Alan Kelly
Question:1. Deputy Alan Kelly asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the policing reform implementation programme office based in his Department. [5966/22]
Ceisteanna - Questions
Departmental Programmes
Mary Lou McDonald
Question:2. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the policing reform implementation programme office based in his Department. [7521/22]
Mick Barry
Question:3. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the policing reform implementation programme office based in his Department. [8389/22]
Dara Calleary
Question:4. Deputy Dara Calleary asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the policing reform implementation programme office based in his Department. [9368/22]
Catherine Murphy
Question:55. Deputy Catherine Murphy asked the Taoiseach if he will report and provide a full update on the policing reform implementation programme office based in his Department. [10048/22]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 4, inclusive, and 55 together.
A Policing Service for our Future is the Government's plan to implement the report of the Commission on the Future of Policing in Ireland. As recommended in the commission's report, implementation of the plan is being overseen by a dedicated programme office in the Department of the Taoiseach. The policing reform implementation programme office monitors progress on A Policing Service for our Future and supports the work of the implementation group on policing reform, which has an independent chair, Ms Helen Ryan. The office also keeps the high-level steering board on policing reform, chaired by the Secretary General of my Department, apprised of progress being made. In addition, progress is regularly reported to the Cabinet committee on social affairs and equality. The programme office has been resourced with appropriate expertise in the areas of project management, policing, justice and public service reform.
A Policing Service for our Future is a living document which is reviewed and updated by the programme office as required to maintain ambitious but realistic commitments, timeframes and milestones. A Policing Service for our Future is broken down into four stages of implementation, namely, the building blocks phase, the launching phase, the scaling phase and the consolidation phase. The first three phases have been completed and much has been achieved. The roll-out of a new operating model for An Garda Síochána, designed to streamline Garda administration and to provide a more visible, responsive and localised policing service to communities nationwide, is under way. The recruitment of nearly 1,800 Garda staff has supported the reassignment of many gardaí to front-line policing duties, and the roll-out of over 5,000 digital communication devices enables front-line gardaí to perform their duties without returning to stations. An Garda Síochána has established and strengthened resourcing of a human rights unit and re-established the strategic human rights advisory committee. There are pilots of local community safety partnerships in three locations around the country, in Dublin's north inner city, Waterford city and county and Longford county. An Garda Síochána has developed an equality, diversity and inclusion strategy statement and action plan 2020-21 and has launched a three-year Garda health and well-being strategy, which will see the introduction of additional health and well-being supports.
There has also been progress on legislative reform. The Government has approved the drafting of the landmark policing, security and community safety Bill, which provides for the most wide-ranging and coherent reform of policing in a generation; the Garda Síochána (digital recordings) Bill, which concerns the use of recording devices, including body-worn cameras; and the Garda Síochána (powers) Bill, which brings together and modernises police powers of search, arrest and detention.
These measures and achievements represent only some of the wide range of actions completed or being progressed under the plan, and further detailed information on the implementation of the reform programme is available on gov.ie. The implementation group on policing reform and the policing reform implementation programme office have been, and continue to be, actively engaged with key stakeholders to ensure continued momentum on reform. Consideration is currently being given to the best way of approaching the final or consolidation phase of the reform programme to ensure that policing in Ireland is transformed in line with the vision elaborated in the commission's report and that, into the future, An Garda Síochána is well-positioned to manage sustainable and significant organisational improvements that meet the needs of the public.
Sinn Féin Senators will bring forward a Bill this evening to amend the Coroners Act to facilitate a transparent jury selection process for the Stardust inquest. The legislation will allow the coroner to use the same mechanisms as those used by the courts for jury selection, including the use of the electoral register. Most people are unaware of just how opaque and ad hoc jury selection for an inquest is. Reforms of the system have long been sought. Currently, the Garda maintains its own list of jurors for inquests who are, in turn, used multiple times. If the Garda cannot draw a jury from this list alone, the Garda can randomly seek out jurors. Indeed, gardaí have been known to visit public sector places of work to see if anyone is free. It is worth noting, by the way, that An Garda Síochána is a party to the Stardust inquest. Jurors can be known to victims' families, yet legal teams cannot dismiss them. In addition, jurors' work-related income is not protected, as happens in the courts. This is particularly relevant for the Stardust inquest as it will take place over a number of months. It should be clear that a jury is needed for the Stardust inquest, as per section 40 of the Coroners Act. This has been reiterated by the coroner.
