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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 17 Nov 2022

Vol. 1029 No. 5

Impaired Farm Credit Bill 2022: Second Stage [Private Members]

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I apologise for the absence of Deputy Mattie McGrath. He genuinely wanted to be here this evening but is unable to be with us. He has put a great deal of work into this Bill, along with others, as I will explain. The Deputy sends his apologies.

This Rural Independent Group has the overarching objective of protecting the family farm and the linked family home from the ruthless and speculative practices of vulture funds. We believe this Bill is innovative and clear-cut. This legislation, if passed, would give solid protections to family farms and family homes from ruthless vulture funds, while also providing low-interest loans for farmers. This Private Members' Bill is sponsored by the six Rural Independent Group Deputies and it was carefully crafted by the former Master of the High Court, Mr. Ed Honohan. We acknowledge the tremendous work carried out by Mr. Honohan and Brian O'Reilly. I thank them for their sterling service. I also thank Brian Ó Domhnaill and Máiread in our office and all those in the Gallery who played some part in this Bill.

Farms are being repossessed in rural Ireland and lands that have been in families for generations are being sold off by vulture funds. Some banks are selling off agricultural debts to multinational property asset companies, which subsequently demand immediate payment of moneys owed. Fears are growing that an entire generation of farmers could be wiped out, thereby stalling hopes of a sustainable rural recovery. Vast tracts of land are now in the hands of vulture funds and farmers are under immense pressure. When farmers lose their land, they not only lose an asset but also their income. The stress and anxiety experienced by these farmers have led to countless suicides. My colleagues and I have often highlighted the number of suicides directly linked to the financial pressures arising from banks and financial institutions chasing their debts.

In the absence of the Government coming forward with strict legislation to regulate vulture funds, the activities of which will wipe out a generation of farmers, we have crafted this Bill to address the problems. The current situation cannot continue. We are seeing young people lose interest in farming when they see the stress and anxiety their parents are suffering. If this continues, it will spell the destruction of rural communities and be a further drain on the mental health services.

All banks are acting in a manner that is not acceptable in piling stress and misery on embattled farmers. They are destroying viable farms and undermining the recovery in rural areas. Another serious issue emerging is the refusal of banks to release sites to the sons or daughters of farmers who are paying off a loan. For too long, the Government has facilitated vulture funds and banks to seize and sell family farms. This Bill would create a policy platform to tip the scales back in favour of landowners and farmers and is all about protecting the small man or woman against predatory financial institutions. The agrifood sector and the role of farmers in the Irish economy is of systemic importance and is generating gross value added equating to €14.4 billion a year. Furthermore, the sector employs one in every ten workers in the State.

Farmers are under attack from all quarters. First, the Government is targeting deep cuts to farmers’ ability to earn a living through climate action reductions and an inadequate new Common Agricultural Policy, CAP. Second, banks and vulture funds continue to seize and sell off family farms all over the country, with Government policy stacked in favour of these institutions. We have observed at first hand the destruction and crippling impacts these forfeitures have caused to families and rural communities. This is why we have brought forward this imaginative new Bill. It is well known that international vulture funds are a massive threat to many Irish family farms and linked family homes. Unfortunately, the Government has allowed those faceless funds to destroy families by seizing and selling viable family farms.

Our Bill would limit these merciless practices and tip the scales back in favour of farm families by delivering legislative protection against the predatory practices of vulture funds and financial institutions. For example, recent figures from the Irish Farmers Association, IFA, have estimated that between 2,500 and 3,000 family farms may be in danger of seizure by vulture funds, with the total amount of land involved being up to 150,000 acres. However, the number is likely to be even higher than this, particularly as we enter a high interest rate environment which will place greater financial pressures on all borrowers, including farmers. Therefore, this is a very serious threat to all rural communities, and we believe this Bill provides a genuine legal framework to put ordinary people first by at least giving them a fairer level of legislative protections.

Vulture funds do not operate in the open. Instead, they use little known corporate entities to avoid open scrutiny and adverse publicity. The Government has facilitated this practice by allowing these funds to seize and sell off family farms all over the country. The reality is that in the years to come vulture funds will be closing in on hundreds of farms. This is due to legacy debt and the sale of mortgage portfolios to global funds by pillar banks. An example is the exiting transfers from Ulster Bank and KBC. This will result in these funds scooping up indebted properties, unless legislation, such as this Bill, is passed.

The vulture funds' primary interest is in the assets, not the debt. We know these funds are attracted to the agricultural property and lands that secure debts. Farmers are now struggling to get loans from other banks to pay moneys back to the hedge funds and some are being left with very few options. This is why our Bill also provides for a State-backed, low-interest loan scheme for farmers. Ireland’s banking cartel of Bank of Ireland and Allied Irish Banks do not understand the pressures farmers are under. To be honest, these banks do not care. They operate a system whereby if people fail to pay, they lose. Unless proper laws are in place to protect these people, there will be a free run for the vulture funds.

Farm families are being terrorised by these funds. It is simply not acceptable for the State to allow vulture funds to force the sale of land that has come as security with a debt bought from a bank when there are other viable alternatives.

