European Council Meeting: Statements

The Taoiseach

I attended a meeting of the European Council on 29 and 30 June in Brussels. The agenda covered Ukraine, economic issues, security and defence, migration and external relations. The Minister of State, Deputy Burke, will provide further detail on some of the external relations issues discussed, including work towards a new partnership with Tunisia, relations with Türkiye, the ongoing situation in Kosovo and relations between the EU and the African Union. I will deal with all other issues.

In advance of our meeting, members of the European Council held an exchange of views with the NATO Secretary General, Jens Stoltenberg, on EU-NATO co-operation and Euro-Atlantic security. The European Council was joined by video by the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy. We discussed our ongoing political, military, humanitarian and financial assistance for Ukraine. The EU, including Ireland, has made security commitments to Ukraine through the European Peace Facility. We reaffirmed those commitments, while recognising the unique security and defence positions of member states, like Ireland, that are not NATO members.

Leaders strongly condemned the deliberate destruction of the dam at the Nova Kakhovka hydroelectric power plant.

The attack has had devastating humanitarian, ecological, agricultural and economic repercussions. We also discussed the security risks to the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant. We are ready to assist Ukraine beyond what is already being provided through the European Union civil protection mechanism. We committed to continuing solidarity for Ukraine, including through an upcoming global peace summit. We recognised that a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine must be based on full respect for its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders. Leaders called for ongoing financial commitment to Ukraine, prioritising urgent infrastructure needs and broader reconstruction priorities. We also called for the accountability of perpetrators and welcomed the work that is under way in various forums to ensure Russia is held accountable for its crimes of aggression. We condemned Russia’s attempts to weaponise food and jeopardise global food security. We called for the safe return of Ukrainian children removed to Russia and Belarus. We also once again condemned the role being played by Belarus and Iran in backing Russian aggression.

Leaders also committed to continuing to work closely with Ukraine as it continues on its path to EU accession. I strongly believe that Ukraine’s place is in the European Union. We also reaffirmed our commitment to Moldova and the challenges it faces as a result of Russian aggression in Ukraine and recognised its commitment to EU accession. We noted the steps taken by Georgia on its European path.

We took stock of the progress being made on enhancing Europe’s long-term competitiveness. The economic outlook is characterised by significant uncertainty about the impact of Russia’s war against Ukraine. The most recent flash estimate from EUROSTAT expects euro area inflation in June to be at 5.5%, down from 6.1% in May. Industrial producer prices have also moderated significantly from the peak levels seen last September. Leaders are agreed on the importance of prioritising structural reforms to boost productivity, including by promoting competition and reviving investment. We are also agreed on the need to secure the green and digital transformations of our economies. We adopted conclusions on the Single Market, including a call for an independent high-level report on its future development to be presented during the Belgian Presidency of the Council in March 2024. This is a welcome initiative from the perspective of those, including Ireland, who want to see the full potential of the Single Market achieved. We want to see an open and ambitious approach to strengthening the Single Market as the bedrock of Europe’s prosperity. This should include the shaping of global standards with like-minded partners. We also looked forward to agreement before the end of the current legislative cycle on the net-zero industry Act and the critical raw materials Act. The European Council also invited the European Commission to assess the effect of the US Inflation Reduction Act on investment and the effectiveness of measures taken in response to that Act by the European Union and its member states.

We discussed economic security issues and broadly welcomed the recent communication on a European economic security strategy. The four categories of economic risk it identifies are risks to supply chains, risks to critical infrastructure, risks to technology security and leakage, and the risk of economic coercion. Leaders are agreed that Europe’s influence in the world, which is necessary to defend our interests and protect our core values, will depend largely on developing our economic strengths as an open and competitive market-based economy. At the same time, the evolving geopolitical situation may call for proportionate, precise and targeted responses to new security challenges. The Council's conclusions are consistent with aiming to preserve maximum levels of economic openness and dynamism, including through closer co-operation with trusted global partners that share our democratic values. We also discussed the integrated country-specific recommendations under the European semester 2023. These can help to co-ordinate the economic, employment and fiscal policies of member states. The European Council also invited finance ministers to take forward their work on the economic governance review with a view to concluding the legislative process in 2023.