The root and branch reform review of the coroner service that was commissioned by a previous Government of which the Taoiseach was a member was never implemented. Just last year, Irish Council for Civil Liberties research found that Ireland's system of investigating death is inadequate and can compound and even aggravate the suffering of loved ones. The Government has given a commitment that the Stardust inquest will be human rights compliant. To deliver on this commitment, the matters relating to juries in terms of selection and income protection must be addressed urgently. Will the Taoiseach commit to this?
We will have to stick to a minute per Member to get everybody in. I call Deputy Barry.
The Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission, GSOC, investigation into the killing of George Nkencho had a targeted finish date of 30 December, the one-year anniversary of George's death. That deadline was not met. Not only was it not met, but it is now eight weeks past the deadline with no indication of when the investigation will be completed. Can the Taoiseach provide the House and, more importantly, George's family with an indication of when this investigation might be complete? Is he aware of any measure that has been taken either by the Garda Commissioner or the Department of Justice to ensure that all gardaí involved co-operate fully with the GSOC investigation, telling the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth with regard to the events of 30 December 2020? I ask this because there are increasing concerns among those close to the Nkencho family that the investigation is running into a blue wall of silence. Finally, if it becomes clear that we are dealing with a blue wall of silence here, will the Taoiseach reconsider his previous position and grant a public inquiry on this matter?
On 13 October last, members of the public and the press and witnesses for Mr. Kieran Hartley, who was the defendant, were excluded from a courtroom by gardaí. Mr. Hartley was making allegations of serious Garda misconduct in the case. When the exclusion of the public from the courtroom was questioned at the time, one garda said that the gardaí had been directed by the court not to allow anyone in.
The Garda press office said the District Court judge had made an order that a voir dire was to be heard in the case and, therefore, nobody was to be allowed in. The Courts Service was clear that the judge did not give any direction to exclude the public. The digital audio recording of the court will confirm this. Last week, the Garda Síochána changed its story. It said people had been inadvertently excluded from the courtroom and accepted this was not at the direction of the judge. It stated a letter of apology had been issued to the judge. This is quite a serious matter for justice not to be done in public at the supposedly inadvertent decision of the Garda. Does the Taoiseach agree that an internal inquiry is entirely inadequate for this and that an external inquiry is necessary to find out how this happened and ensure it cannot happen again?
I want to add my voice to the appeal on behalf of the Stardust families for the Taoiseach to ensure that legal changes are made so we have transparent jury selection and that it is independent of the gardaí who are a party to the case. The jurors should be remunerated for the period during the inquest because it could go on for months. For the Taoiseach not to do so at this stage would be to add to the trauma and abuse the families have suffered. The only reason we have an inquest is because these families have never given up in their quest for truth and justice about the deaths of their loved ones. I was talking to Antoinette Keegan over the weekend. I saw her speak yesterday. This is what she said. She said to do this to them after all they fought for over the past 41 years is unacceptable. The Taoiseach needs to rectify this and ensure the inquest can deliver the truth and justice these families have long deserved.
I thank the Deputies for raising the issues they have raised. With regard to the Stardust inquest, I met relatives at a recent event. The Irish Nurses and Midwives Organisation commissioned a memorial for all those who lost their lives in the Stardust inferno and tragedy. We had a meeting afterwards. The Government has provided resources and amended the free legal aid framework to facilitate the inquiry. The issue on the empanelling of jurors is that existing legislation, including the Coroners Act, does not facilitate the payment of jurors at an inquest. The issue is that this will be a longer process. The relatives have told me it could take four to six months. Neither the Coroners Act 1962 nor the Juries Act 1976 covers this. The inquests were directed by the then Attorney General having regard to the provisions of the Acts. That said, I have spoken to the Minister for Justice and the Attorney General on this. I will ask them to see whether they can come up with an exceptional provision or an approach to deal with the Stardust inquiry to ensure jurors can be empanelled for the duration of the inquest. As soon as I have details of it and clarity on it, I will bring it back to the Deputies and to the House. Given that we have come this far, it is important that we give as much closure as we possibly can, notwithstanding limitations to the coroner's inquest potentially. Nonetheless it is important to bring this to a satisfactory completion.
