uniformed officers appear to be restricted to drugs-related offences under the Licensing (Combating Drug Abuse) Act 1997.

Section 19 provides that a person who claims prohibited conduct has been directed against him or her in any licensed premises may seek redress before the District Court. For this purpose, "prohibited conduct" is defined as discrimination against or sexual harassment or harassment of a person contrary to Part II of the Equal Status Act 2000 on, or at the point of entry to, licensed premises. The forms of redress currently available under the Equal Status Act are being extended to include temporary closure of the premises concerned. Moreover, where the District Court is satisfied that a person is entitled to redress and makes such an order, any person may object to the renewal of the licence of the premises concerned. That strengthening of the law provides support for the law against discrimination contained in the Equal Status Act 2000. Provision is made in subsection (6) for the Equality Authority to apply to the District Court for redress in certain cases, while subsection (7) provides that the authority may provide assistance to persons applying to the courts for redress. These new provisions extend the powers of the Equality Authority in respect of proceedings before the District Court where discrimination is an issue.

I repeat what I said during Question Time last Thursday. The proposed transfer of jurisdiction from the Equality Tribunal (ODEI) to the District Court is not intended to reflect any lack of confidence in, or support for, the work of the tribunal. The correct view to adopt is that licensees should in principle be answerable for all their actions, particularly in respect of refusals to admit, in a single jurisdiction rather than having to face conflicting penalties and policies on precisely the same matter. Senator Walsh made the point in the course of debate on this legislation in the Seanad that it would be strange to have two referees of a football match both of whom had jurisdiction to blow the whistle for the same tackle with reference to different rules. The analogy is a good one to illustrate the thinking behind this particular change in the law. At present, the District Court is extensively involved in licensing matters. It has an involvement in the annual renewal of intoxicating liquor licences, in the grant of special exemption orders to licensed premises and in the application of sanctions and penalties for breaches of the licensing laws, including temporary closure of premises in certain cases. The court has the ultimate role in determining whether or not licensees are complying with the law in relation to admitting young people or persons who are drunk.

It makes sense to extend the court's jurisdiction to include the adjudication of cases taken against licensed premises under the Equal Status Act. It is a licence renewable condition that licensees are required to operate their premises in a peaceable and orderly manner. If, for example, a licensee admits or serves a person who is violent or disorderly, he or she could be exposed to an objection to renewal of the licence before the District Court on the grounds of not operating the premises in a peaceable or orderly manner. Not admitting or serving the person may, on the other hand, expose the licensee to a claim of discriminatory action before the Equality Tribunal. A decision to permit or refuse entry or service could expose a licensee to actions in two jurisdictions which is unsatisfactory. This is the reason I propose to adjust existing arrangements. I propose that in future it will be the responsibility of the District Court to adjudicate in such cases, but I stress that the non-discrimination provisions of the Equal Status Act will continue to apply to licensees. The provision to amalgamate jurisdictions in respect of admission issues has a very narrow application.

Section 20 prohibits the supply of intoxicating liquor at a reduced price during a limited period on any day; during what is known as a "happy hour". This provision is intended to discourage practices which may lead to excessive consumption of intoxicating liquor. It will not prohibit or curtail retail practices such as sales or product promotions that take place over a period of days.

I am concerned that the licensing of national sporting arenas is not properly provided for at present and I am therefore making provision in section 21 for new arrangements in relation to such arenas. Licences primarily intended for other purposes are currently being used in such arenas. In one case a theatre licence is being used. The conditions attaching to these licences are not suited to the needs of national sporting organisations which makes full compliance with and enforcement of the licensing laws difficult. These circumstances compare unfavourably with the licensing arrangements for racecourses, greyhound tracks, national cultural institutions and the National Concert Hall. Moreover, many national sporting arenas find it difficult to generate sufficient income from sporting events alone to cover their costs. Increasingly, such facilities are being used for non-sporting events such as conferences, exhibitions or seminars. The new section will permit the limited and controlled sale of alcohol at sporting and non-sporting events in designated areas of sporting arenas and will regularise the licensing position of these arenas. It will be a matter for the Minister for Arts, Sport and Tourism to designate national sporting arenas by means of regulations and to issue certificates approving the grant of a licence in respect of prescribed areas of the arenas concerned. He and I are agreed that this new provision will not apply to – and will never be used to bring about – the sale of beer by vendors who travel up and down the stands at football matches and the like as happens in some places. We are solely discussing regularising the legally dubious de facto licensing provisions which exist at some arenas.

Section 22 provides for the making of two types of regulations including, regulations to prohibit or restrict licensees from engaging in promotional practices intended or likely to encourage persons to consume alcohol to an excessive extent and regulations to specify that particulars must be affixed to any container in which intoxicating liquor is sold for consumption off the premises to facilitate the identification of the licensee and the licensed premises concerned. The Commission on Liquor Licensing recommended that promotional practices conducive to or likely to result in excessive consumption of alcohol should be prohibited by law. This view is supported by the Strategic Task Force on Alcohol. Section 17 of the Intoxicating Liquor Act 2000 provides that the name of the owner and the address of premises shall be clearly indicated on a label to be affixed to any container in which intoxicating liquor is sold for consumption off the premises. This section has not been implemented and is now being repealed.

Deputy Costello debated the merits and demerits of that with me in the context of the Criminal Justice (Public Order) Bill. There are serious practical problems with it. That is why a regulation-based approach seems to be appropriate because it will enable me to fine tune what could or could not be expected of people selling drink in off-licences. I have met a number of off-licensees, who run both small and large scale operations, and they have emphasised the difficulty of, for example, ripping open every case of wine to stamp individual bottles or of opening six packs of alcohol to mark individual containers. When bringing the regulations forward, I intend to consult widely within the trade in order to achieve a reasonable result and not impose blanket obligations on people which could be counterproductive and of little use legally.

However, I accept Deputy Costello's remark that this could be useful in some cases. I am trying to distinguish between the case of wine bottles on the one hand, where it would probably be no use, and the take-away cans of beer or naggins of spirits found in the possession of young people, where it would be useful in assisting the gardaí to find out where the young people were sourcing the material. It should be emphasised that no matter what view is taken on the matter, it will never be the case that where a young person is found in possession of alcohol emanating from a particular source, a conviction beyond reasonable doubt against an off-licensee for supplying them could be properly grounded on that mere fact alone.

