Vol. 702 No. 2
75 Deputy Pádraic McCormack asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if his attention has been drawn to the crackdown on the use of various international websites (details supplied) in Libya; if this is in contravention of international agreements to which Libya has signed up; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [7245/10]
A report on 3 February by the respected non-governmental organisation, Human Rights Watch, stated that Libya has, since the end of January, blocked access from that country to certain websites based in other countries, including opposition Libyan websites and YouTube. This action, which was at first represented as a technical fault, is being interpreted as an attempt to prevent dissemination in Libya of opposition material or postings critical of the Libyan authorities.
Blocking access to websites is a reflex response of many regimes around the world to criticism and is usually a corollary to suppression of opinion at home. Libya has always been a tightly controlled society and although the country has to a slight extent opened up in recent years, this move represents a retrograde and disappointing development. The opening up to freedom of expression and the willingness to accept criticism is a central value of democracy and good governance, which Ireland and our European Union partners try to encourage in all states with which we have dealings. It is also enshrined in international instruments to which Libya is a party, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and People's Rights. Libya should respect these international obligations.
It is of great concern that Libya is blocking specific websites, particularly given recent assurances that Colonel Gaddafi is now much more open and that his administration would not return to the dark days of media control. It is interesting that the countries that have cracked down on media freedom, such as Libya, Burma and China, are the very countries about which there are serious human rights concerns. Is the Minister of the view that Libya has broken the international agreement it undertook in regard to press freedom?
As I said earlier, it is incumbent upon Libya to respect the international agreements to which it has signed up. In the context of any engagement between that country and the European Union, we would emphasise that issues of freedom of expression and access are a high priority. As both Deputy Breen and I observed, there were indications that Libya was opening up somewhat. This is a very retrograde step and one about which we have serious concerns.
Is the Minister aware of any report to the monitoring committee of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights on behalf of any European Union member state in regard to Libya?
Will the Deputy clarify his question?
Has a complaint been registered to Geneva or to the United Nations headquarters regarding a breach of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights by Libya?
Not to my knowledge, but I will clarify that for the Deputy. There have been serious human rights concerns in regard to Libya over the years, and those concerns are being addressed within the ongoing EU-Libya framework agreement negotiations.
To clarify, I raise this question in light of very serious reports regarding arbitrary imprisonment of dissidents.
76 Deputy Joan Burton asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the position regarding the Asia strategy following the conclusion of the first phase thereof; the objectives which he seeks for the second phase, including the advancement of human rights. [7144/10]
The Asia strategy was established in 1999 to improve Ireland's political and business contacts in the Asia-Pacific region, and to raise awareness of Ireland as an investment location and a source of high-quality exports. The 1998 report of the Asia strategy group, which provided the basis for the Asia strategy, stated that fundamental rights and freedoms were a factor in our relations with countries in Asia, and re-affirmed our commitment to promoting the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and other international instruments, through our foreign policy. As Ireland's relationship with countries in Asia has developed, my Department has worked to ensure this objective is pursued by way of the Asia strategy and by ongoing dialogue through other fora.
The focus of the first phase of the Asia strategy, from 1999 to 2004, was on raising awareness of Ireland in our target markets and assisting Irish companies to do business there. This transformed our relationship with countries in the region, with a marked increase in the number of trade missions, greater levels of trade, and an increase in high level political contacts. These helped durable political and business relationships to develop, particularly with China, and provided a context in which sensitive political issues could be discussed.
The second phase of the strategy, from 2005 to 2009, aimed to establish a coherent policy of engagement, on a political, social and cultural level, as well as on an economic and commercial level, with a particular focus on China, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, India, Malaysia, Indonesia and Vietnam. By the end of 2008, total exports to these priority countries had reached €11 billion, €2 billion in excess of the 2009 target outlined at the beginning of the second phase.
My Department has played a vital role in the Asia strategy since its inception, including through the organisation of awareness-raising projects by our embassies and consulates in the region, and the co-ordination of high level and official trade-related visits, which have helped to intensify and deepen our relations with the countries concerned. When we have specific issues regarding human rights, we also raise these with the governments and embassies of the countries in question through consultations and other forms of ongoing dialogue. They are also taken up by the EU in the context of formal human rights dialogues with a number of Asian countries and in regular discussions with others.