With regard to Deputy Barry's question I do not have timelines on the investigation. Ordinarily when investigations are pursued it is up to those who are investigating. I am not clear about what he has described as "a blue wall of silence". I will raise the issue with the Minister for Justice to see whether she has an indicative timeline on this. Again, we do not intervene in investigations. This has always been the case. On the other hand, I can see the need for families in very difficult situations such as these to have timelines for the conclusion and completion of the investigations. I do not have the details here in respect of where it is at right now but I will follow through and get an update on the current situation.
I am not familiar with the case that Deputy Murphy has raised. With regard to the level at which inquiries need to take place, whether internal or external, GSOC is there. The Deputy indicated the Garda is doing an internal inquiry at present. Is this the case?
It said it had concluded it.
And they said it was inadvertent. It is a matter then for GSOC if it wishes to take it up, or if people wish to refer it to GSOC. That is why GSOC is there. Where we have agencies such as GSOC and others they should be used to pursue issues of this kind to get them dealt with and to get early closure in respect of such issues. We have put a great deal of resources behind enforcement agencies and agencies responsible for standards. They need to do their work and complete their job.
Deputy Boyd Barrett also raised the Stardust inquest. That is the approach I intend to take on this to see if we can get it adequately resolved.
Cabinet Committees
Mary Lou McDonald
Question:5. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet Committee on Europe will next meet. [6125/22]
Alan Kelly
Question:6. Deputy Alan Kelly asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet Committee on Europe will next meet. [7924/22]
Seán Haughey
Question:7. Deputy Seán Haughey asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet Committee on Europe will next meet. [9364/22]
Dara Calleary
Question:8. Deputy Dara Calleary asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet Committee on Europe will next meet. [9369/22]
Brendan Smith
Question:9. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet Committee on Europe will next meet. [9365/22]
Neale Richmond
Question:10. Deputy Neale Richmond asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet Committee on Europe will meet next. [9451/22]
Ruairí Ó Murchú
Question:11. Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet Committee on Europe will next meet. [9471/22]
Mick Barry
Question:12. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet Committee on Europe will next meet. [9692/22]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Question:13. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet Committee on Europe will next meet. [9700/22]
Paul Murphy
Question:14. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet Committee on Europe will next meet. [9709/22]
Rose Conway-Walsh
Question:15. Deputy Rose Conway-Walsh asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet Committee on Europe will next meet. [10080/22]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 5 to 15, inclusive, together.
The Cabinet committee on Europe oversees implementation of programme for Government commitments on the European Union and related issues. It generally meets in advance of a meeting of the European Council. The Cabinet committee discusses the agenda for European Council meetings, as well as other programme for Government priorities in respect of the European Union. It last met ahead of the October European Council and is scheduled to meet next on 7 March 2022.
While I appreciate that, correctly, so much of the Taoiseach's attention will be on happenings in Ukraine and the escalating situation there I want to draw his attention once again to the need to end trade with illegal settlements in Palestine. He knows that Trócaire is just one of many NGOs and human rights groups supporting a European citizens' initiative that makes precisely this call. It is accepted by the Government and the European Union that Israeli settlements in Palestine are illegal under international law. Like so many others, Trócaire has campaigned for the occupied territories Bill in Ireland. The Government should support this legislation. We should move from the front on this. Will the Taoiseach reconsider his opposition to the legislation? Jim Crow laws in the United States were wrong. South Africa's system of apartheid was wrong. Israeli apartheid against Palestinians is wrong. I am unsure as to why the Government finds it so difficult and falters on this matter.
I want to ask the Taoiseach about his attendance last week at the European Union-African Union summit and the need to develop a strategic partnership between Europe and Africa. As the Taoiseach knows, Africa faces many challenges including Covid-19. Only 11% of Africans are fully vaccinated at this time. There are also issues with hunger, undernourishment, conflict, political violence, climate change and poor governance. There are associated issues that need to be addressed, such as the education of women, healthcare, family planning and food production. No doubt all of these were discussed at the summit. In this regard it is important that we recommit ourselves to implementing the UN sustainable goals. There are, of course, moral obligations to tackle these humanitarian concerns.