Implementation of these provisions by means of regulations is intended to avoid any later challenge to the legislation on the grounds that proper procedures had not been followed. I am advised that I must notify the European Commission of proposed regulations under this section in accordance with the technical standards and transparency directives. These directives are intended to enable the European Commission and the member states to examine in advance proposed national technical rules in the interests of transparency and the smooth functioning of the internal market.

Section 23 deals with the application of the Bill's provisions to registered clubs. Sections that amend or replace existing sections in the Intoxicating Liquor Act 1988 already apply to clubs by virtue of section 16 of the 2000 Act. Section 24 determines the jurisdictions of the courts in relation to sections 9 and 19. Section 25 contains two amendments to the operation of the Equal Status Act 2000. The first amendment is intended to safeguard the discretion of licensees regarding the presence of persons under 18 years of age in bars of licensed premises. That proposal is in line with the recommendations of the Commission on Liquor Licensing and the Strategic Task Force on Alcohol.

The second amendment provides that a licensee may set a minimum age for the sale and consumption of alcohol that is above the statutory minimum of 18 years as long as the policy is publicly displayed and implemented in a non-discriminatory manner. It is possible for an off-licensee, if he or she regards it as socially responsible behaviour, to state that they will not supply spirits in large bottles to persons under a certain specified age as long as it is stated in a notice in the premises and it is applied on a non-discriminatory basis to all persons to whom it should apply. The age limits will not be enforced by the gardaí as the statutory limit will remain at 18 years. However, a person who believes that they have suffered discrimination and has grounds for believing that a licensee does not operate the policy in a fair and non-discriminatory manner may seek redress before the District Court. I can give the House an example. If there was a rule in a premises that spirits would not be served to persons under the age of 24 years and the rule was displayed in the premises and if it transpired that members of the Traveller community were the only people to whom that rule was applied in practice, that would be a discriminatory application.

I wish to refer again to the codification Bill I intend to bring before the House next year. It is not a consolidation Bill but a codification Bill as it is not a mere restatement of the existing law but a reworking of the law to include any necessary amendments. It will provide the House with an opportunity to revisit the provisions set out in this Bill. If we are not getting the legislation right, if brighter ideas are available or if there are areas in need of reform, such as in the area of theatre licensing – I am signalling this now in case anybody is going to make a significant investment and claim afterwards that they were not given advance knowledge – which requires substantial reform, we will have the opportunity in a short time, in terms of legislative history, to consider those issues.

The same applies to nightclub owners, who have made a strong case for a separate nightclub licence. The fact that I am not dealing with their proposal in this Bill does not mean that the door is closed to it. I hope the House and my Department will have the opportunity over the next number of months to look at many issues which have been raised in the debate on this Bill and see if they require to be restated in the codification Bill. This Bill will, I hope, be repealed by the codification Bill. Every measure in the Bill will be liable to revision and review some time in 2004.

I would be grateful if the Chair would notify me when there are five minutes left.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Does the Deputy wish to share time?

No. This is a short Bill which incorporates the recommendations from the reports of the liquor licensing commission and the strategic task force on alcohol. The Minister said the Bill will be repealed next year. The Bill should have been passed months ago. The sections of the Bill are quite simple and people have been talking about them for years. It was not necessary to take so long to bring the Bill forward or to wait for the reports from the strategic task force or the liquor licensing commission. It is common knowledge that some of these measures were needed a couple of years ago.

The Minister has drafted the Bill's provisions from the reports I mentioned. I could not help pondering this over the past few days, particularly with regard to the report of the strategic task force on alcohol. The Minister sneered at Fine Gael's policy on alcohol but we based our policy on that report as well. It is interesting that the snide remarks and sneering of the Minister a few months ago was about a policy based on the same document on which the Bill is based.

For the past three years I have read in newspapers and seen on television the commentators who are appalled at and horrified by the street violence this country has experienced. In the past few weeks, however, since the introduction of this Bill, there has been a sea change. The newspapers that reported on the horrific street violence are now claiming this legislation is too draconian and is taking away our liberties and freedoms. They cannot have it both ways. The argument that sickens me is that one cannot touch the bona fide pint drinkers who do not bother anyone and only harm themselves. I have heard business people on the radio over the past few days arguing about this. It is most hypocritical. Everybody is aware of the mess we are in with regard to drink-related crime. People cannot have it both ways.

From the point of view of my party, the legislation does not go far enough. It does not seriously address the issues this country faces with alcohol abuse and drink-related crime, which has doubled in recent years. The Minister is quoted as calling this a "crisis". There is a crisis in this society caused by excessive alcohol con sumption. He constantly cites the Commission on Liquor Licensing and the Strategic Task Force on Alcohol. If there is a crisis why did he not include some of the more powerful measures in the interim report of the strategic task force report such as lowering the blood alcohol limit for drivers with full and provisional licences? Why did he not call for a total ban on advertising? He and other Ministers have been mouthing on about advertising for years. A simple way of dealing with that is to impose a total ban on it. Again, he avoided it. Why did he not put in place a systematic data collection procedure for the key harm indicators? With regard to the commission report why did he not initiate a national alcohol strategy, something that the National Crime Council has also advocated?

Why not address the use of the argument of drunkenness as a defence against a criminal prosecution or as grounds for mitigation of penalty? That was a recommendation in the commission report. Why are more gardaí not being deployed? Why is this Government not putting the resources into increasing Garda numbers if there is a crisis?

As far as drunkenness is concerned I will probably support what the Minister is trying to do. It is important that we place an onus on publicans. Most publicans are quite responsible but some simply are not and they do not care what happens to a patron once he or she goes out the door. There is an onus on publicans not to allow overt drunkenness or drunken misconduct on their premises. What kind of evidence is required to show that a person is drunk? How will the court satisfy itself that the person was drunk at the time? This is already on the books. I agree that it should be revisited but the real issue is enforcement. If it has not been enforced in the past it will not make any difference in the future. If one goes through this Bill one comes to the same conclusion in four or five different areas. It will not make a damn bit of difference unless the enforcement aspect changes dramatically. We all know that and this is a good example of it.

The Minister came up with the suggestion about four to six months ago of allowing local authorities to extend pub closing hours. I said then that it was a silly and naive idea, and I was right. Everyone agreed with me, even local councillors all over the country who said that it was a crazy notion. This is not as bad. It is trying to allow the local authorities to have a significant input into deciding which premises should be granted special exemptions. In a perfect world that probably could work. I do not like the idea of councillors being lobbied by publicans. Many councillors drink in the same pub. I do not like the idea that the guy who owns the pub lobbies those councillors for a special exemption order because a resolution would be passed through that town council and the phrasing of this would have an effect in the District Court.