The laws are stacked in favour of the funds, as we have observed first-hand on many occasions. That is why we have brought forward this imaginative new Bill. My colleagues and I in the Rural Independent Group, in conjunction with the former Master of the High Court, Mr. Ed Honohan, are confident that if this Bill were passed into law, farm families would be given the best possible legislative protection against the speculative practices of vulture funds and receivers. We strongly encourage all Deputies to join us and vote in favour of this Bill. In reality, to vote against this Bill would be akin to protecting the rights of the vulture funds over the interests of the family farm.

This Bill would also pave the way for a new State-run institution that would extend low-interest credit to all farm enterprises. It would be a paradigm shift, allowing access to capital and credit in rural Ireland, boosting the entire rural economy and pivoting regional development in the process. This Bill provides a new approach to credit and impaired credit which is unique to the farm enterprise. Therefore, it is hoped the Government will accept the genuine spirit in which this Bill is tabled and work with us to progress it through this House and on to the next Stage, Committee Stage. Naturally, we would be happy to work with the Government, or anyone else for that matter, and would welcome amendments on Committee Stage.

Likewise, we invite all stakeholders to engage in a searching reappraisal of the current dysfunction in the banking model as it applies to Irish agriculture. For instance, in other countries, farmers have access to low-cost or almost zero-interest loans. In Ireland, our farmers are at the full greedy mercy of high-interest loans from banks. We fully expect that the usual gang of anonymous and highly paid banking lobbyists will beat a path to the doors of any Minister or Government Deputy who might appreciate a briefing on the measures in this Bill in a desperate attempt to block or delay open discussion to protect the interests of the banks. The defining outcome of those lobbying efforts will rest in whether Government Deputies will vote in favour of this Bill when a vote is called. Shadowy figures from the banking world should not be allowed to derail this Bill because it challenges their profits margins. Rather than the usual behind-closed-doors lobbying by the banking elites, we invite and strongly suggest that all those individuals and institutions should come on the record and direct their observations to the relevant Oireachtas committee during Committee Stage deliberation of this Bill, where they can be the subject of constructive analysis. It would be nice, for once, to hear a Minister undertaking to put on the record of the House a full record of all comments he receives - front door or back channel - when it comes to this Bill. Such an undertaking might be the key to open and transparent debate. That is why we invite all Deputies will take a brave step and support this Bill, on Second Stage and beyond.

In drafting this Bill, we were drawn to remarks made by the renowned professor of economics at Princeton University, Dr. Atif Mian, which strongly criticised the Irish Government's policy which favours the interest of banks and vulture funds over the best interests of borrowers. Professor Mian has said that Ireland's "harsh, creditor-friendly laws" meant that households were bearing too much of the burden of strict mortgage rules and that it would be better for the economy if people could get out from under their debts more easily.

The potential of interest rate increases coming down the line will have a very substantial impact on people in arrears, as the interest will accumulate faster, and will likely also increase the number of people falling into mortgage arrears. All in all, this represents a serious hangover from the financial crash that has not been addressed by any government over the past decade.

It is important to remember that agriculture is a work in progress at any point in time. The common good is best served by keeping Irish land in the hands of Irish farmers rather than giving it over to banks and vulture funds. Food security issues are also in play but the nation's lands, as the sovereign asset, must be shielded against disinterested speculators. For instance, section 12 of the 1965 Land Act will filter all land transfers through the Minister's hands, and his scope of discretion within EU principles is more extensive than might at first appear. There may come a time, as an alternative option, for example, when farmland threatened with foreclosure and with no prospect of farm debt settlement arrangement, for whatever reason, must be optioned to the State, rather than sold to a foreign vulture fund, to be returned to full State ownership but under the stewardship of the farmer prepared to manage the lands to benefit the environment through biodiversity and even rewilding.

This Bill would not be possible without the exceptional and invaluable voluntary contribution of the former Master of the High Court, Mr. Edmund Honohan. Mr. Honohan's first-hand knowledge of the difficulties faced by farm families and his exceptional legal expertise have been instrumental to the publication of this Bill. My colleagues and I in the Rural Independent Group are very pleased the Bill is before the House. Earlier in the year, we held a parliamentary briefing session in the audiovisual room, to which every Deputy was invited, to inform all Members of the Oireachtas about the merits and objectives of the legislative provisions. That session was addressed by the former master, Mr. Honohan. We sincerely hope all Deputies will join us and fully support the Bill and the farm families it seeks to assist. After all, without substantial local agriculture in local ownership, the towns will be blighted and rural Ireland will continue to decline. For far too long, the pillar banks have used and abused the farming sector in this country. Our Bill would pave the way for a new State-run institution that would extend low-interest credit to all farm enterprises in a specialised manner. It would be a paradigm shift, allowing access to capital and credit in rural Ireland, boosting the entire rural economy and pivoting regional development in the process.