We had initial discussions on the targeted revision of the EU budget that was recently proposed by the European Commission. The proposal aims to reinforce a limited number of priority areas for the period out to 2027. These include ensuring sustainable multiannual financing for Ukraine and the huge humanitarian, economic and budgetary consequences it is facing. New measures on external action and migration are also proposed along with a new platform to generate investments in strategically important technologies. It also includes provision for managing increased interest rates and administrative costs.

The European Council also called for the prompt finalisation of work on the artificial intelligence act. This is an area of increasing importance and focus. We must ensure we have an appropriate regulatory framework in place. However, we must not lose sight of the opportunity for Europe to become a prime location for innovation-friendly development of trustworthy AI technologies and applications. Our conclusions also reference the need to ensure sufficient production and availability of the most critical medicines and components and for further work to be done on this issue.

On security and defence, the European Council took stock of the progress on implementing our previous conclusions and on the strategic compass, including progress in the cybersecurity, hybrid, maritime and space areas. We called for work to be taken forward on proposals relating to joint procurement of military equipment and on increasing the capacity and resilience of Europe’s defence sector. We welcomed the decision to increase the ceiling of the European Peace Facility and to maintain the Union’s ability to respond to crises and conflicts. Ahead of the meeting, I joined nine other leaders in calling for a strengthening of the EU’s civil protection mechanism to ensure we can better respond to natural and human-made disasters in a strategic, coherent and collective way. The Council acknowledged the challenges posed by cross-border crises and agreed on the importance of strengthening resilience.

The backdrop to our discussion on migration was the recent tragedy in the Mediterranean. The loss of so many lives at sea reinforces the need to deal with migration in a comprehensive and holistic manner. This requires a co-ordinated approach to prevent irregular departures and loss of life, to strengthen the European Union’s external borders, to fight against smugglers, and to increase returns for those refused international protection. As this House will be aware, the situation continues to be difficult for many member states, especially those on the Mediterranean, with increased numbers of irregular migrants arriving at a time when we are also hosting large numbers fleeing war in Ukraine. The European Council received an update from the European Commission on the significant progress made in implementing the conclusions adopted at the special meeting of the European Council in February. Work has intensified with countries of origin and of transit to develop mutually beneficial partnerships. In June, justice and home affairs ministers reached political agreement on the asylum procedure regulation and the asylum and migration management regulation, two important elements of the proposed pact on asylum and migration. Once adopted by the EU co-legislators, this will establish a common procedure for processing international protection requests, mandatory border procedures and a new flexible solidarity mechanism. The European Council did not adopt conclusions on migration on this occasion due to concerns expressed by Poland and Hungary about the approach to the ongoing work on the pact on migration and asylum. However, President Charles Michel summed up our discussion in personal conclusions issued after the meeting. Finding shared ways to manage irregular migration remains a topic of concern to many, and I expect it will continue to feature on the agenda of future meetings.

Leaders continued our strategic discussion on relations with China, underlining our shared interest in a stable relationship and recognising China’s important position as a trade and economic partner. We discussed the need for balance in our trade and economic relationship and in ensuring a level playing field. The EU will retain a consistent and united approach in its relations with China and will continue to work with China on important global challenges, such as the climate, biodiversity and food security challenges. We are clear about the EU’s commitment to respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and our concerns regarding forced labour and the treatment of human rights defenders and minorities. We remain concerned in particular about the situation in Xinjiang, Tibet and Hong Kong. We called on China to use its position as a permanent member of the UN Security Council to press Russia to cease its war of aggression.

Next week, I will travel to Brussels for the EU-Community of Latin American and Caribbean States summit. The summit will be the first of its kind in eight years. It will be a good opportunity to mark the strengthening of the partnership between our two regions.