It is also in the interests of the EU and the African Union to promote sustainable investment and economic growth in Africa, as well as stable societies. The sustainable development of agriculture and food is of particular interest to Ireland. As the Taoiseach is aware, we have established the Ireland-Africa rural development committee. Was the request by the African Union for more legal routes to the EU from Africa considered, along with the need to implement the EU's pact on migration and asylum?
I welcome that the committee is due to meet on 7 March. At that meeting, does the Taoiseach expect a full discussion on contingency planning and an impact assessment on Ireland due to the potential for the escalation of conflict on the border of Ukraine?
The European Council is not due to meet again until after the 24 or 25 March. Is there an appetite for, or does the Taoiseach believe there is a need for, an emergency meeting of the European Council and therefore an earlier emergency meeting of the Cabinet subcommittee?
Given the circumstances at this time and the incredible dangers for the people in Ukraine, the State, through the embassy, has told Irish people in Ukraine to leave. I have been contacted by a constituent of mine who has said there are still major difficulties with visas for his family members who are non-Irish. That is something we need to move on. I believe the British Government and others have moved on it. It can be incredibly difficult to go through a third EU country. I have spoken to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Coveney, and I have spoken to Minister for Justice, Deputy McEntee. We need to deal with this as soon as possible given the circumstances that people find themselves in.
In many European countries, front-line workers have expressed their opposition and concerns with regard to the rapid dismantling of Covid-19 restrictions, including the mandatory wearing of masks. While it is true the Irish Government has been slightly slower to move in this direction, concerns are being expressed here by workers such as teachers, special needs assistants, SNAs, public transport workers, retail workers and others, with particular reference to the change in masking policy for their workplaces. I believe they have grounds for some concerns. For example, 596 children aged 14 or under were hospitalised in Ireland with Covid between 22 December and 17 February. Several times before, most notably in the summer of 2020 and at Christmas 2020, the Taoiseach's Government made serious errors in removing restrictions too quickly. To be clear, it is clearly proportionate at this stage to remove many restrictions. I would like the Taoiseach, however, to comment on the concerns raised by these front-line workers on the masking issues in their own workplaces.
On Leaders' Questions earlier, I asked the Taoiseach to consider imposing rent controls as is being done in France. The problem of rising and unaffordable rents is worse in Ireland than pretty much anywhere else in Europe, but it is happening everywhere. The Taoiseach gave me what was, no doubt, his scriptwriter's pat answer to fob this off, that it did not really work in Berlin.
It was not scripted.
It was verbal. A number of people told me that yesterday.
Berlin imposed a totally pathetic form of rent control, which only controlled rents for apartments or houses built before 2014. Anything built after 2014 they can charge what they like. So what happened? Rents for apartments and houses built before 2014 were stabilised and everything else went through the roof. I asked the Taoiseach to look at what they have done in France, which is working. They did it in July 2019, in Lille and Paris, where they set rents at affordable levels. These were reference rents and you cannot put rents above these certain levels that are considered affordable. Since then, 20 other French cities have applied to the minister to impose the same form of rent controls because they are working. Why will the Taoiseach not to do that?
What is happening in Ukraine and eastern Europe is, in fact, a clash between two imperialist powers with Russia on the one side and the US-led military alliance of NATO on the other. Both sides use the language of concern, on the one hand by Putin, who is an authoritarian thug, for the people in the Donbas, and on the other hand by NATO, which says it is concerned for the right of self-determination for Ukraine. In reality, neither is concerned about those who would be the victims of warmongering. They are both seeking to extend their zones of geostrategic interest.
We are very clear there needs to be an anti-war movement built, with the crucial demand there being Putin's troops out of Ukraine. Does the Taoiseach not agree that NATO forces should also leave eastern Europe? The active NATO battle groups in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland should be removed. The missile bases in Romania and Poland should be removed. The annual and very significant military exercises by NATO, the so-called DEFENDER-Europe, which happened on Russia's border with 30,000 troops, should also be stopped. They are clearly aimed at encircling Russia.