The Asia strategy has been very successful in raising awareness of Ireland in Asia, developing strong and meaningful relations, and increasing our trade with relevant countries. The high level group appointed by the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment to oversee the implementation of the strategy is currently finalising its review of the second phase, and is developing a new strategy for trade and investment. This strategy will focus on increasing our exports to, and investment from, emerging high-growth markets, as well as our key existing trading partners. My Department is contributing to these efforts and will continue to work to ensure that political considerations, including the advancement of human rights, are taken fully into account.
In regard to the different phases of the Asia strategy which the Minister has given us, it is time to acknowledge that a serious mistake was made in deciding to accommodate the Burmese junta in terms of Asian thinking. It was a mistake to think that the military junta could be brought to the table, which did not happen. Now on the eve of the Burmese elections, we have recently had it explained to us by the party of which Aung San Suu Kyi is a member, who will probably not be able to participate in the election, that a constitution has been passed which is seriously restrictive in respect of democratic rights. Should an election take place, in order to change that constitution, a 75% majority is required but 25% of seats are allocated to the military so it is almost impossible. What is the Government's attitude to the forthcoming elections? Is it in favour of pursuing, through the Asian group, such constitutional mechanisms as would enable change to take place to enable even a semblance democracy?
The Minister would know that long before either phase of the strategy, there was a considerable educational relationship between some of the countries, including China, in respect of a fund for hydrology and so forth. This was kept open by the Department of Foreign Affairs for a very long time in so far as very senior Irish graduates are advising on flood prospecting in different Asian countries. On the educational side, is there a core set of proposals in regard to exchange of educational facilities and advice?
The Burmese question has never been seen or dealt with in the context of the Asia strategy.
That is right.
I met recently with representatives of the Burmese government in exile. As the Deputy will be aware, we have provided considerable support to it to organise and present its case to the wider world.
I would be very concerned about the forthcoming elections given the timeframe that has been allocated. The timeframe is running out in terms of the rules of the game being published or people being given notice as to who can and cannot participate. The essential requirement is that there would be a release of the political prisoners, many of whom are the leading lights of the opposition. I take the Deputy's point about the weakness of the Asian structure to deal with this issue. That remains the case. Some engagement has been initiated by the American administration. Our view is one of caution in terms of engagement. I am aware that when Carl Bildt, the Swedish Foreign Minister, hosted the Presidency, he had initial contacts and met with the Burmese Foreign Minister in Brussels with a view to ascertaining the possibility of engagement. Again, our view is that we believe in the maintenance of sanctions and would not, at this stage, support the easing of sanctions in lieu of more engagement.
At the end of January, the Minister stated in a parliamentary reply that as we come to the end of the second phase of the Asian strategy, we will examine ways in which we can continue to develop relations with China. Will the Minister outline what are these ways? He also stated that he hoped to visit China in 2010. Does he have a definite date for such a visit? He referred to the St. Patrick's Day festivals in Shanghai and Beijing. The Fine Gael Party believes it is very important that Irish political representatives go abroad for St. Patrick's Day and they should not be fearful of what the media might say about it because, as an export nation, it is important. If I may add a little sting in the tail, they can do less damage abroad than at home.
In both Asia strategies the educational dimension has been very strong. In fact, there has been an expanded level of partnership and engagement between universities here and universities in Asia, particularly in Malaysia and China, to name but two.
Was there a disadvantage to foreign students studying here because of our visa arrangements?
I share the Deputy's view that I believe in an expansive and creative approach to that.
I think that is a matter for another question and another Minister.
I accept that.
The point is valid. It is an important dimension to the issue of expanding the whole education industry. We can gain more from it. The Minister for Education and Science, Deputy Batt O'Keeffe, is pursuing that issue vigorously.
Deputy Timmins asked about relations with China and the review of the second phase. In terms of trade, there has been growth and an enhancement of bilateral trade in particular of exports and of Irish companies who were creating bases in China and working from there. It is early days yet but the IDA has an office there and its activity is beginning to bear fruit. However, it will take some more time before we begin to get investment here from Chinese multinationals. That is a priority we are seeking.
Is the Minister going to China?