There are four main objectives of this Bill, including a moratorium monitored by a receiver. During the moratorium, the receiver will not be permitted to negotiate the sale of the security or place the farm on the market, and farming will continue as usual. The Bill provides for an effective legal moratorium. After the moratorium, a farm debt settlement arrangement will be subject to court approval, and the personal insolvency arrangement, PIA, section 115A veto override will be open to the court, which would allow the borrower to hold on to the farm after an appropriate discharge of structured debt.

Second, the farmhouse would be an excluded parcel, with the division of the collateral into two parcels - the farmlands and the farmhouse. The Bill provides for the debt to remain charged on both but, crucially, the code of conduct on mortgage arrears, including the mortgage arrears resolution process, MARP, will apply to the farmhouse. This will give the family home legislative protections under the code of conduct on mortgage arrears process and the MARP.

Third, the inactive co-borrower, often the wife, is protected. The co-owner can sometimes be casually involved as a co-borrower, although not a farmer. The law currently offers little protection. The spouse's version of events is usually undocumented, and the banks' formal files are rarely opened to the court. With the presumed admissibility of these hearsay records as evidence of the truth of the record, since the Oireachtas passed the Civil Law and Criminal Law (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2020, the scales of justice favour the lender if there is a factual dispute. Where a fact is presumed, it cannot be disputed.

The fourth is the proactive measures to secure the future. Often, difficulties in predicting the impact of anticipated shocks, for example, Brexit, CAP reform, climate and weather extremes, make formal risk assessment for credit to the farming sector a matter of guesswork, but the sector will need more credit. Standard intermediation or traditional bank lending will not be enough to protect the long-term future of Irish agriculture.

We believe that the State has an opportunity to create cross-Border access to liquidity pools that cater for investors, including, in particular, ESG funds, at competitive rates. The National Treasury Management Agency, NTMA, can offer such funds credit default swaps. This would allow the State to establish a new State-backed bank for the agriculture sector that can offer farmers low-cost loans.

At the outset, I acknowledge the work of Deputy Collins, his colleagues and Mr. Honohan and the work and consideration that has gone into the Bill. I also acknowledge that the intentions behind the Bill are genuine and that the primary concerns of the Deputies are based on protecting the family farm. We all share that concern.

The family farm is the bedrock of our €14 billion export sector and it ensures a balanced regional economy. It plays a huge role in the fabric of all our lives. The Irish farming model is almost exclusively based on the family farm. Approximately 30% of our farms, mainly dairy and tillage, are classified as full-time in terms of labour input required but still relying mainly on family workers. However, the majority of Irish farms are part-time small-scale family farms relying on diverse income streams, including off-farm employment. That structure undoubtedly has its challenges but it is the family story behind Irish food and drink which is part of what makes it unique for our own consumers and for consumers all over the world.

Farmers are the foundations of our sector.

For them this is not just a business, it is a tradition and an honour that is passed down from generation to generation. Farmers are the first to recognise that for this to continue it must be done sustainably. I know this first hand. I was born on a suckler and sheep farm in north Inishowen in Donegal. It is a farm that reared me and my five siblings. I was honoured to run the farm before entering politics. It is now run by my brother.

Every family hopes the farm will be handed down to the next generation when the time is right. Protecting and enhancing farm incomes is at the very heart of everything I do as Minister. Our shared vision for the future of the sector, Food Vision 2030, states that for farming the family farm model is key to economic, social and environmental sustainability. In common with everyone in the House I really want to protect this model. However, I do not believe the Bill will assist farm families. Fundamentally the restrictions it places on debt recovery in the sector are such as to dissuade financial institutions from lending to the sector in future. Land mobility is very important as is access to land.

Primary responsibility for banking and credit policy lies with my colleague the Minister for Finance while enterprise policy lies is with the Tánaiste and Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment. Access to finance is a crucial business need. As well as liaising with the main banks on issues relating to the agrifood sector, the Department and I work closely with the Tánaiste and Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment and that Department, as well as the Minister for Finance and that Department. This has been a good working partnership that has yielded important supports for businesses through the Strategic Banking Corporation of Ireland. This was to ensure they had access to finance to help deal with the challenges brought about by Brexit, Covid-19 and the impact of the war in Ukraine. Finance for business is required for two main reasons. The first is as working capital to ensure the efficient functioning of businesses on a day-to-day basis. The second is as investment capital to develop and evolve to meet future needs and challenges. I am working to ensure farmers, fishers and food businesses have access to appropriate supports, whether through private provision or with the help of State-backed schemes.

As a small economy, we must pull our resources to provide appropriate business supports, for example, the future growth loan scheme supports strategic long-term capital investment by small and medium enterprises, farmers and fishers and delivers approximately €800 million in competitively priced loans. The unique characteristic of the scheme is that loans of up to €500,000 are unsecured making it a viable source finance for young and new entrant farmers, especially the cohort who do not have high levels of security. It also serves smaller-scale farmers who often do not have the leverage to negotiate for more favourable terms with their banking institutions. The future growth loan scheme has been in high demand generally and especially in the agrifood sector, with approximately 46% of loans by number and 31% by value. This represents loans to 1,289 farmers with a value of €155 million.