I do not want councillors touching this area, it should be left to the Garda and the courts. The Minister never served on a local authority. If he had served six months he would know I am right. I have often said that to him. I do not believe he understands how close and vital the relationship between publicans and councillors is in rural areas. He does not have a clue how middle Ireland works with regard to lobbying on a local level, and if he did this provision would not be in the Bill. In a perfect world it would. There is nothing wrong with a Minister thinking outside the box. Many people here would never take a risk on any issue. There is nothing wrong with a Minister coming up with a new and different idea that is innovative. That is a good thing but this is potentially dangerous.

One of the factors involved is undue risk to public order in the locality but usually, public order becomes an issue after the exemption is granted. It is putting the cart before the horse. I would impose a moratorium on special exemption orders. The trouble on the streets now is bad enough. The last thing we need is extended hours. Until we get a handle on the kind of street crime that exists there is no point in liberalising our drinking laws. We did it three years ago and there has been hell to pay ever since. It is nuts.

I love the idea of gardaí on the video stakeout but if there is no money for CCTV in towns, and there is no money for extra gardaí, how can there be money for camcorders? It comes down to enforcement. This section of the Bill is a nonsense because there simply are not enough gardaí available. Giving them a video camera and posting them outside a pub door for two or three hours is crazy when they need three times as many officers to do a proper patrolling job on a weekend in an urban area.

With regard to labelling, which the Minister mentioned earlier, this was in the Fine Gael policy document and I tend to agree with the Minister. Looking at the practicalities of this there are cost issues that may not have been thought out initially. We should look at it in the future but from a practical standpoint the industry may not be able to carry that level of cost.

Given that the Minister was about to give me the brass neck award for even contemplating raising the drinking age his suggestion of allowing pub and nightclub owners to raise the drinking age in their establishments is possibly the most hypocritical thing I have heard since I have been in the Dáil. The Minister deserves the award for bringing this to the House after what he said a few months ago.

The Deputy saw this working very successfully in America when he was there. I was there and saw it working.

Yes, I was not against it.

That is why he proposed it.

That is why I proposed it. Does Deputy Cassidy understand that?

I will move on. With regard to the equality sections of the Bill, people have been lining their pockets for years with the equality provisions in the old Act. This would allow cases of alleged discrimination go before the District Court where the standard of proof would be more rigorous. For years publicans and hoteliers have been targeted by people who have used the law for purposes other than those for which it was intended. It has been a vehicle that has allowed thousands of people to gain thousands of euro. I heard a Travellers' representative recently saying that the equality proposals in this Bill demonstrated the influence that vintners have on politicians. That is the truth. I have seen this with my own eyes, and the carping of those who are against the equality provisions in the Bill is unbelievable. The Equality Authority would have much more credibility if it said what everybody knows, that this law has been abused for years by particular groups and needs changing. The Equality Authority has done itself serious damage by trying to argue against the provisions in this Bill when it is common knowledge that this change is needed and I support it fully.

Now we come to age cards, which could be really effective. It is also our policy to have age cards, and I support them. I wish to home in on one aspect, a provision to which the Commission on Liquor Licensing drew our attention. It noted the increasing level of forgery of Garda identity cards among young people, a serious offence under the Intoxicating Liquor Act. It is not that serious. In Dublin and other urban areas people have cottage industries forging documents so that young people can get into pubs. If and when this provision is passed into law, the problem will multiply tenfold. I know because I had experience of it in the States, just as Deputy Cassidy pointed out. I assumed the identity of William Laidlaw for two years. He was a resident of St. Catherine's, Ontario, and a crew member in the college that I attended. We all had fake IDs. There was a fellow doing an art major who was skilled with his hands, and he earned bucketloads of dollars making false IDs for everyone.

I was talking to the private secretary to one of the Ministers this afternoon and she told me that her daughter's assumed name was Nuala, and that all her friends have assumed names. If that happens, the problem will multiply. Part of the fun for people is using a fake ID to get past a bouncer and enter a club or pub. No wonder section 28 of the Criminal Justice (Theft and Fraud Offences) Act 2001 refers to the making of false IDs, and section 26 to their use.

In the United States, if the licensee is caught with someone holding a fake ID on the premises, he or she is liable. If one wants this measure to be effective, there must be some penalty for the licensee. Perhaps it is already covered by law, but it should be checked out. Mark my words, if the age card is to work – I support it – to ensure that forgery does not get out of hand, strict liabilities must be included regarding the use and manufacture of such cards, and penalties for the licensee.

I now come to the super-pubs. There are to be café-style pubs, with any new pub limited to 1,300 square feet. Unfortunately, we were subjected to six months of constant yakking about community-based pubs. The Irish people were going to drink cappuccinos and eat croissants, and everything was going to be hunky-dory. The Minister bored us with that drivel for months and the media were sucked into it.

Deputy Costello likes croissants for breakfast.

He is not the Minister.

Croissants and cappuccino.

For breakfast.

The Irish pub would not be open at that time.

The Minister bored us—

Time on the left bank in Paris, Minister.

—with this drivel for months. The media got sucked into it because they all believed in it. For weeks on end, we were all looking forward to the prospect of the café-style pub, which was going to solve everyone's problems. My favourite quote is "provide an atmosphere and ambience that encourages moderate social consumption of alcohol rather than the excessive consumption and binge drinking that has become so common in recent years". That utopia was thrown out by the Government again and again. If it was such a priority, where the hell is it? Now we are told that we must wait until the middle of 2004 before this figment of someone's imagination appears. Let us get real here. The Minister has talked a great deal in the past year, but many things have simply not materialised, and he has sucked many of the media with him.

Then we have "Cool McDowell", who gave a sermon to the children. It was the old "don't get laid and drunk" speech about those things not being cool. MTV and "Ibiza Uncovered" are not cool. I still watch MTV and I find it rather good television. If the Minister goes on about that, why does he not ban advertising? If he is so adamant that he will save the children, why does he not advocate a total ban on it? The good news is that no one took him seriously. The bad news is that MTV will never ask him to do an episode of "Cribs" in Ranelagh. When I heard all that, I had to ask myself whether I would take the Minister seriously on drink. The answer was "No", and I was not the only one to think that. It was embarrassing. The children in this country could buy and sell the Minister when it comes to drink. Frankly, they know more about it than the Mini ster. Children of 14 or 15 know much more about drinking than the Minister. He would be better off putting people in prison and leaving the children alone.