Over the weekend, a leaked European Commission report said that gas prices will remain high and volatile until at least 2023. Shockingly, the leaked draft report makes no mention of the decoupling of electricity prices from gas prices. When the price of gas goes up, households pay more for wind-generated electricity too. This is because the pricing system is essentially an auction where the cost of gas generated sets the price. The EU and successive governments here have pushed this market pricing system for years. Now that this is failing to deliver fair prices, the Government and a number of other countries have remained ideologically wedded to this approach. I raised this matter with the Taoiseach last November, and I am asking him again to look at it. We could have gas supply disruption far into the future, but families cannot continue to pay the price for stubborn, short-sighted policymakers. I am really asking the Taoiseach to look into this. I believe there is something we can do here.
Deputy McDonald's spoke about the trade with the illegal settlements, and she also raised the Ukraine issue. Ukraine will be the dominant feature here.
With regard to the illegal settlements and the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill, legal advice has been issued around the competency of the European Union to govern trade policy of the EU and third countries. That is the big problem with the legal validity of the Bill, whether it passes the legal test or the legal threshold, which is the bigger issue. The second issue is that we all must watch the impact of it. I am not clear that any real study of the socioeconomic impact on Palestinians has taken place in respect of the Bill. I remember posing that question at times to the advocates and I did not really get a clear substantive reply as to what the impact would be on Palestinian workers. The situation is complex. The illegal settlements are unacceptable and we have been very clear as a Government on that, and we are one of the strongest Governments across the EU in respect of what should happen in Palestine.
Deputy Haughey raised the EU-African Union two-day summit, which was a very worthwhile summit. There were a number of breakout sessions. I was at the security and peace session. I also chaired the session on agricultural sustainable development and food systems. What was striking from the presentation on security and peace was that the overwhelming concern was terrorism and imported terrorism into Africa, which is really destabilising. Boko Haram, the Wagner Group and various mercenaries coming into Africa are causing disputes and conflicts over natural resources. It is a huge threat. If there was one takeaway from the summit, it was the concern among African leaders about the growth in the Sahel and other areas of terrorism, including the murdering of innocent schoolchildren and communities for all sorts of false narratives around succession, claiming autonomy for part of a country, or acting as a puppet for somebody else to take power. There have been attempted coups d'état and so forth.
I took the opportunity when I chaired the session with the Greek Prime Minister and the President of Kenya about the importance of agriculture and food, and we discussed how Ireland developed and evolved from being just commodities-based exports to a much more integrated and sophisticated supply chain food system. There is a great deal Ireland can do for Africa in sharing knowledge, expertise and ideas around agriculture and food production.
On asylum, the issue of legal pathways was, of course, an active issue that was discussed.
It was an ongoing discussion in my meeting with the Chancellor yesterday. It is an issue that is gaining ground in terms of how Europe deals with migration. There is a strong move towards developing more legal channels, along with other initiatives.
On vaccines, good progress was made at the conclusions. The leader of South Africa and the President of the Commission agreed to instruct both teams at the WTO to get a resolution to this as quickly as we can. Without question, the European Union is the biggest donor of vaccines across the world, and certainly to Africa, but the levels are too low. What was heartening is the degree to which capacity building in terms of manufacturing within Africa is now growing thanks to the European Union initiative. We will be providing well over €1.5 billion to give capacity to South Africa, Senegal and others to have their own plants. That means technology transfers. It is generally acknowledged that a TRIPS waiver alone will not produce jabs for arms. What is needed is know-how, capacity and technology transfers in personnel who can produce the drugs in situ locally. That is ultimately the way to go. In addition, Europe has committed enormous numbers of vaccines to the middle of this year to dramatically increase the take-up, which is an issue in itself, and to assist in the logistics of the roll-out of the vaccine.
On Ukraine, I have to take issue with Deputy Murphy. His anti-Americanism always trumps a rational assessment of a situation. This is not a clash of two alliances at all. Rather, this is the aggression of Russia. Unfortunately, it has to be called out. It is wrong. NATO has no interest in war.