The agrifood sector has a demonstrated capacity to plan for the long term even when grappling with more immediate challenges. The Government also delivered the Brexit impact loan scheme to businesses impacted by Brexit, including farmers, for working capital, investment and refinancing. This was then extended to Covid-19 impacted businesses when the worst effects of the pandemic were being felt. Again, large numbers of farmers and businesses in the agrifood sector generally were able to avail of these initiatives, with 55% of the overall number of loans and a value of 40%, or 850 farmers and a value of €68 million in loans.

In addition, in response to liquidity concerns when the pandemic hit, the Government introduced the Covid-19 credit guarantee scheme with a capacity of up to €2 billion to facilitate the provision of eligible financial products to Covid-19 impacted SMEs and small mid-caps including farmers. In budget 2023 I was happy to announce with the Tánaiste the development of a new long-term lending scheme. It will ensure there is an appropriate option available to farmers, fishers and food businesses to access finance for strategic and investment purposes. The new proposed €500 million growth and sustainability loan scheme, GSLS, will facilitate strategic investment by farmers, fishers and businesses and ensure their continued viability and sustainability. We are also working together on a Ukraine credit guarantee scheme to assist businesses, including farmers, fishers and food businesses, to meet their liquidity and development needs especially in this time of economic uncertainty.

All the main banks have specific agricultural products and services, including dedicated advisory services. I speak with the banks regularly to ensure the sector is well serviced. Central Bank data shows that credit advanced to primary agriculture was €686 million last year and has been consistently at this level over the past decade. Credit outstanding at the end of 2021 was just over €3 billion, slightly lower than the €3.3 billion outstanding the year before but down from a high level of €4.7 billion in 2010. We monitor debt levels on an ongoing basis. The Teagasc national farm survey for 2021 shows that across all farm systems six out of ten farms have no farm business related debt. However this figure varies considerably, as we can imagine and understand, by farm type. Two thirds of dairy farms had borrowings in 2021 compared to one third of cattle farms. Just over one third of sheep farms had outstanding farm debt in 2021 with close to half of all tillage farms reporting borrowings.

When farms without debt are excluded, the average dairy farm debt last year was €139,000. The average debt on cattle rearing farms was almost €30,000 at €29,900, with cattle finishing farms having an average debt of €46,700. On sheep farms it was just over €21,000. The data indicate the average debt on tillage farms was €64,000. The majority of farm-related debt, at approximately 72%, was classified as medium to long-term with a further 18% relating to hire purchase or leasing and the remaining 8% considered to be short-term debt such as overdrafts. This data on credit advanced and credit outstanding strongly suggests the primary agriculture sector is well placed to manage debt and default rates are generally among the lowest in the economy.

Introducing the Bill and its conditions and requirements would immediately jeopardise farmers' participation in any horizontal access to finance supports. It would also jeopardise their ability to access credit generally. In addition, the Government opposes the Impaired Farm Credit Bill 2022 on the grounds that impaired farm credit arrangements are already provided for under company law where the farm business is incorporated as a limited company, or under personal insolvency law where the farm business operates as a sole trader as is the case in the vast majority of instances.

Existing legislation for personal or company insolvency already requires well tried and known pathways for resolving farm debt as well as any other collateralised debt. Section 115A of the Personal Insolvency Act allows courts to impose debt restructure on secured creditors. It is a very carefully balanced and exceptional provision and strikes a very carefully calibrated balance between the various constitutional rights concerned. It was introduced only after very detailed impact assessment, policy analysis and consultations between all relevant Departments and the office of the Attorney General. The Central Bank has a code of conduct on mortgage arrears which sets out the framework that lenders must use when dealing with borrowers in mortgage arrears or in pre-arrears, including use of the mortgage arrears resolution process, MARP. There are already strongly protection on the treatment of the family home, including the farmhouse where that is the family home.

Looking at the Bill objectively there is no evidence base to support the proposals that a separate debt management protocol and legal framework is required for agricultural property. The introduction of a law relating only to the treatment of farm debt would likely require constitutional justification as to why farm debt should be treated differently from all other small business debt and consideration of how farm business activities secured on farmland is to be treated. The Bill proposes to limit certain financial regulatory functions and make them subject to the consent of the Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine in a manner that is inappropriate. For example, the Bill proposes the Central Bank shall report annually to the Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine on the trends noted in the quantum and beneficial ownership of lands charged with repayment of such loans, and that the Central Bank shall establish and manage a brokerage supporting farmers seeking finance and refinance from elsewhere in the EU.

The Bill provides any transaction that may have the effect of besting beneficial ownership of farmland in collateral recovery businesses or in securitisation vehicles shall require the consent of the Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine, and provides conditions attached to such consent. The Bill also requires that the National Treasury Management Agency shall make available for sale credit default swaps with a view to supporting access for farmers to shadow banking intermediated liquidity on a second mortgage basis.