The Minister said last year that the Garda would have sufficient resources to carry out its duties, but that is not the case. He said that he would examine proposals to toughen criminal law regarding public order offences, but street violence has worsened, and in the Minister's words there is still a crisis. There are no extra gardaí. It looks like 600 gardaí will retire this year. As far as enforcement is concerned, the Minister likes to say that he will go after "drink-induced criminality", and I support that. I support some of the other measures too, but I wish to focus on drink-induced criminality.

The National Crime Council recently conducted a study which showed that 56% of public order offences were struck out or dismissed. That is the issue the Minister should deal with. Is it any wonder people no longer report crime? The reason is they know that the chances of anything happening to the person who has committed the crime are tiny. Some 14% of public order offences resulted in a fine and 1% resulted in people going to jail. That is the issue in this country. It is not merely about this Bill and legislating to put more laws on the Statute Book. We love putting laws on the Statute Book, but we hate enforcing them. Every Deputy present knows that that is the case and they have all referred to it.

Some of the provisions are useful, and I would like to be able to support them, but unless one deals with the other side of this issue, that of enforcement – with 56% of public order offences people get off scot-free – one is at nothing. It is no wonder the gardaí are completely demoralised and leaving in droves when they go out night after night, putting their safety and health on the line, and see criminals getting off again and again. The Judiciary has a role in this regard.

Last week I spoke in the House about drug offences and said that the only way to deal with the drugs problem is to have a three-month minimum sentence for those caught dealing. We will have to consider that seriously because many drug dealers are being sentenced under the Probation Act. If one compares districts, one will see that some judges put these people away while others let them off.

It can be the fourth or fifth time before these guys are put behind bars. We must think seriously about minimum sentences, particularly in the area of drug-related crime. The reports stated that "there was a belief among the Garda that no real deterrent existed for public order offences and that most of them [being the offenders] did not think they had done anything wrong." There is a mindset that regardless of what crime or public order offence one commits, one's actions will have few, if any, consequences. That is the prob lem. People are going out and glassing guys in pubs, taking their eyes out, and getting suspended sentences. Guys are going into pubs and beating the lard out of people in indiscriminate attacks and nothing is happening to them. They know it, their friends know it and the gardaí know it and are sick of it. If the Minister wants to deal with the issue of drink, he must first deal with a real sanction for those who break the law and commit public order offences. Approximately 80,000 such offences were committed in the past year.

The Minister has often cited the Mayo example in regard to the enforcement of the provisions on under age drinking and has made the argument for me. He has even asked Garda Commissioner Byrne to produce a report on this issue. Why have there been 121 pub closures in the west of Ireland for about four small counties while the number in Dublin is in the teens? The reason is that the gardaí enforce the law and make an attempt to deal with under age drinking. The Minister has made the argument for me time and again. Deputy Costello has made the same point.

As far as closing time is concerned the commission made an observation, with which I agree, that many commentators who think they know a good deal about drinking say they would allow for a free-for-all and no licences. Politicians, including my father, agree with them. I completely disagree with this and have said so for many years. The commission stated that allowing a free-for-all where publicans choose when to open or close would not suit Irish people's drinking patterns, and it is absolutely right. Let us look at what happened during the past few years.

The Minister has incorporated a provision which provides for reverting to the old closing time on Thursday. That is party policy and I agree with it. I get annoyed when I hear commentators speaking about the hour on Thursday being gone as if it was the end of the world. I have heard the same commentators say that the chaos and mayhem on the streets must end. I have heard them question the Government and the Garda Síochána. The hypocrisy here is hard to take sometimes if one takes the weekend as a whole and those three hours on Thursday, Friday and Saturday.

One day one reads a newspaper story about a drunken rampage leading to devastation on the roads and a man beaten to within an inch of his life. This is followed by a civil libertarian argument that makes no sense whatever, taken with the previous argument. I understand why the Minister has bought into the argument that students are hung over and that there is worker absenteeism on Fridays but, for some reason, he does not accept that the provision has caused the increase in street violence. I have a real difficulty with that. What evidence does the Minister need? The statistics show that in 2000, there were 1,703 assaults causing harm.

The special exemptions are more likely to have an impact.

I am talking about Friday and Saturday.

On Thursdays, it will not make a difference to the special exemptions.

In 2001, the number of assaults causing harm increased to 2,374. Last April the Minister said there were 3,500 serious assaults in 2002. Essentially, the number of assaults has more than doubled since 2000. The Minister does not need any more evidence than that. He has said it is too early to make a decision on it. It is not; the evidence is there. The gardaí agree with me and it is time the Minister made a decision.

I agree with some of the Bill's provisions. The Minister speaks tough on crime at times. Many people, particularly those in the media, believe he is doing something in this area. Since coming to office he has managed to pass the public order Bill introduced by the former Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy O'Donoghue. He has taken out sections of the report of the Commission on Liquor Licensing, which he commissioned in the first place, and has presented them to the Dáil well over a year after his appointment. This is not much of a record on drink and alcohol abuse. The Minister does not understand how people drink here or how horrifying it is when one is in an urban area, with no prospect of help whatsoever, facing someone who is about to attack, assault and cause one bodily harm. It happens again and again. It happens every weekend night. I condemn some of the politicians here and commentators who say the Minister has not done enough. This is a step too far. The Minister has not gone far enough. He needs to take unpopular but necessary decisions in this area. I will support him if he does so.

The Minister has asked for political co-operation. I support the Bill on two conditions – if the Minister reintroduces Friday and Saturday closing times and reduces the size of any new pubs. The latter is an issue on which I thought we had agreed. If the Minister is serious about political co-operation, he should take us up on it because we want to progress this. He should not say he wants political co-operation and then come up with one proposal. I have the facts to prove this and the gardaí agree with me, but the Minister has said he will wait until next year. There is no need to wait until next year. We all know what has happened during the past three years. If the Minister is serious about this he should take me up on my offer and, if he does so, my party will support these measures. If not, that is the way it goes.