Why did it extend-----
Deputy Murphy said it should pull back troops and deployment in eastern Europe. I refer the Deputy to an article written in the Financial Times by the Prime Minister of Estonia. If the Deputy reads that article he will understand why if he lived in Estonia, Poland, Latvia or Lithuania he would never want to be alone again. That is the phrase the Prime Minister used. Her grandparents were deported to Siberia. First they had the Nazis and then they had the Russians. When the Russians came in after the Second World War they were deported to Siberia. She said they will never be alone again because being alone again means the kind of thing that is happening in Ukraine right now.
We need to move on to Question No. 16.
The security issues can be resolved and people want to resolve them. The European Union wants to resolve the security concerns that Russia may have. They can easily be resolved and we discussed that yesterday with the Chancellor. If those issues can be dealt with, there is no need for this incredible militarisation that NATO has had no hand, act, or part in.
Time is up. We need to move to Question No. 16.
What about the visa issue?
I am sorry. We do not have time.
I will follow that up with the Minister. I do not accept the analysis of Deputy Conway-Walsh. We may come back to that another time.
I have to have due respect for the Ceann Comhairle.
It is the rules of the House.
Exactly.
Good Friday Agreement
Neale Richmond
Question:16. Deputy Neale Richmond asked the Taoiseach when the shared island unit will hold its next dialogue. [7767/22]
Bernard Durkan
Question:17. Deputy Bernard J. Durkan asked the Taoiseach the extent to which the vision of the shared island initiative can continue notwithstanding the collapse of the Northern Ireland Assembly given the particular need to ensure a sensitive and progressive debate in the circumstances that now prevail. [7801/22]
Mary Lou McDonald
Question:18. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach the schedule of dialogues to be delivered by the shared island unit of his Department for 2022. [9276/22]
Brendan Smith
Question:19. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Taoiseach when the shared island unit will hold its next dialogue. [9370/22]
Seán Haughey
Question:20. Deputy Seán Haughey asked the Taoiseach when the shared island unit will hold its next dialogue. [9446/22]
Ruairí Ó Murchú
Question:21. Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the shared island unit of his Department. [9470/22]
Mick Barry
Question:22. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach when the shared island unit will hold its next dialogue. [9693/22]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Question:23. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach when the shared island unit will hold its next dialogue. [9701/22]
Paul Murphy
Question:24. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach when the shared island unit will hold its next dialogue. [9710/22]
I propose to take Question Nos. 16 to 24 together.
Through the Government's shared island initiative, we are working to engage with all communities and traditions to build consensus around a shared future and to take up the full potential of the Good Friday Agreement to enhance co-operation on the island. Our objective is to work across the whole-of-government in all-island partnerships with the Executive, the United Kingdom Government and local authorities and civil society across the island.
The Government wants to see a fully-functioning Executive in place again as soon as possible, working for all of the people of Northern Ireland and working with us to deliver beneficial North-South co-operation and investment, which is a key dimension of our shared island approach. Last year, the Government allocated €50 million from our shared island fund to move ahead with significant cross-Border investments, including the Ulster Canal, the Narrow Water Bridge project and a major new North-South research programme. We also commenced an all-island strategic rail review with the Executive.
In October, the Government set out a comprehensive set of new shared island investment priorities, as part of the revised national development plan. This is backed by a total all-island commitment of more than €3.5 billion over the decade ahead, including €1 billion from the shared island fund, to invest for a more connected, sustainable and prosperous island for all. The Government also initiated the shared island dialogue series to hear from people across all communities, traditions and regions on how we can work for a shared future on this island in practical, meaningful ways.
In our approach, the Government is taking full account of the political complexity and challenges in Northern Ireland, and is working to listen to and engage with all communities and their concerns. We are fostering civic dialogue that is constructive, inclusive and focused on issues of shared concern for people across all traditions and communities, while also recognising challenges and different views.
In December, I launched a report by my Department on the first year of the dialogue series. It highlighted the views and suggestions raised across seven dialogue events which engaged more than 1,000 civic representatives and sets out how the Government is taking account of their contributions. A copy of the report has been sent to every Member of the Oireachtas. We are continuing the shared island dialogue series this year, moving now to in-person and regional engagements.