These detailed proposals suggest the exercise of specific financial regulatory functions will be subject to the consent of the Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine. This would constitute an unwarranted interference in the independent functions of the appropriate regulatory bodies. Importantly, these are areas of policy for which my Department does not have responsibility.

I am committed to ensuring the agrifood sector has appropriate access to finance. The ability to access finance at the lowest rates possible will be crucial to the continued success of the agrifood sector, especially at a time of considerable challenge for the industry. The requirements and conditions within the Bill would hinder rather than assist farmers. While well-intentioned, it is fundamentally flawed and the Government, therefore, opposes its introduction.

I welcome the Bill and thank the Rural Independent Group for developing it. The Bill provides greater security and entitlements for farmers in terms of credit and debt proceedings, especially in situations where families are pursued by banks and financial businesses for debt. Crucially, the farm house, which is not only a family home but often a generational and inter-generational home, must be treated separately from farmland in debt situations.

There continues to be a significant imbalance in this country between the banks and vulture funds on one side and ordinary families on the other. This inequity is particularly pronounced when it comes to farms. The law and successive Governments have failed to treat the farmhouse as a family home. Although rectified now, we saw the same situation arise in the development of the fair deal scheme, which included all assets on farms. This situation has left farmers vulnerable to forfeitures and seizures, which harm entire communities. Policies and laws must reflect social realities for the benefit of ordinary people, not for banks and hedge funds.

I also welcome provisions for alternative avenues to be exhausted before a farm can be possessed and sold. It provides breathing space to allow the farmer and his or her representatives to work with the receiver to develop resolutions to the farm's financial issues. This is in the best interest of all parties, as a viable plan could be put in place that would save the farm, while the financial body could receive substantial repayments, which is its primary concern. We need more pragmatic approaches to these and similar circumstances.

The additional protection and reassurance offered by the Bill will benefit families and facilitate greater agricultural activity and economic development in rural areas. With issues around generational renewal, farmers will have more confidence in seeking credit to address seasonal variations and invest in their machinery and equipment. We are all aware the sector is going through a difficult time, from the large increases in fertiliser prices earlier in the year, to the disruption in supply chains. It is important to note, although food prices are rising, this in no way means farmers and producers are making more money. The opposite is often true. A debate on the dire need for a proper food regulator with statutory powers is for another day.

Access to credit is crucial to keep people farming. Families need to be assured that seeking money to fund their livelihoods will not cost them their homes. On this point, I refer to credit unions. I cannot count the number of farmers or rural organisations that mention the importance of credit union loans. I can say confidently that they are keeping many family farms viable. They also offer tailored supports such as the cultivate programme, which provides short- to medium-term loans. I refer to this specific initiative because not only does it help families, it generates insightful data to understand the needs of the sector. It is reported in the first half of this year that 25% of loans was for stocking and working capital, while 24% was for farm buildings. Financial systems must recognise the distinct challenges faced by farmers and food producers, and if not, legislative and policy changes must ensure they do.

Our agricultural sector needs as much stability and certainty as possible. While we cannot control the market and international supply chains, we can provide a legislative and policy context that supports family farms. Irish farmers produce high-quality products, however, increasingly fewer farmers produce a range of products. Consumers want locally-produced food, but the cost of operating makes it more difficult for family businesses and small-scale producers. We need a radical policy shift to diversify the range of produce that will help support farmers, especially small family farms, and ensure a more sustainable and secure food system.

Many farmers are forced into dairy just to get by or are being subsumed by large-scale industrialised farms. Sheep farming is becoming increasingly unviable. As wool prices are so low, it is more economical to dump it. This is at a time when we should be insulating buildings with this natural, locally-sourced product. This is just one example in the sector.

Despite the expansion of the organic farming scheme, the lack of measures to support widespread organic farming means it will remain a niche sector. Unless there is a major course correction, the small family farm will be a thing of the past in a generation. The Bill provides the type of security and assurance farmers and rural Ireland need. I am working on a Bill to address food producers' vulnerability to food processers and larger retailers. We need to ensure the people who make our food can make a decent living, while also ensuring food is affordable and improving food security. All of these things are possible, it would just require the reigning in of the big players.

I hope the Government will facilitate the progress of the Bill, which is more important than ever. It will help support family farms and protect rural communities, and it needs to be advanced as quickly as possible.

I also thank the Rural Independent Group for bringing forward this Bill. I am disappointed the Government will not accept it, but I am not in the least bit surprised by this.

The Bill addresses the important issue of farm house and farmland repossession. It endeavours to tilt the legislative scale somewhere in the direction of fairness, which would be to the benefit of farming families. The Bill brings this issue into the light. As a representative of a large rural constituency in Tipperary, it is an important step in acknowledging the needs of rural Ireland and our farmers who are often called the custodians of the land. That description is accurate as there are many cases in which the same families have been working the same land for generations. Throughout that time, across the decades, those farmers and their families have risen to the challenge on every occasion to meet the needs of the State and society, which has not always been in their interest or to their benefit.