I welcome the Minister to the House. However, I cannot give the same welcome to the legislation. We have had four interim reports from the Commission on Liquor Licens ing and the first interim report of the task force established by the Department of Health and Children. Following two years of deliberations, the Minister has produced a Bill which is extremely disappointing. I had expected much more and in a more coherent fashion. If one looks at the various headings, it is clear the Bill falls into three parts: conduct on licensed premises, amendment of the Intoxicating Liquor Acts and miscellaneous items. This does not suggest a comprehensive, coherent, thought out, thematic, or philosophical approach to the matter. The Minister said he intends to go down that road next year with a codification Bill and that the work will be done there. This is unacceptable because what he has produced is questionable in many areas. Much of it is going backwards, particularly in regard to the equality tribunal, and some of it is not workable. I would have thought the emphasis would have been on what is urgently needed and what is workable.

We need to look at the issue of drink-driving which is the cause of major road fatalities and which gives rise to our adult problem. Nothing is being done about that in this legislation. We are told that the Minister for Health and Children will look at the issue some time in the future. Despite the specific proposals in the interim report of the strategic task force, which have been around since last May, nothing has happened. We have no idea when the Minister will look at them. I do not expect it to happen soon. The targeting of our young people through advertising is another issue we need to consider but there is nothing in this legislation that will do anything about it.

The major areas on which we need to focus are missing from this legislation. The Minister is talking about providing an interim solution whereas in 12 months time we will have a new approach, a new codification of the legislation. What we really need is enforcement. We need the 2,000 gardaí the Minister promised. We need them on the beat and enforcing the law. This legislation will not provide any of that, nor will it provide enforcement in regard to many of the issues relating to drinking. Legislation on under-age drinking is enforced in a haphazard manner at present. There is already legislation on the Statute Book in regard to drunkenness but it is not enforced.

This legislation is an unsatisfactory presentation of a discrete, unconnected collection of issues which miss the point of doing something urgent about the situation. This is exemplified in the Minister's original definition of a drunken person. I cannot understand where he got hold of it. If he had started the legislation with the definition of a drunken person he gave in his presentation a month ago, he would be laughed all the way home to Ranelagh. According to his original definition a drunken person means a person whose mental or physical faculties are impaired, or appear to be impaired, due to consumption of intoxicating liquor, so as to substantially diminish the person's ability to think and act in a way in which an ordinary prudent person in full possession of his or her faculties, and using reasonable care, would act in like circumstances.

Imagine the difficulties a publican or barman would have in determining that. Imagine, a person buying a round in a bar who bought a drink for a person who was not acting in a prudent fashion or taking reasonable care would be committing an offence. The penalty could be €1,500. A person could buy a round for a person who was a little tipsy or for a person whose mental faculties appeared to be impaired. On whose opinion will a judgment be made? How could any legal action be founded on such an opinion?

This exemplifies the attitude taken in this legislation. The attitude is haphazard and pulls things out of the air. After all the chat shows on which the Minister sat and after all the musings of the last 12 months, the legislation he has produced is not good enough. We would be better off to withdraw this Bill if the Minister is going to produce codified legislation within the next year. He should produce Green and White Papers which would properly discuss the approach to dealing with alcohol, alcohol abuse and the drink culture in the country. He must also produce gardaí on the beat who will ensure the law is implemented and that the number of public order offences does not continue to climb through the roof.

The gardaí must also enforce the law in regard to under-age drinking. It is a scandal that this law is not being enforced. Why does the Minister create law after law which is not enforced? The existing law in regard to drunkenness should also be enforced. What value is there in introducing a bevy of new measures in regard to drunkenness where the first penalty, if somebody is quarrelsome on the premises, is to close down the premises? The Minister will come the heavy with this legislation. Will we have a garda sitting in mufti in a corner or will there be a camcorder which will determine that somebody is quarrelsome and the pub must be closed down? The Minister knows this will not happen. He is producing bad law.

Along with these issues of bad law, the Minister is now going to treat 18 year olds as less than adult. This is despite what he has said previously in the House. He is going to pass over discretion from the legislator to the publican and young people of 18 years will not have the right to go into a pub and have a pint. The Minister stoutly defended that right in the House a couple of months ago. It will now be left to the discretion of the individual publican whether to admit them to the pub. The Minister has stated that he intends operating this discrimination in a non-discriminatory fashion – what a contradiction.

The Minister has also effectively repealed the provisions of the equal status legislation in regard to admission to public houses through transferring the matter to the District Court. It is more difficult to process the case of somebody refused admission to a pub in the District Court than in the Equality Tribunal which was specifically set up for that purpose.

I made a proposal in regard to off-licence sales which the Minister indicated, when we met in regard to the heads of the legislation, he would take on board. Obviously he found that too difficult as a result of the views of those supplying the alcohol in off-licence premises. The Minister must grasp the nettle but he is not doing so. I am extremely disappointed with the legislation.

Alcohol is the preferred drug of the Irish people. It is an integral part of our social culture and no celebration or mourning takes place without its consumption. The public house is where people meet informally over a few drinks and socialise. Due to the fact that it is a drug, alcohol has mood and behaviour-altering properties. Therefore, it is important that we constantly monitor the pattern of alcohol consumption and take appropriate measures to guard against abuse.

In recent years the consumption of alcohol has increased dramatically amongst all age groups in Ireland. Undoubtedly, the unprecedented levels of economic expansion associated with the Celtic tiger have put significantly more disposable income in the pockets of people. There has been no major analysis of these factors although surveys have been carried out. Ireland has moved from being a nation of moderate drinkers 20 years ago to being one of the highest consumers of alcohol in Europe with a 49% per capita increase in ten years. Ireland is top of the European league for binge drinking with more than 40% of men and 16% of women having more than six drinks when they go out drinking. Alcohol consumption per adult in Ireland is 56% higher than in the European Union.

The pattern of drinking among the young has changed equally dramatically and 50% of Irish children under 12 have experimented with alcohol. These are alarming figures. Two thirds of 15 and 16 year olds drink regularly and half of them binge or crash drink. A survey conducted by the Department of Health and Children as recently as April found that one in every four young people between the ages of ten and 16 years had been drinking alcohol in the previous month. The fallout from such widespread excess and abuse by young and old is equally dramatic. The estimated cost to the Exchequer of alcohol last year was €2.5 billion. Some 40% of traffic deaths and 30% of roadside deaths are related to drink driving. Crime figures for 2002 reveal 35,000 cases of public drunkenness and 22,000 cases of threatening and abusive behaviour which were drink related. The vast majority of public order offences are also drink related. Some 20% to 25% of all accident and emergency cases in hospitals are drink related. A 370% increase in the numbers of teenagers intoxicated in public places was recorded between 1996 and 2002. Alcohol abuse is a significant factor in many of the cases of young women attending the sexual assault unit of the Rotunda Hospital in Dublin.