I am. I am determined to get there in 2010. I was not in a position to go there last year because of the Lisbon treaty referenda and so on. Relations with Asia are very much about maintaining the political contacts on a regular basis — not on a once off basis and not doing it again for a few years. The Expo has created a problem with the timetable because the Chinese are anxious to keep visits both for and after the Expo. However, I will be going. I concur with the Deputy that it is absolutely essential to optimise and maximise the value that St. Patrick's Day gives us in terms of opening doors, promoting Ireland from food to tourism——
It is the year of the tiger.
——to industry and in terms of Irish companies going abroad.
Perhaps the Minister for Defence, Deputy O'Dea, could be encouraged to go abroad for St. Patrick's Day as he has never been abroad for St. Patrick's Day.
I can assure the Deputy that from the time the Minister for Finance went to London last year, the recurring international feedback has been that the presence of Irish Ministers overseas has enhanced Ireland's image abroad and the perspective that international markets have of Ireland. That was in relation to Deputy Timmins' last comment.
77 Deputy Bernard J. Durkan asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he has discussed with his EU colleagues the degree to which a satisfactory and effective emergency response took place in relation to the Haiti disaster, if the precise procedures to be followed by the European Union in response to such disasters in the future if required; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [7231/10]
83 Deputy Catherine Byrne asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the action that has been taken at EU level to deal with the aftermath of the earthquake in Haiti; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [7295/10]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 77 and 83 together.
The earthquake of 12 January has been a devastating tragedy for the people of Haiti. It is estimated that well over 200,000 people have died. More than 1.2 million people are displaced, living in temporary shelters in and around the capital city, Port au Prince. A further 480,000 people are reported to have left the city and taken refuge in rural areas. Much of Haiti's key infrastructure has been damaged or destroyed.
It is agreed internationally that the United Nations should take the lead in the humanitarian response to such disasters and emergencies. In co-ordination with the United Nations, the European Union has taken decisive and comprehensive action to assist the people of Haiti. At the operational level, immediate support was provided through the deployment of search and rescue teams, and other expert personnel. EU member states and the European Commission quickly committed significant levels of emergency funding for emergency assistance, and airlifts of humanitarian supplies were organised.
On 18 January, the Monday after the earthquake, an extraordinary session of the EU Foreign Affairs Council was convened in Brussels to focus on the situation in Haiti. At the Council, the European Union pledged €122 million in humanitarian assistance, in addition to €100 million for the restoration of Government capacity in Haiti and €200 million for longer-term development. At its regular monthly meeting on 25 January, the Foreign Affairs Council reviewed the co-ordination of the European Union response, as well as contributions of member state military and security assets. In response to the needs identified by the UN, the Council agreed that the Union would provide a collective contribution of at least 300 police personnel to the UN stabilisation mission in Haiti, to be co-ordinated by the High Representative, Catherine Ashton.
The informal meeting of the European Council in Brussels last Thursday reviewed the EU response in Haiti. The Taoiseach and his colleagues were agreed that the European Union will have a key role to play in Haiti's recovery and rehabilitation over the medium and longer term. Together with the Haitian Government, the UN, the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank, the European Commission is now participating in a comprehensive post-disaster needs assessment. When completed, this assessment will provide an important framework for international support into the recovery phase.
The Irish people have shown remarkable generosity in response to the needs of the people of Haiti. On their behalf, the Government has also played an important role, directly and as part of the overall European Union response. The details of that response are well known to the House.
Looking ahead, it is important that the European Union and the wider international community examine the response to the earthquake in Haiti and identify ways in which operational effectiveness could be further improved in future emergencies. The response in Haiti, for example, reflected many of the lessons learned in coping with the effects of the terrible tsunami in Asia in 2004. Ireland will ensure that the lessons learned from Haiti further strengthen the role the EU can play in future, in close co-ordination with the United Nations and other agencies.
In the context of the reconstruction of Haiti, it is important the funding provided be in the form of grants rather than loans. We should use whatever channels are available — whether through the Minister for Finance or the EU — to ensure that Haiti's outstanding debts to the International Monetary Fund are written off. Has an opinion been formulated with regard to the effectiveness of the rescue and reconstruction efforts in Haiti? Did we learn lessons as a result of the tsunami in 2004 or will it be necessary to learn such lessons in the future? Have the recommendations that were put forward in the aftermath of the tsunami been implemented? The Minister will have met representatives of the aid agencies and I wonder if they provided him with their views on that matter.