Farmers in rural Ireland lead the charge. They are invested in this country and we are indebted to them. Our farmers are to the fore in our response to climate change, and I am firmly of the opinion that they are both willing and able to deliver if the Government can put in place a workable framework to assist them in delivering the necessary changes, not simply taking an approach based on driving down production and expecting farmers to soak up losses in their already meagre margins. This view is not voiced enough in national debate, therefore, I add my voice to that acknowledgement today.

It cannot be disputed that our farmers are the bedrock of rural communities and this country. During better times and times of economic turmoil, farmers continued to contribute substantially not only to the national economy, but to local and rural economies, driving economic activity and helping to sustain employment across the State. This is true in Tipperary as it is anywhere else. In this context, repossessions of farmhouses and land is a particular scourge and blight on our society. This is especially so in cases where such repossessions are undertaken by vulture and investment funds that pay little or no tax while profiteering on individual farms in financial distress.

The former Master of the High Court, who I understand has drafted this Bill, in speaking on its background commented that one would wonder whether the marketplace was working to everybody's benefit equally or whether some people were profiting to the extent which was not really equitable.

From discussions with farmers over the years and from what I have heard at the Joint Committee for Agriculture, Food and the Marine, it is obvious that farmers understand credit and borrowing very well. Different agricultural sectors experience upturns and downturns due to various factors and farmers, as a matter of course, must plan for this. Ideally, we look at the State-backed loans offered to farmers via the Strategic Banking Corporation of Ireland repayment rates to prove that our farmers represent a good investment.

Of course, in the face of domestic and international pressures, some farmers will find themselves in a distressed financial position and the impact this will have on affected families and their own mental health cannot be over stated, as well as the impact on broader communities and local economies when such cases are taken in their totality. No Government can mitigate all factors, internal or external, but this Bill seeks to meet the State's obligation to those farming families to give them a fair opportunity and a fighting chance if they find themselves in such circumstances. Not only could it have a positive impact for those individuals, it should be recognised as being in this State's strategic interest to keep farmers on the land. That gets lost in many national conversations. The provisions of this Bill would give farmers a level of space to explore sustainable resolutions to their financial difficulties. It provides additional protections to the family home.

Sinn Féin believes there are areas and aspects of this Bill that may require more detailed consideration and in which measures could possibly be further strengthened but, in the words of the former Master of the High Court, who has drafted this Bill, it is all about protecting the small man or woman against predatory financial institutions. Families need to be protected from such institutions. Sinn Féin believes that these provisions and that sentiment are absolutely worthy of further consideration and engagement. I urge all Deputies to support this Bill and look forward to engaging with it in more depth on Committee Stage.

I support this Bill. In fairness to Deputies O'Donoghue, Healy-Rae and McGrath, they have engaged. Mr. Edmund Honohan has to be commended on the amount of work he has put in and for being one of the people who asked the questions when he was working down the road that many people did not ask. It was not a rubber-stamp job on many occasions. Mr. Brian Reilly also needs a mention. I am shocked the Government is going against this. I listened to the Minister's speech when he talked about the dangers of not being able to get money. The bottom line is if one owns a company and is borrowing for it, the risk is the same. Companies can get money no problem. The kite that is flown about the dangers of getting finance is not there. There is a strategic fund the Government can back to help, which it has, in fairness, for the agricultural sector.

Nobody seems to get the problem we saw when the country hit trouble, whether that was a company, an individual or a farmer. People in different walks of life can go through financial pressures or be in financial stress. Solutions are needed to that because, first, somebody in financial stress finds it very hard to get out of it and, second, the big problem is with getting money from the another bank or elsewhere when one tries to do a deal. What has happened needs to be understood: the investment funds that had a lot of money, which we call vulture funds, bought all these loans from the bank. It was like watching a person grow up. If one had money in a bank, the bank would be charged interest but every day as the years went by, the interest and value were growing on these loans because, thankfully, land has gone up in value. However, the funds were smiling and the person was still left in distress.

Many of these debts were bought at between 30% and 50%. It was all right for the funds to have it at that. I am talking about the people who are trying to get back on the road again, to whom the funds were not listening or even interested in talking. The person could have 40 meetings and it was basically full duck or no dinner. The funds had to get everything or nothing and that was a considerable problem. I acknowledge the work done by the likes of Mr. David Hall in the line of housing. He helps many people in different parts of the country. I also acknowledge the likes of Mr. Keith Farry who has done considerable work on the insolvency side, as the Minister mentioned. I acknowledge the amount of work those people did.

This Bill is a no-brainer because, at the end of the day, we need farmers to be able to go forward. We see when a company closes down that the person opens up another company down the road. We saw it with building. How many builders have basically been in serious bother and have been back building again? They can get money because once the slate is clean and they are able to put a business case forward, they get money. The problem for other people is that their names come up with the credit bureau and they cannot get money even if they are trying to get a deal. It is a major problem and leaves them with nowhere else to go other than to family members or others. We need to make sure we give them this new lease of life for their families and communities. It is sickening for someone from whom a debt was bought at 50% of what it was when the buyer still keeps trying to knock the last pound of flesh out of them. That is ferociously hard to understand.