The Minister for Tourism, Culture, Arts, Gaeltacht, Sport and Media, Deputy Catherine Martin, participated in a dialogue on 20 January with more than 160 tourism stakeholders, from North and South, who discussed how to take up new opportunities in the sector on a shared island basis. The next shared island dialogue is on sport and takes place tomorrow, 24 February, at the national sports campus, with participation by Minister of State with responsibility for sport, Deputy Jack Chambers, and with in-person and online attendance by people involved in sport across the island.
At the outset, I extend my condolences and sympathies to the family of the former DUP MLA from Belfast, Christopher Stalford, on his untimely death over the weekend.
All of us in the House can agree that there is a gap regarding not just North-South relations but relations within Northern Ireland. It is a gap that the shared island dialogue has a great opportunity to fill. I ask the Taoiseach to outline whether there is an appetite to increase the ambition in this calendar year to fill that gap. I look forward to the dialogue on sport tomorrow. Providing a platform and voice for all communities across the island to engage, when there is a lack of desire from aspects of the political community to engage in this island, is key and can be achieved, coming as it is as both jurisdictions are moving out of Covid-19 restrictions. It is a great opportunity to be truly ambitious not just about the research documents but, crucially, the in-person events. I hope we can see the lost opportunities of the past two years replaced in the coming calendar year.
I too wish to record my sympathies to the wife and four children of Christopher Stalford, MLA, and his wider circle of friends, family and colleagues in the DUP.
The Taoiseach and his office have assumed an oversight role in the delivery of the third strategy on domestic, sexual and gender-based violence. What part will the shared island unit play in that work? The Tusla review of domestic violence accommodation very starkly demonstrates the absence of refuge places for victims and their children along the Border counties. We know anecdotally that services North and South support women who travel across the Border. For example, a victim in Buncrana may travel to Derry city for the purposes of anonymity and, worse still, because of the shame and stigma that still attaches for many in respect of the violence and abuse they endure. The inclusion of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence in the shared island schedule of dialogue this year would be a constructive and useful piece of work.
I raised the Government's outstanding commitment to a referendum on presidential voting rights with the Taoiseach a couple of weeks ago. As he knows, there is cross-party support for voting rights to be extended to citizens living on our island beyond the State. When does the Taoiseach expect the Minister to bring the heads of Bills to Government for approval?
As the Taoiseach knows, the shared island initiative was launched in October 2020. The objective of the initiative is the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement in order to develop enhanced links, co-operation and mutual understanding on the island of Ireland. In this regard, I welcome, in particular, the shared island dialogue. This has given a voice to many individuals, groups and organisations which can find it difficult to be heard amidst the ongoing arguments between the nationalist and unionist politicians debating the major constitutional issues of the day.
I hope that this dialogue can continue in the coming months, in the run-up to the Northern Ireland Assembly elections in May, so that the voice of civic society can be heard above all the noise associated with party political electioneering. The shared island initiative also involves working with the Northern Ireland Executive and the British Government to address the strategic challenges faced on the island. It seems to me that the British Government is preoccupied with other issues at this time and, of course, the Northern Ireland Executive has collapsed. Would the Taoiseach agree that the two Governments and all parties in Northern Ireland will have to make an enormous effort to get the Executive up and running after the May elections and that this challenge cannot be underestimated? The Northern Ireland protocol will have to be off the agenda by then.
I add my voice to the condolences on the tragic death of Christopher Stalford. I offer my condolences to his family, friends and colleagues.
The Taoiseach and I have had a number of interactions about citizens' assemblies. He knows where I stand and I know where he stands. He has stated that he does not believe there is sufficient depth in a citizens' assembly to deal with the issue of unity and what unity would look like. He has spoken about the shared island dialogue. In what way could the shared island dialogue be expanded to encompass what we would like to see in a citizens' assembly, which should allow all stakeholders to have a full conversation around Irish unity? It is already happening in the wider world anyway. When does the Taoiseach foresee us having a significant amount of the modelling work, following research being done with funding from the shared island unit, that could provide us with the tools to look at changes that could be operated within Departments and to provide a model of Irish unity?