The dramatic increase in alcohol consumption by young and old and the consequent high levels of anti-social behaviour require a fresh response. The old laissez-faire attitude and tolerance of drunkenness and drink-related offences must be replaced by a new culture of responsibility. This responsibility must be shared by those who produce and sell alcohol as well as those who consume it. Society, through its policy-makers, legislators and educators, must create the environment and introduce the measures which will help to change the old patterns of behaviour. In this respect, I disagree with the Minister. There must be a coherent theme, running from the brewers and distillers of alcohol down to the consumers, in terms of a responsible approach to alcohol consumption.

The first area which must be dealt with is the drinks industry, the primary responsibility of which is to contribute to whatever measures are deemed necessary to offset and counteract the abuses arising from the consumption of its products. The drinks industry is a multi-million euro one with huge profits. Breweries and distilleries should pay the Government a special levy on their profits and the money raised should be placed in a designated fund which would finance education, information and awareness-raising programmes, aimed primarily at young people, and would finance health and rehabilitation programmes for people damaged by alcohol abuse and addiction. Vast sums of money are spent on marketing by the drinks industry. Approximately €38 million was spent last year in the Irish advertising market. Young people and sporting activities are particularly targeted by sponsorship, promotions and advertising. Advertising which links alcohol to young people and sporting activities should be banned immediately. There is no reason why one should have to wait until some time in the distant future.

The Minister for Health and Children should use the Health Act 1997 to ban a range of dangerous products from the Irish market which the Minister considers to contain excessive volumes of alcohol and to be aimed mainly at young people. A health warning could be placed on every unit of alcohol displayed in the same manner as tobacco products, a provision to which this Bill makes no reference. Enabling legislation could be enacted to allow the Minister for Health and Children to introduce further restrictions on an enabling basis in regard to the advertising industry, as he or she feels appropriate.

The second area of responsibility is the service industry. The primary responsibility of owners of premises licensed to sell alcohol, such as public houses, night clubs, restaurants, off-licences and supermarkets, is to know the law, obey it and ensure it is obeyed on their premises. This is particularly important given the proliferation of licences in areas in which licences have not historically existed. There is an absolute need for people to know the law and ensure it is operated on the premises and in the vicinity. From that point of view, all licensees should have to undergo a training, information and health and safety-type course in regard to their legal responsibilities. This should include, for example, how to manage premises and service customers. The industry has already gone down that road with the responsible serving of alcohol programme, developed by the health promotion unit of the Department of Health and Children. The RSA programme should be part and parcel of the conditions of someone being granted a licence. It should be a statutory requirement, the benefits of which should be passed on to employees in order that they know precisely how to handle people and manage premises.

No one under 18 years of age should be permitted to sell or serve alcohol on premises which are dedicated primarily to the sale of alcohol under any circumstances. That is not provided for in this Bill. The Minister's proposals on the requirement of age identification does not change the existing situation in that the same number of options apply, for example, a voluntary Garda card, a passport or a driving licence. The only satisfactory identification should be a personal public service card, with its computer code, which everyone from the age of 18 years holds. It is the only standard method.

There are no photographs on such cards.

It should not be beyond the powers of the Department of Social and Family Affairs to provide for a photograph as it is a relatively well established technology. We should examine this method, rather than the method the Minister provides for.

While this Bill imposes strong penalties on under age drinking, they are not enforced. We are aware of the situation which pertains in County Mayo. It is a legendary part of the wild west, yet, in terms of the implementation of law and order, it is far from wild. Rather, it is the only county in Ireland in which offences committed in regard to the service of minors are being pursued by the Garda and enforced by the courts. I do not understand why we cannot do the same in the rest of the country. Perhaps we could send the gardaí from Dublin to take lessons from Superintendent Carey in Mayo in order that they might learn a thing or two.

The Deputy is referring to Chief Superintendent Carey.

That is correct.

This is a question of enforcement. Part of the problem with this Bill is that the Minister is beating around the bush by merely introducing elements of the legislation if they are required. The Mayo example demonstrates that legislation, if enforced, will deal with the problem. However, it is not being widely enforced and, once the law is flouted, it is brought into disrepute and the Minister, therefore, has a strong responsibility in this area.

We are to have codification next year but the fact that we must wait until then is part of the problem. What assurance have we that the 70-plus Bills proposed by the Minister will actually be codified? We need a thematic and philosophical structure to the new legislation which will contain the best parts of the various Bills and weed out what is unnecessary or redundant in order that we have a coherent set of legislative proposals which respond to modern needs. There is nothing in what we have seen to date which reassures me that that will be the case.

I am particularly unhappy that this Bill does little more than repeal section 17 of the 2000 Act, which makes provision for the labelling of all off-sales containers. The Minister also says that he will make provision for new regulations to be introduced some time in the future. The Minister knows he will not do this. If we could not come up with a plan in three years, it will not happen now. We must address the entire question of off-licences and the need for traceability on liquor sold from them. The Minister has outlined all the reasons this cannot be done. Will he come up with some reasons why it can be done? A great deal of liquor is sold from off-licences and I would appreciate if the Minister could give us more specific details of off-licence sales. There has been a proliferation of outlets selling liquor that was previously sold from straight off-licence premises. Now, every supermarket, SPAR, Centra and garage forecourt shop sells alcohol. There is little control of who the alcohol is sold to and how it is sold. If the existing laws were enforced, it would be of enormous benefit in dealing with the problem of under age drinking. However, we have now repealed the law that should have been in place with regard to off-licences. I am very disappointed by this.

The Minister promised us that the issue of alcohol and driving would be addressed. Why is the drink-driving limit not brought into line with the rest of the EU? We are the only country that allows 80 milligrams per millilitre. Why not reduce it to 50 milligrams – two pints of beer to one – and bring us into line with European limits? Such a move would not require major research or new legislation.

The 1994 Road Traffic Act allows the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform to introduce regulations to lower the blood-alcohol limit for provisional drivers to zero. That recommendation of the first interim report of the task force could be implemented by the stroke of a pen. The random breathalysing of drivers, regularly sought by the Garda, could also be implemented by the stroke of a pen. We are awaiting these regulations. However, the Minister will tell us that the Minister for Health and Children will introduce some while the Minister for Transport will intro duce another. We know they will not be introduced because they are not part of the Ministers' agendas. Nothing in the schedules of legislation has indicated that these matters will be tackled.