As the Minister will see, the Bill seeks to make sure the family home is looked after. We have seen situations with regard to family homes where if the names of siblings or partners are not put down, they do not seem to have any rights. That is a major problem. Thankfully, bit by bit around the country, the likes of the people I mentioned and many Deputies have engaged to try to help people resolve difficulties and issues. However, there is still plenty of it out there and many families still do not know what will happen or where they will be because they find it hard to get a deal over the line. Funnily enough, it was nearly easier to get a deal four or five years ago. The country is doing better now and the price of things is going up. As things become more expensive, there is no interest in doing a deal quickly but there is interest and fees and, in some cases, a receiver will be appointed, which adds considerable costs.

We have to solve the problems because when the people one talks to get a resolution in respect of their house, business or farm, it is like a new lease of life or a load off their back. Many of these people move forward and make a considerable contribution to the country or society. What we need is for society to be prosperous. I urge the Government to look at this and take it on board. To put it mildly, the person who wrote this Bill has a fair legal brain. Mr. Honohan has put in hours to put this together.

As politicians, we should not be on the side of big business all the time, to put it very simply. We should look at the small people because, funnily enough, many small people throughout this country contribute the taxes. Ironically, the people who have a hold on this State, the vultures, are the ones who do not have to pay taxes.

It is rather an unusual set-up. The first thing we should do is look after the people around the country. If we have a prosperous community and society, then there is less pull on the Government. If people are struggling, they will always need more help from the State. That is plain to see. I urge the Government to take on board what we have said and provide another prong and way to solve those problems as well as insolvency. I agree that significant work has been done on insolvency. People such as David Hall have done so much. We have to get into our heads that there are vulture funds that are going for the last penny. As rates go up, they will stick tighter to that. Then there are bodies such as iCare that will buy it out. When a person gets up and running at a 5% or 6% rate, they can buy the house back for what was paid for it, not twice the price. The information about what companies gave for that debt is redacted. That is how they make huge profits every year. We should make sure we help people as much as possible.

I thank all the contributors for the assessment of and perspectives on the Bill. Like the Deputies here, I am committed to protecting the Irish family farm model. To prosper, we need to ensure farming is socially, economically and environmentally sustainable. As well as ensuring the Common Agricultural Policy works for Irish farmers and that we provide other appropriate supports when required, I work across Government on issues such as access to finance. Access to finance is the lifeblood of any business, and farms are not any different in that regard. As well as working closely with financial institutions to ensure farmers continue to be well-served, we do not hesitate to act when gaps in the private market emerge. This has been seen with the development and introduction of important supports for investment finance. We have also introduced important supports over the past years to bolster resilience and ensure we can weather the challenges brought about by Brexit, Covid-19 and the impact of the war in Ukraine.

Important impaired credit arrangements are already provided for under personal insolvency law and company law, as I mentioned in my opening remarks. There are existing arrangements for mortgages and mortgage arrears. There is no evidence base to support the Bill's proposals that a separate debt management protocol and legal framework is required for agricultural property. The Bill proposes to give specific financial regulatory functions to the Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine, which would constitute unwarranted interference in the independent functions of the appropriate financial regulatory bodies and in areas of policy for which my Department does not have responsibility.

Introducing this Bill and the conditions and requirements therein would jeopardise farmers' participation in any horizontal access to financial supports, which have been useful to farmers and the agrifood sector. It also jeopardises their ability to access credit generally. Therefore, I do not believe the Bill will assist farm families or agriculture generally. Fundamentally, the restrictions it places on debt recovery in the sector are such that it would dissuade financial institutions from lending to the sector in the future.

As I already stated, I am committed to ensuring the agrifood sector has appropriate access to finance, especially in achieving the objectives and development of the sector that we outlined in Food Vision 2030. Without that access to finance, there would not be businesses. That is no different for farmers and farm families to how it is for other businesses.

I believe the introduction of this Bill and the requirements and conditions in it would hinder farmers rather than assist them. I fully appreciate and understand where the Deputies are coming from with the Bill. Like the Deputies, I understand how farming has played and will continue to play a significant role in the life of this country and of rural Ireland. However, I do not believe the Bill proposed will assist in developing the sector and ensuring it is backed financially so that it can develop and grow in future.

I am disappointed that the Minister, who comes from a farming background, will not accept this Bill. If he had amendments to table, I would have welcomed that. He comes from the farming sector, which I come from myself. My mother and father were farmers. I am disappointed the Minister would not do this for the protection of the family home. This Bill would pave the way for a new State-run institution that would give low-interest credit to all farm enterprises. This means credit and access to capital in rural Ireland, which would boost the entire rural economy.

I said I am disappointed, with the Minister coming from a farming background, because many of the problems the farming sector has had with raising funds throughout the years have been because of the detrimental changes the Government and its predecessors have made with legislation and rules they brought in. In 2011, the Government told the farmers of this country to invest in white gold, which was milk, and to increase the national herd. It said that people needed milk around the world and were looking at the farmers. This year, the Government came out with a statement that the herd should be reduced by 25%. Farmers invested in a farm based on what the Government told them to do and the Government reversed it with the stroke of a pen. It does so every time there is a change of government. Farmers borrowed in 2011 and 2012, and onwards, to invest, on the Government's advice, but the Government is saying today to reduce the herd by 25%.

