Willie O'Dea
Question:20 Deputy Willie O’Dea asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs his bilateral and multilateral priorities for the next four months. [5352/11]
Other Questions
Ministerial Responsibilities
My priority as Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs is to promote and protect the values and interests of Ireland and its citizens abroad. In this regard, the promotion of Ireland's economic interests overseas is a key focus.
I plan to recall Ireland's ambassadors in the coming weeks for briefings on a new approach to promoting and marketing Ireland as a country in which to do business. I, and my colleague, the Minister of State with responsibility for trade and development, Deputy Jan O'Sullivan, will also meet with key interlocutors in established and emerging markets to strengthen our bilateral economic relations.
Within the EU context, the priority over the coming months is to re-establish Ireland's credentials with our partners and the institutions. I will be undertaking a number of visits and contacts in that regard, in respect of which I will work closely with the Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs. The relevance and importance of EU membership to a wide range of domestic and foreign policy issues cannot be overstated. Intensive efforts are continuing to assemble a durable response to the current economic and financial crisis. They will reach a decisive point at the European Council meeting this week. The forthcoming visits by Queen Elizabeth and President Obama will underline the political and economic importance of our bilateral relationships with the United Kingdom and the United States of America. The further development of these relationships will continue to be a priority.
The Government's official development assistance programme, Irish Aid, is an integral part of our foreign policy. Our aim is to work strategically towards a time when development aid will no longer be necessary and our relationship with Africa will be one of trade, commerce and mutual interest.
The current crises in north Africa and the Middle East require a concerted response from the international community in support of the democratic transformation processes which are under way. Ireland is working closely with our EU and UN partners towards this aim. At this time of historic change, the need for a settlement between Israelis and Palestinians is greater than ever. I have discussed all of these issues at recent meetings with my EU counterparts and with Secretary of State Clinton.
Ireland is a firm supporter of the United Nations system and we are working to achieve a reformed UN capable of fulfilling its peace, development, disarmament and human rights responsibilities. I will intensify preparations for Ireland's chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe next year to ensure we are in a position to provide effective leadership of the organisation's ongoing work on the promotion of comprehensive security throughout the OSCE region.
I thank the Tánaiste for his comprehensive reply. Has the Tánaiste any plans to devote extra resources to the embassies abroad to enable them to fulfil their new role as promoters of trade? Has the Tánaiste considered meeting his European counterparts with a view to adopting a joint approach to the crisis in Japan?
The matter of resources for our embassies abroad must be addressed in the context of the overall budgetary situation and the resources available. However, it is our intention to widen the role of the Department of Foreign Affairs to include a brief in respect of trade. We are making arrangements to give effect to this change so that, as a country, we get the maximum impact from our diplomatic missions abroad and so that we provide a focus on trade, expanding business and opening up business opportunities.
With regard to the situation in Japan, my colleague, the Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources, attended a meeting yesterday of European energy ministers in order to address the issues and energy implications for nuclear power stations in a co-ordinated way. I will be working with my European Union colleagues to co-ordinate the European Union response to the situation from the point of view of providing assistance and aid.
I understand the content of the Tánaiste's reply but if the embassies abroad are to be given an enhanced role, surely this requires a measure of reorganisation, including enhanced resources. Otherwise, are we supposed to take it that the embassies abroad are underemployed at the moment if they can take on extra responsibilities without any extra resources?
It is a question of co-ordinating Ireland's overall efforts abroad. It involves the embassies and the various agencies which represent and work for Ireland abroad, including Enterprise Ireland, the IDA and others in tourism, food and so on. The Government's objective is to ensure we get the maximum co-ordinated approach and impact from our entire presence abroad and to give that presence abroad a renewed focus on trade and business.
International Agreements
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Question:21 Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs his plans to ratify the optional protocol to the International Covenant on Social and Economic Rights. [5318/11]
The optional protocol to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights opened for signature in New York in September 2009. To date some 35 states have signed. A total of nine of the 27 EU member states have signed. Three states have ratified the optional protocol: Ecuador, Mongolia and Spain. The optional protocol will come into force three months after the deposit with the UN Secretary General of the tenth instrument of ratification or accession. My Department has led consultations between Departments on possible signature of the optional protocol, recently circulating an informal paper for the information of Departments and inviting their comments. A formal proposal asking Departments for their views as to possible signature of the optional protocol will be circulated to Departments shortly. Once that process is completed, the question of the possible ratification of the optional protocol will be examined.