In the first instance, we have learned lessons as a result of the tsunami and its aftermath and not least in the context of the emergency relief fund that is now in place and that is ready to be used when disasters of this nature occur. The prepositioning of supplies, etc., is also an indication of lessons learned.
The fundamental difficulty encountered in Haiti related to the infrastructural challenges that arose. I refer here to the collapse of physical infrastructure, namely, the port and so on, and the very real problems that arose early on in the context of getting supplies into the country. Of critical importance — we will be obliged to reflect further on how to deal with matters of this nature in the future — was the collapse of Government capacity in Haiti. Members of the Government there and officials from Government Departments were wiped out by the earthquake. This had a devastating impact in terms of the capacity to organise rescue and relief efforts in the immediate aftermath of the disaster.
Does it not reflect one of the great failures of United Nations reform that a civilian head of an emergency response unit was not in place in Haiti? My second question relates to the European media. The notion that there were serious infrastructural difficulties in Haiti which impeded the response to the disaster is partially contradicted by the fact that within 24 hours of the earthquake, 374 Cuban doctors — assisted by 400 Haitian interns — were providing relief to the people at two emergency field hospitals. The fact that this assistance has been available for a long time in Haiti proved an advantage.
Is the Minister not concerned that in the response of some European government, the emphasis shifted away from the importance of there being a civilian co-ordinator, responsible to the General Secretary of the United Nations, in place to co-ordinate the provision of aid? This deepens our previous discussions on the militarisation of aid, even emergency aid. Is it not evidence of an extraordinary blind spot on the part of the media that, with the exception of CNN, no one noticed the several hundred doctors who were able to provide care and man field hospitals within 24 hours of the earthquake?
On that matter——
I will take a final reply from the Minister.
I do not propose to pose a further question.
The Deputy has just arrived. I am bringing Question Time to a close.
Question 77 was tabled in my name.
It was but the Deputy was not here for it.
I might have arrived late but I was watching proceedings on the monitor.
I do not want——
I merely wish to——
The Deputy cannot just come into the House and take over.
If the Leas-Cheann Comhairle had not intervened, I would have concluded my contribution by now.
If the Deputy takes his seat, I will call him.
I wish to echo the concerns raised by the previous speaker.
No. The Deputy will sit down.
I thank the Deputy for his support.
All I want is to echo the concerns raised by Deputy Higgins and have that recorded in the Official Report.
The Deputy will sit down.
If the Leas-Cheann Comhairle had not interrupted me, I would have finished what I had to say within ten seconds.
I ask the Deputy to please take his seat.
I must tell the Leas-Cheann Comhairle one thing, namely——
The Deputy should take his seat.
—— that it is unacceptable and completely unnecessary for the Leas-Cheann Comhairle to become engaged in such an unseemly argument.
It is a disgrace that the Deputy should arrive in after his question has been called — and following my calling two supplementary questions — and abuse the Chair in this manner.
I welcome the Deputy's support.
The Leas-Cheann Comhairle could have at least——
In terms of the conduct of proceedings, I ask that Members allow the Chair to conduct the business of the House. I would have called the Deputy.
The Leas-Cheann Comhairle wasted approximately three minutes when all I needed was 30 seconds.
I am sure the Minister of State at my Department, Deputy Peter Power, would be anxious to be of assistance to Members in respect of this matter. In that context, it might be useful to engage, at a later date, in a debate on the situation in Haiti——
Hear, hear.
——particularly in the context of how we might learn lessons with regard to how the aid was deployed, etc. I have read some first-hand accounts issued by aid agencies which indicate that a great deal of aid was brought into the country early on and was effective. However, there were infrastructural difficulties. Not least among these was that relating to the port, which was critical in the context of getting shipments of food and so forth into the country at an early date.
I am of the view that we should reflect on developing a coherent and cohesive approach, even from countries such as Ireland. I was taken aback by the plethora of organisations that were seeking donations from the public. Deputy Timmins and I have similar views on this matter. A more coherent, cohesive approach might be better overall in the context of harnessing the public's generosity.
Written Answers follow Adjournment Debate.