The legislation's provisions on equality issues represent a backward move. I have no doubt that the Minister was lobbied strongly by the vintners on the matter. This is regrettable as the Equality Tribunal was beginning to settle down. Even the vintners, in their presentations to us, indicated that the position was more stable than heretofore. However, the Minister proposes to transfer a major function of the Equality Tribunal – to look at cases of discrimination regarding admission – to the District Court. This will seriously undermine the tribunal and the equal status legislation. How long will it be until another service provider asks a Minister to follow the precedent established by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform and question the equal status legislation? Service providers will be able to argue that there are certain people they do not want on their premises. They could argue that they too should have an exemption from the provisions of the equal status legislation in terms of discrimination. The notion of being able to discriminate in a fair manner beggars belief.

The Garda Síochána has a heavy duty of responsibility in ensuring effective enforcement of the law. However, this is being done in a haphazard manner. Why can the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform not speak to the Garda about the need for a strategic plan to deal with alcohol abuse? No strategies are in place to address this. We know public order offences have increased dramatically in recent years. Vicious assaults are commonplace. Why can the Garda not mark out the locations where the violence and disturbances occur? This is an operational matter. Why can it not deploy greater resources to these flash points? Why can we not have closed circuit television cameras installed at flash points?

The provision of youth services and facilities must be addressed. We need alternatives to the drink and drug culture. There is no sense in us examining this in a vacuum. Major diversionary programmes and sporting facilities are required. Communities devoid of these services need to be particularly targeted. It is a disgrace that the RAPID programme which was specifically geared, with investment of €2 billion, towards providing such additional facilities has now fallen by the wayside and the Government is no longer honouring its commitment. The young people's facilities and services fund is no longer being funded.

As the drinks industry spends an inordinate amount of money on advertising directed mainly at the young, Government levies should be channelled into funding educational and awareness programmes. School and youth organisations should play a major role in promoting a healthy lifestyle. If only the same amount of money were put into presenting and projecting healthy life styles as is put into pretending drink is part of a healthy lifestyle, the position could improve.

We do not have coherent policies to tackle this issue. We need to look at introducing a whole new approach to dealing with alcohol abuse. The best way to do this is to replace the present culture of tolerance on alcohol and alcohol abuse with one of responsibility. We must tackle this right across the board and place responsibility on the brewers and distillers right down to the Garda, the service providers, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, who is responsible for legislation, and the consumers. If we do not proceed in this fashion, we will find ourselves with a scattered set of hit and miss proposals. This is what we have in this Bill as there is no integration between its provisions. When this Bill is passed, the new state of affairs will be worse than the present one.

I wish to share time with Deputies McHugh, Healy and Cuffe.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all text after "That" and substitute the following:

"Dáil Éireann:

– Recognising that over-consumption of alcohol, alcoholism, and associated ill-health, public and private violence, and negative economic impacts are serious social problems in this State requiring comprehensive and effective solutions based on international best practice;

– Noting and condemning the Government's failure to establish a comprehensive and effective policy on alcohol based on international best practice;

– Noting the Government's manifest failure to ensure the full and effective enforcement of existing laws and powers with respect to over-consumption of alcohol and associated public disorder;

– Noting the concerns raised by the industries affected by the Government proposals that the provisions of the Intoxicating Liquor Bill 2003 will not effectively address the issue of public disorder related to over-consumption of alcohol, and may cause or contribute to further problems;

– Noting the recommendation of the strategic task force on alcohol with respect to the efficacy of pricing controls as international best practice in reducing alcohol over-consumption and associated public disorder – which are not substantively addressed in the Bill before the House;

– Noting that the vast majority of consumption and over-consumption of alcohol in this State is done by drinkers of legal age;

– Noting the grave concerns raised by a broad coalition of reputable non-governmental organisations about the dangerous precedent set by proposed amendments to the Equal Status Act , which are not related to international best practice in reducing alcohol over-consumption and associated public disorder;

– Condemning the Government's failure to take any punitive action against the so-called "blanket ban" pubs which called for exemption from equality legislation to allow them to discriminate;

– Affirming that, without exception, everyone has a right to equal treatment and to protection against discrimination, and that there can be no exemption of certain industries or sectors from common obligations under the Equal Status Act 2000;

– Condemning the Government for attempting to fast-track such flawed legislation through the Dáil;

Declines to give a Second Reading to the Bill.".

I tabled this amendment on the basis that this legislation is flawed and should be referred back for revision. A Second Reading of any revised Bill should be postponed until the Minister has prepared an impact assessment statement that covers the implications of the Government's proposals for the Garda, local authorities and the industries concerned with its enforcement, and such a statement should be laid before both Houses of the Oireachtas. The Minister should also request an impact assessment statement from the Equality Authority confirming that the proposals in the Bill do not delete equality rights or affect the operation of the Equal Status Act 2000. An impact assessment statement should also be obtained from the Human Rights Commission again stating that the proposals in the Bill do not delete or have a deleterious effect on human rights. Both statements should be laid before both Houses of the Oireachtas.

The Minister stated that we will return to these issues next year. I do not see the urgency. Why not wait and get the codification of the legislation right so that it incorporates the concerns of groups such as the Irish Nightclub Industry Association or the Irish Hotels Federation, and those of minority groups which they have raised with Deputies, to ensure we do not have to return continually to this issue to try to get it right? What about effective policing? There is nothing in the Bill that will ensure that these new provisions will be enforced. What about the issue of sequential closing or adequate public transport at night?

I recognise that excessive consumption of alcohol, alcoholism and the associated negative effects on health, the economy and as manifested by public and private violence are serious social problems for the State. These problems deserve the best international standards and practice but the Government has not managed to address them in the Bill. I support one or two provisions, namely, the banning of happy hours or promotional sales of alcohol, especially cut-price drinks, and these are mentioned in section 20. We deserve effective legislation because, so far, Governments have effectively failed to enforce existing laws and powers with respect to excessive consumption of alcohol and the associated public disorder.

The Minister made self-congratulatory references to how the Bill progresses the recommendations of the Strategic Task Force on Alcohol. One of its main recommendations related to price controls, a recognition that one of the three most important aspects of international best practice in reducing excessive alcohol consumption and associated public disorder is to increase tax on alcohol. The task force report recommended that the State increase alcohol taxes and use the additional Exchequer revenue to implement the recommendations set out in the report.