I thank the Rural Independent Group. Mainly, I thank Deputy Collins for the work he has put in to get the Bill to this stage. I also thank Edmund Honohan for his contribution and work, his legal experience, and his first-hand knowledge from his previous career. He knew first-hand how he could help, whereas the Minister's paperwork was written for him by the Department which caused this problem in the first place. We now have a man with a lifetime of legal experience who has given the Minister solutions, but he will not even accept the Bill and try to introduce amendments to save the family home. It would separate the family home from the family farm. That is why I am disappointed. I know the Minister is not a bad person, but he is taking legislation and rules from a Department that writes it for him and tells him this is right. It is wrong. The legal expertise we have from outside is telling the Minister it is wrong. Why does he not seek legal opinion himself? It will tell him the Department is wrong. All it is doing is protecting vulture funds.

The banks in this country have sold off loans. One can call it whatever one likes, whether shadow banking or vulture funds. Those vulture funds or banks can foreclose on or call in a person's loan. That same bank cannot introduce an examiner because it is not the bank's loan. Did the Minister know that?

Does he know that if there is a debt on the farm, the farm retirement scheme can be pulled into the debt of a loan by means of exhaustible execution? Imagine the wording of it. That scheme can be pulled into the debt of a farm, which was caused by this Government and previous Governments. It is so disappointing that the Minister will not accept the Bill, even with amendments, particularly in view of the fact that he is from a farming background.

I look at this as the future-proofing of farming. The failure to protect farms in the country is why farming has not grown. Is there any other SME in Ireland that could sustain its business through all the different changes that come in every time there is a change of Government? Look at the cost of the things that make a difference in farming. Agriculture is very much affected by the shocks in the market that most other industries would only consider to be bumps. Take the weather's effect on crops, Brexit and fluctuations in raw materials production. A while ago, I used the example of the price of milk. There is also the price of meat. There is the price of energy and of fertiliser. All these things come in the margin of farming. All these things are changed every time there is a change of Government.

The main reason for bring forward this Bill was to protect family homes and invest in farms in order that future generations would look at them as viable businesses. It is the heritage of the Minister's family, of my family and of all the sons and daughters of farmers who went on to different jobs. They want to see the family home protected for generations to come. This protection would also be an incentive to new, young farmers. I was out last week on a tractor with Macra na Feirme and the next entrepreneurs in farming. I hope they get all the support they can get. They are taking on an uphill battle because every time there is a change in Government, there is a change in the rules. These people are the next generation, and I am certain that, in his heart, the Minister wants them to survive. With every turn of a key, however, the Government puts something else on them. The Government says farmers must give up so much of their land to plant trees and farmers do it. The Government says farmers must change the way they spread slurry and farmers do it. The Government says farmers must change the amount of fertiliser they put on the ground and farmers do it. Farmers change everything around for the Government while still trying to sustain themselves, but every ten years they have to go back and borrow again. We have Departments telling them how to run their farms and they do it.

Then the Government comes out and says the farming industry is the biggest polluter in the country, when we have proven beyond a shadow of a doubt that the biggest polluters are the local authorities with their failed sewerage systems. Yet the Government still wants to blame everything on farmers. That is not right. I want to see the protection of the next generation of farmers in order that they can see producing food for this country as a viable business. God help us if anything happens around the world and we look to the farming sector, especially the tillage sector, to protect us. Who did we call on when Covid came? We called on the farmers to grow wheat, barley and oats. That is what the Government called on them to do but it has overregulated farmers.

Fianna Fáil has killed the farming industry every time it has gone into Government in coalition with somebody else. I am talking about the very farmers who voted for Fianna Fáil for many generations. Like the farmers, Fianna Fáil's numbers are going down because people have lost their belief the Government will represent the farming community. Fianna Fáil is on the same trajectory as farming. The party has killed itself by not protecting the farming industry and still it has not learned. We have the former Master of the High Court who has a lifetime's experience of how to help because the matter was in front of him every day of his life, yet the Minister will not take that on board because he is listening to his Department. The Department has lied to the Minister. It is time he got legal advice from outside it and looked at this Bill. I ask him to come back to us. If he wants to amend the Bill, we will work with him but he should not turn down it down. It is about the protection of the farm and of the family home for the sons, daughters, husbands, wives and partners of farmers. That is what we are asking the Minister to do. Before he goes against this Bill, he should think of that. All I am asking him to do is say he will accept the Bill and make amendments to it.

Question put.

In accordance with Standing Order 80(2), the division is postponed until the weekly division time next week.

Cuireadh an Dáil ar athló ar 6.37 p.m. go dtí 2 p.m., Dé Máirt, an 22 Samhain 2022.
The Dáil adjourned at 6.37 p.m. until 2 p.m. on Tuesday, 22 November 2022.
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