I welcome the Tánaiste's comments. Will the Tánaiste give a sense of the timeframe within which we will have a positive outcome? As the Tánaiste has pointed out, some 35 countries have signed up to it, including nine of our European partners. This is a principal international treaty or protocol and it means we can have a moral high ground especially in terms of Third World countries, including some of the countries struggling at present for democratic rights. Ireland and Europe should lead by example on these matters and it is important that we do so immediately. We must consider the issues of the rights of persons with disabilities as well and there is also a convention related to issues of the rights of all migrant workers to be signed in Ireland. What is the position on these?
The latter part of the question extends the scope somewhat and it might be better to table questions to the line Minister in respect of migrant workers. The Government will not delay its consideration of the possible ratification of the optional protocol. After it has examined the issue, the Government will take a decision on possible signature.
In Ireland the practice is to pass any necessary legislation prior to ratification rather than afterwards. This makes sense because of our desire to ensure the treaty can come into full effect on ratification. It does not make a great deal of sense to ratify it and then have to pass the legislation. The object of seeking the consideration of Departments is to determine what is required from the point of view of individual Departments with respect to any legislation or regulations that must be made. This is where the process is now. The idea is to put in place the legislation and regulation and, having done that, to proceed then with ratification. It is something which we do not intend to delay.
I note there is no commitment to it in the programme for Government. I accept the assurance of the Tánaiste and I take it as read. As in the case of his assurance in respect of the Palestine matter, will the Tánaiste lead up this issue and fast-track consultation with his fellow Ministers in Cabinet to try to get to the required point as soon as possible? As I have stated repeatedly today, this matter is important. We have an immense track record internationally. We should lead the charge in all of these matters and take the moral high ground in Ireland such that we can take on those throughout the world who are not giving these rights to their citizens.
In respect of following up on the matter, to date the Department has circulated an informal paper to other Departments seeking comments and observations on the ratification of the protocol. A formal proposal calling on Departments for their views will be issued shortly. We will follow up on it and ensure we try to get the various ducks in a row such that we can get the protocol ratified.
Overseas Development Aid
Billy Kelleher
Question:22 Deputy Billy Kelleher asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the proportion of GDP he will spend in 2011 on overseas development aid and each subsequent year until 2015; and the associated cost to the Exchequer. [5348/11]
In 2011, it is estimated that we will spend approximately €669 million on official development assistance, ODA. This will equate to 0.52% of our gross national product, GNP, and remains a very clear demonstration of Ireland's commitment to the reduction of poverty in the developing world. In our programme for Government we committed ourselves to the 0.7% of GNP target for ODA and we will seek to achieve this by 2015. This objective aligns Ireland with the wider EU commitment to the same target.
Ireland's aid programme is strongly focused on some of the world's poorest countries, especially in Africa. Our aim is to work strategically and in partnership with those countries so that, ultimately, development aid will no longer be necessary and our relationship with Africa and the entire developing world will be one of trade, commerce and the mutual interests of our peoples.
As the Deputy is aware, annual ODA allocations, as with all departmental allocations, are agreed during the Estimates process and will be set within the overall budgetary framework and fiscal constraints facing the country in the coming years. While final budget allocations are ultimately a matter for the Minister for Finance, I assure the Deputy I will make the strongest possible case for each year's development aid allocation.
Our aid programme has been consistently and independently rated as one of the world's best. Ireland is acknowledged as a significant global player in development and our aid programme has been marked by its quality and focus on the poor. One of its greatest strengths is the strong public and cross-party support it enjoys, which draws from the fundamental commitment of the Irish people to work with those less fortunate than ourselves. The Government is determined to build on these foundations of strong national ownership and respected international reputation to ensure Irish Aid remains at the cutting edge of efforts to reduce global poverty and hunger, even at this time of economic difficulty at home.
As there is no supplementary question, we will proceed to Question No. 23.
We are letting the Minister of State off lightly on her first day.
Obviously, it was a good question well answered.
What kind of an Opposition are the Deputies at all? This would never have happened in my time.
I could give the Tánaiste a supplementary question.
The Government Members should be proud of themselves.
We want to discuss Colonel Gadaffi.