The subtext of the Bill is a misplaced notion that the main problem with alcohol consumption is under-age drinking. The reality is that those who are of a legal age to drink are responsible for the vast majority of excessive alcohol consumption and also carry out the vast majority of related anti-social behaviour. To confront this reality, we would have to confront ourselves and the examples we as older members in society and as legislators have set. We have not required the Garda to prioritise the redirection of its resources towards tackling this problem in society which could be dealt with quickly were this redirection to take place.

The Minister has not conducted an adequate assessment of the impact of some of the proposals in the Bill on different sectors of society. For example, the Irish Hotels Federation believes that the ban on children in section 14 and the mandatory identification provisions in section 15 will do long-term damage to the tourism industry and make hotels and similar mixed establishments less family-friendly. If the Minister wants to sit in peace and quiet, there are pubs in which he can do so. He can also go to his hotel room and order drink from there. Other organisations, such as the National Youth Council, the Irish Council for Civil Liberties and the One Parent Exchange and Network, have grave concerns about these provisions.

The Bill exploits genuine and widespread concern about the negative impact of alcohol and alcoholism, the prejudice and preconception that Travellers and young people are responsible for the bulk of public order offences and the unfortunately widespread but mistaken belief that the reason the Equality Tribunal has made so many findings in favour of Travellers is because they are milking the system. This is rather than accept that this pattern reflects a long-standing tradition of discrimination and exclusion of Travellers from these businesses due to prejudice.

I share the grave concerns raised by a coalition of reputable non-governmental organisations about the dangerous precedent the Minister is setting in his proposed amendments to the Equal Status Act which are not related to international best practice in reducing excessive alcohol consumption. I refer to the plans to remove the jurisdiction of the Equality Tribunal to refer complaints of discrimination by licensed establishments to the District Court and the exemption of licensees from the Equal Status Act in section 25 to permit, legislate for and legalise discrimination. Without exception, everyone has the right to equal treatment and protection against discrimination and there can be no exception for certain industries or sectors from common obligations under the Equal Status Act, not even after such powerful interest groups have lobbied the Minister. The exemptions under sections 19 and 25 set a dangerous precedent, opening the door for other industries and sectors to argue that it is unreasonable to expect them to comply with the Equal Status Act on the basis of cost and security.

I am disappointed by the Bill and its provisions. I would have thought that, following on the different reports, it would have been much more comprehensive. To say that codified legislation will be ready some time in 2004 is not good enough, because this is an area that is a cause for considerable concern. There is a crisis where the consumption of alcohol is concerned and the Bill is a limited and inadequate response to it.

Alcohol is the most abused drug in society. It is so ingrained in the national psyche that we often forget it is a drug that causes huge problems for individuals, their families and friends and major difficulties in work. The costs of dealing with alcohol abuse in the health service are enormous and in recent years we have experienced a rise in street violence and anti-social behaviour across the State. We should promote a responsible approach to alcohol among consumers, the drinks companies, publicans and club owners. This limited Bill does nothing to address those elements.

The sale of cans from off-licences to under age drinkers is a problem, as are off-licence opening hours. Many off-licences are part of the local corner shop or small supermarket and it is clear that drink is being sold by them at all times of the day and night. These shops are open from 7 a.m. until 11 p.m. and some are even open 24 hours a day. I agree with the Labour Party spokesperson who suggested that there should be an identification code on cans sold by such outlets. I listened with some incredulity to Deputy Deasy when he suggested this would not be possible because it would cost the drinks companies too much. The drinks industry turns over billions of euro in profits and it would be a drop in the ocean for it to operate such a scheme. It would be a small step in the right direction to take such action. The drinks industry should also contribute by way of a levy to education and rehabilitation programmes to ensure a responsible approach to alcohol.

Enforcement is the Achilles heel of existing legislation and of this Bill. There is a raft of legislation which is not enforced – under age drinkers can get their hands on drink at the drop of a hat – and the fact that there is no sign of the 2,000 additional gardaí we were promised will not help.

This Bill has laudable aims but proposes questionable means to realise them. By restricting the availability of alcohol while not tackling the cartel that controls the licensed trade, we are failing to tackle the core of the problem of alcohol abuse.

The limited number of licences perpetuates the monopoly in the licensing trade. Small pubs are being bought by developers and destroyed. There is enormous pressure on publicans to double or treble the size of premises. Unless the Minister tackles the super-pubs, not only through liquor licensing legislation but through the planning regulations, he will fail to tackle the widespread abuse of licences that allows the perpetuation of these super-pubs.

The character of familiar areas has been shattered by the destruction of small-scale, family owned premises. The Minister only has to walk through his own neighbourhood to see it has destroyed much of the village atmosphere of Ranelagh. If he walks across the canal down Camden Street, where there were seven or eight pubs, he will see one super-pub shatter the character of that vibrant city neighbourhood every night by releasing hundreds of patrons on to the streets.

Further down, in Temple Bar, the small-scale, family owned pubs such as The Norseman, The Foggy Dew and The Temple Bar have been destroyed through expansion. Ten years ago when I lived in the area, there was a hush when the darts team from Oliver Bond was playing local residents in The Temple Bar. It was a family owned pub that was physically demolished, keeping only the facade, and an airport style drinking lounge was installed that is many times the size of the previous establishment.

Allowing the existence of enormous airport lounges encourages drunkenness to thrive in our society by getting rid of the subtle controls a bar man used to have over the premises. John Kehoe on South Anne Street had barely handed over the keys of his premises before the new owner threw open the upstairs door and doubled the size of the pub overnight. That is a major contributory factor to drunkenness. I am surprised that the Minister, a man who tends to oppose monopolies and cartels, is not tackling this problem in the legislation.

In every other European country one sees the small neighbourhood bars the Minister has mentioned previously. They exist because the owner does not need €1 million to open the establishment. I know people who opened a bar in Paris because they could not afford to open a premises in Dublin as they needed €1 million before they even got off the starting blocks. Unless the cartels and the super-pubs are tackled, the heart of the alcohol problem will not be tackled. Of course, super-pubs are not the source of all our problems with alcohol but they are a major contributor and controls are necessary.

Alcohol advertising must also be tackled. It was distasteful to witness the opening of the Special Olympics on television being interrupted by highly financed advertisements that link alcohol to sport. I hope the Minister will implement a blanket ban on the advertising of alcohol, particularly where there is an association with sport. The linking of the image of a man on a surfboard to the sale of alcohol is a highly dubious practice.

Debate adjourned.
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