I raise once more the closure of Regina Coeli House in Belfast, which is a vital resource for victims of domestic violence, among others. Today marks the completion of six weeks of strike and sit-in by Unite workers at the hostel demanding that the facility be handed over to the state and kept open. Has the Taoiseach raised this with members of the Northern Ireland Executive, as he promised he would? The Tusla proposal that women's refuge places in this State be increased by 50 or 60 in the short term is completely inadequate. This State is more than 300 spaces short of the Istanbul Convention target. We want to see a plan to reach that target far more quickly. I urge everyone on our shared island to march and protest next month to mark International Women's Day and to demand change on issues such as these.
In conclusion, with regard to the ten-strong, socially-distanced, solidarity stand-out organised in Limerick against femicide in 2021, I express the hope that charges against Aislinn O’Keeffe will be dropped before her court date this Friday. Apart from anything else, those charges bring disgrace on this State.
I apologise for being late. My question is to ask the extent to which the Taoiseach can develop the shared island concept at the same time as the partial collapse of the Assembly. Will he use the time to good advantage to establish trust, dialogue and a meaningful relationship with all who wish to have such a relationship in a shared island context?
I join with Deputies in expressing my deepest sympathies to the wife and family of Christopher Stalford who passed away at the weekend. On the Government's behalf, I conveyed our sympathies personally to Jeffrey Donaldson and the wish that they be conveyed to his family. All of us in public life know that politicians experience enormous pressures. Words will not console his family on this occasion, but our thoughts and prayers are with them.
Regarding the third strategy on domestic violence, there has already been shared dialogue involving women on the island. That led to the creation of an all-island women's forum. The shared island unit stands ready. We have said to various groups that if there are cross-Border projects that can be developed, we will allocate funding to those, provided they meet their basic objectives and thresholds. I would like to think that the all-island women's forum will be in a position to develop important initiatives in this area of domestic violence on a cross-Border, all-island basis. We and the unit are available to support that.
Deputy Richmond raised the continuation of the dialogue series. He referred to increasing the ambition and in-person events. No one has put blockages up in the political sphere. To address Deputy Ó Murchú's point, too, the whole shared island endeavour is without prejudice to one's constitutional position. That is why it has gained cross-community, cross-tradition participation in civic society. That has been quite significant. We have significant ambition. There are now opportunities for in-person engagement. There is a dialogue on sport tomorrow. There will be an online launch event in early March for the next ESRI shared island report, which examines primary healthcare systems on the island. We are also planning for an in-person launch event for the comprehensive report to Government by the National Economic and Social Council on shared island opportunities, following its consideration by Government. The shared island unit of my Department is also preparing further events as part of the shared island dialogue series, which will run throughout the year.
As everyone said, there is a welcome opportunity for greater in-person engagement in the dialogue series. We envisage that happening regionally too. The dialogue series issue is engaging with sectoral issues and how we deepen mutually beneficial co-operation on the island. There were two examples, with tourism and sport being addressed tomorrow. Wider societal concerns for the future of the island include culture and identity issues, and how we can better understand each other across diverse communities and traditions. In response to very welcome interest, members of the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and the relevant committee chairs and party spokespersons in both the Oireachtas and Northern Ireland Assembly are being invited to shared island dialogue events this year. I think that might deal with what Deputy Durkan said about the politics of it. I had this debate with Deputy Ó Murchú in respect of citizens' assemblies. It is my view that the dialogue series is the important way to go. The Good Friday Agreement has provisions regarding the constitutional position.
What about extension?
We need to fully work the Good Friday Agreement. That is why I regret the decision of the DUP to withdraw the First Minister from the Executive. Regarding Deputy Barry's point, the Executive is there to carry out existing work. I have not had a chance to talk to the First Minister or the Deputy First Minister about the issue that the Deputy raises. It is primarily a matter for the Northern Ireland authorities.
The Taoiseach has not raised it.
I have not had an opportunity yet, given the events that have happened. The Oireachtas does not interfere in the courts.
For the information of the House, I should point out that the distinguished gentleman sitting in front of the Chair, Mr. Brian Hickey, who has given exemplary and outstanding service to these Houses over many years, is sitting in the Chamber with us for the last time. He is due to retire tomorrow and I am sure all Members of the House join with me in wishing him and his family long years of health and happiness in the new phase of their lives.
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