Foreign Conflicts
Michael McGrath
Question:23 Deputy Michael McGrath asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs his views on whether the response by the international community to the Libyan crisis is sufficient in view of the alleged scale of the atrocities that are happening there. [5347/11]
Finian McGrath
Question:42 Deputy Finian McGrath asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the position regarding the crisis in Libya. [5002/11]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 23 and 42 together.
The response of the international community to the Libyan crisis has been swift, vigorous and clear. The United Nations Security Council reacted with unprecedented swiftness in adopting Resolution 1970 on 26 February, which implemented an immediate arms embargo, asset freeze and travel ban against Gadaffi and members of his family and regime. The Security Council also referred the situation in Libya to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court to initiate an investigation in light of the clear evidence of the widespread and systematic attacks launched by the regime against the Libyan population. The UN General Assembly also moved to suspend Libya from its membership of the UN Human Rights Council.
Subsequently, the UN adopted Security Council Resolution 1973 on 17 March, which demanded an immediate and complete ceasefire, authorised all necessary measures to protect civilians and established a no-fly zone over Libya. Resolution 1973 further strengthens the arms embargo, asset freeze and travel ban provided for under Resolution 1970.
I welcome the adoption of Resolution 1973, which is clearly intended to halt the violence being waged by the Gadaffi regime on the Libyan people and ensure civilian protection. I have urged that any military action taken in pursuit of Resolution 1973 should be in full conformity with its terms, proportionate and targeted and should avoid civilian casualties.
The response of the EU to the Libyan crisis has been equally firm and decisive. The European Council meeting on 11 March made clear that Gadaffi must relinquish power and stand aside to enable an orderly transition to democracy in Libya, in conformity with the legitimate demands of the Libyan people. Further conclusions underlying the EU's determination to support the implementation of Resolution 1973 were also agreed by the Foreign Affairs Council yesterday. The full range of sanctions imposed in Resolutions 1970 and 1973 have already been implemented at EU and national level, along with additional restrictive measures aimed at cutting off the flow of funds and misappropriated proceeds to the Gadaffi regime. Further restrictive measures, targeting Libyan oil and gas revenues and ensuring they do not end up in the hands of the regime, are already under consideration within the Council.
Regional support in response to events in Libya has been critical, with the Arab League, African Union and Gulf Co-operation Council among others all forcefully condemning the Gadaffi regime for its actions and urging concerted international efforts to address the situation, including the imposition of a no-fly zone. The closest co-operation with the region must continue to be urgently pursued in the period ahead.
The international community has reacted swiftly to the humanitarian situation in Libya. Significant efforts have been undertaken to help those stranded at border areas, with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, UNHCR, and the International Organisation for Migration, IOM, working with the Tunisian and Egyptian authorities to ensure the migrants receive basic assistance. The contribution of the latter countries has been crucial and is particularly praiseworthy in light of the recent dramatic events in both countries.
I thank the Tánaiste for his response. Does UN Security Council Resolution 1973 provide sufficient authority for a potential US peacekeeping mission? If a further resolution needs to be passed by the Security Council to give that authority, has the Government given any consideration to Ireland's participation in such a mission in Libya?
UN Resolution 1973 does not provide for the presence of any overseas troops in Libya. Were there to be such a mission, it is my understanding that a further resolution of the UN Security Council would be required.
In the event of such a resolution being passed, what would be the Government's attitude?
We would need to adopt and express a view on the terms of such a resolution before its passing. We cannot be expected to adopt a position on a resolution that has not been tabled or passed. It is a matter we would consider at the time if it arose.
I hope we all agree that we should extend the maximum support and solidarity to the people of Libya who are fighting for democracy against Gadaffi's ruthless regime and to the wider democratic movements that have erupted across the Middle East and are fighting against similarly obnoxious regimes.
Should we not be seriously questioning the motives and actions of those who are launching a military campaign against Libya? I say "motives" because, for the most part, the United States of America and the large European powers were slow in giving full support to the democratic movements in Tunisia and Egypt, maintained relations with the Mubarak and Ben Ali dictatorships right up to the end and refused to support the overthrow of those regimes until that had been effected by the people of those countries, only then deciding to wade in behind the democratic movements. A democratic movement under way in Bahrain is being dealt with ruthlessly by that country with the support of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates——
I am afraid the Deputy is moving beyond the remit of the questions.
I am questioning the motives of those who are now intervening in Libya. Does the Tánaiste not have deep concerns about the motivations behind this military action, given the record of the United States and the large European powers in their response to the other democratic movements in the region?
The Deputy's time has expired.
Are there not significant double standards to which we must point? Should we not question whether the military action is intended, as the Tánaiste stated, to halt the violence against a civilian population or whether it is a cynical calculation by those military powers as to how they can contain the democratic revolutions in the region?
The Deputy's time is up. Allow the Tánaiste to reply briefly.
I can only respond to what is fact. As a country, we support the efforts of those who have been seeking to establish democracy in Egypt, Tunisia and, more recently, Libya. It was hoped that the transition to democracy in Libya would proceed peacefully and that the regime would respond to the Libyan people's demands for change. However, that did not occur. The regime responded to its civilian population viciously. The international community needed to respond to that action, a response that came through the UN. Many of us have often been critical of the slowness of the UN in responding to such situations, but the UN has responded and passed a resolution aimed at protecting the civilian population. Ireland welcomes the passage of that resolution and supports its implementation.
I have made clear our support for the implementation of that resolution is on the basis that it is proportionate, targeted and avoids civilian casualties. I can only answer for the position of the Irish Government and, in so far as we participate in collective decision-making with the EU on these matters, for the EU position. The positions and motivation of other governments is a matter for them.
Passport Applications
Dara Calleary
Question:24 Deputy Dara Calleary asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs his plans to move the passport service from his Department to the Department of Justice and Law Reform; the reasons behind such a decision; and the expected cost of such a move. [5349/11]
As the Deputy is aware, the programme for Government included the commitment that consideration would be given to transferring the passport service from the Department of Foreign Affairs to the Department of Justice and Law Reform to operate as an independent executive agency under the aegis of that Department. Officials in my Department are currently examining the issues associated with this commitment and it is, therefore, premature to conclude at this time when this transfer will proceed. However, I expect to have made a decision on this matter within the next three months. A passport is an identity document and, in this context it is more appropriate that the issuing authority be under the responsibility of the Department of Justice and Law Reform which has responsibility for citizenship law. It would, in this regard, be in line with many passport agencies internationally. I have asked my officials to consider the most appropriate organisational arrangements which would enable the passport service to operate on a self financing basis, while maintaining a direct and accountable reporting relationship to the Dáil.
At this point I am unable to quantify the exact costs of a transfer, if it does proceed. However, I expect that where costs are experienced they would likely to be accommodated within the routine operation of the passport service.
I wish the Minister and the Minister of State every success in their positions.
However, the Minister has outlined the rationale for the transfer of functions. The Department has generally managed the passport service well. In many countries the foreign affairs Department or its equivalent manages passport services and that should continue here.
What is the current processing time for a passport? What contingency plans will the Minister put in place to either protect or improve the processing time pending the transfer of services to the Department of Justice and Law Reform? In advance of the busy summer season, how many additional staff does he intend to allocate to the Passport Office? When will they take up office? What impact will they have on processing times?
With regard to the cases of abuse of Irish passports last year, what is the current status of the investigation within the Department? Have other sanctions been taken, apart from those publicised? Does the Minister plan to restore the facility to this House whereby Members can assist their constituents to acquire passports in difficult circumstances? I support Deputy Ring's many calls for the location of a passport office on the west coast.
Rightly so.
How far west does Deputy Calleary want it?
I should have said nothing about supplementary questions earlier. I was tempting fate. There were approximately ten supplementary questions.
One should be careful what one wishes for.
I do not have the information regarding processing times but I will forward it to the Deputy. He raised a number of issues relating to security and the use of fake passports. That is precisely the rationale for the proposed transfer from my Department to the Department of Justice and Law Reform.
Surely the changes can be made within the Department of Foreign Affairs.
Issues relating to citizenship are currently dealt with by the Department of Justice and Law Reform. The issuance of passports is different now from 30 or 40 years ago when it was taken as a matter of course that this would be done by the Department of Foreign Affairs. In many jurisdictions, the issuing of passports is closely aligned with immigration functions and the issuing of identities.
The Deputy asked about the busy summer season and I will ensure sufficient resources are available in the Passport Office to avoid delays. Ideally, I would like to have a scenario where it is not necessary for people seeking passports to have to route their queries through busy Members who will have many legislative responsibilities to deal with. However, it is something I will look at.
Written Answers follow Adjournment Debate.