Deputy Matt Carthy

At the outset, I apologise that I will have to leave the debate early to attend an engagement with the European Parliament.

It has been 17 months now since Vladimir Putin's Russia launched a brutal and criminal war on its neighbouring sovereign state, Ukraine. In doing so, Russia unleashed the largest land conflict and the greatest displacement of people in Europe in more than eight decades.

Russia's attack on the Ukrainian people remains an abomination. Ireland remains on the side of the Ukrainian people. Our message remains that Russia must withdraw from Ukraine immediately. Russia must end this war and the bloodshed. I join the Taoiseach in his condemnation of the ongoing practice of the illegal removal and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia and Belarus. Ireland, Europe and the global community have rightly stood against Russia's criminal invasion. We must continue to do so.

On Thursday, 29 June, the Taoiseach attended a working lunch alongside his European counterparts and the NATO Secretary General to discuss EU-NATO co-operation and Euro-Atlantic security. This discussion, he will know, took place at a time when there are ongoing concerns that the Government is actively undermining our neutrality and our independent foreign policy. Of course, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has changed the global context, but it does not change the fact that Ireland is best placed when we play a role in conflict resolution rather than conflict participation. One of the severe and rightful criticisms of Russia has been in respect of its use of one of the world's deadliest weapons, namely, cluster bombs. An historic treaty banning the use of cluster bombs was agreed in Dublin on 28 May 2008, when diplomats and officials from 109 countries gathered at a conference in Croke Park and agreed a treaty banning their use. Their continued use by Russia is unacceptable, and so too is the decision by the US Government to provide cluster bombs to Ukraine. I hope that the Taoiseach has taken the opportunity to raise that point with his NATO and EU colleagues.

Ireland must stand up for what is right, regardless of who is doing wrong. The Government must be categoric that Ireland will not facilitate the transfer of cluster bombs in any way whatsoever. Ireland must stand against military aggression everywhere it is to be found, because this is not the time for double standards.

We must also stand together against Israel's war on the Palestinian people, its apartheid regime and its occupation of Palestinian lands. The Israelis' ongoing brazen breaches of international law are further brutal expressions of destruction and division, and the concept that might is right, which has caused havoc for humanity. It is a principle and a concept that Ireland can never accept. In particular, the recent scenes from the refugee camp at Jenin in the occupied Palestinian territory, where an Israeli raid resulted in the deaths of more than ten innocent Palestinians and forced thousands of others to flee their homes, points to an urgent and growing need for an international response to Israeli war crimes. Did the Taoiseach raise this matter at all at the European Council? If he did, what was the outcome? If not, why was that the case? Seriously, how could he not do so?

During the pre-Council statements, I sought clarity from the Government as to its current position on the EU-Mercosur trade deal, so perhaps the Taoiseach, or the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Peter Burke, will indicate in their closing remarks if they have finally told EU leaders that Ireland will reject the EU-Mercosur deal. The Brazilian meat industry intends to increase the cattle herd there by 6.5 million in order to meet its projected export demand. Earlier today, as has been stated, the European Parliament supported the nature restoration law. Sinn Féin supported the resolution after securing support for crucial amendments. We know that there will be important asks of farmers as society tries to tackle the twin challenges of climate change and biodiversity loss, and farmers in Ireland have shown that they will make big changes when they are supported in doing so, and once it is seen to be fair. There is nothing fair about a scenario where Irish and EU farmers are expected to adhere to the most robust environmental standards in the world, and rightly so, while the EU then signs up to a trade deal that will see the importation of hundreds of thousands of tonnes of meat products that do not meet those standards and the production of which is literally facilitated by the destruction of rainforests. I did not get clarification on this during the pre-Council statements. Perhaps the Minister of State would be so kind now as to give us a commitment regarding Ireland's position on that.

Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú

The Taoiseach has spoken about the fact that there will be a greater level of information with regard to the conversations on Türkiye and Cyprus. He referred somewhat positively to his own engagements on that matter, but I hope we will get some further information. We are dealing with a changed set of geopolitical circumstances because of Russia, which has been the aggressor in chief. I do not think anyone has any doubt about an imperialist act that has led to the deaths of many people, including a huge number of civilians. We all know the issues that exist, whether it is the major environmental impact caused by the destruction of the Nova Kakhovka dam or the war crimes that have been perpetrated. I agree with the many others who spoke earlier about that matter. I welcome what the Taoiseach said in this regard.

A theatre of war is a terrible place, but cluster munitions do not add anything but death and destruction. Such munitions can cause death and destruction long after a war has finished. That obviously has to be put to the Americans, who have provided these munitions to the Ukrainians. We need to ensure that this matter is raised with our European allies and everyone else at every opportunity. This is not going to create a good set of circumstances for the people who live in Ukraine. As the Taoiseach stated, they will be living with the impact of the war for a considerable period.

We talk about the absolute necessity to appear to be in the right when it comes to questions of sovereignty and territorial integrity. Like Deputy Carthy, I will comment on Palestine. We know the war crimes that the Palestinian people are dealing with and the day-to-day system of apartheid to which they are subject. I have often heard from the Government, particularly from the Tánaiste, that now is not the time to discuss particular actions we would like to see happen, such as recognising Palestine or progressing the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018. The Government can definitely move with regard to Deputy John Brady's legislation that would make it illegal for the Ireland Strategic Investment Fund, ISIF, as a State entity, to be involved in investing in companies that are involved in the occupied territories. We need to make sure that happens.

The Tánaiste has stated that he is seeking like-minded states interested in coming to some sort of agreement. I agree that this would have a greater impact, but I would like to know what conversations are possibly happening at EU Council meetings - on the side or whatever - to bring that about. If it is not going to happen, we will need to make the right decision. We will be backed by the Irish people and by many more besides in the sense of our standing on the side of right. That is what needed to happen in the context of the apartheid regime that obtained in South Africa some years ago. The international dimension was a huge part of ending apartheid, so we need to see that happen.

I imagine that the Minister of State, Deputy Burke, will go into a greater level of detail on the wider issue of accession. I know we talk about making sure that a roadmap is provided with regard to the likes of Ukraine. We know Moldova and Georgia are, to a degree, somewhat grouped with Ukraine, but there is also the issue of the western Balkans. There are the particular issues that happened in Kosovo recently, and what engagements we have had from the point of view of bringing matters to a better place or offering people a roadmap in order that there will be a solution.

I accept that we need to do what we can in respect of migration. What we do needs to be comprehensive, particularly as we are talking about people who are fleeing absolute disaster. We are also talking about facilitating economic migrants.

I want to ask about structural reforms and how we hope to bring about strategic autonomy, while at the same time introducing the concept of justice.

We should not bring about in Europe the idea of a controlled and contained scenario where we basically screw over the rest of the world. Doing so would not be useful.

Deputy Brendan Howlin

It was no surprise that the first topic of discussion at the EU Council meeting - as was the case at the previous meeting, it dominated proceedings - was the ongoing devastating assault on Ukraine by the Russian Federation. In particular, I refer to some of the events that have happened in recent times, including the destruction of the Kakhovka dam and the long-term implications of this, which have reached as far as Odessa. Ground has been contaminated, land mines have floated across civilian areas and very serious matters must be addressed in terms of even the potential of agricultural land in the area. Additionally, and probably even more concerning, is the vulnerability of the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant and its potential implications, not only for Ukraine, Russia and Belarus but for all of Europe and, indeed, the world should anything happen to this facility. The International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA, has been sounding alarm bells in this regard. I do not know if there is anything further we as a world community can do, but the notion that an absolutely catastrophic incident could occur there is beyond imagination.

Holding the aggressors, in this case all those Russian entities and individuals that have caused this devastation, to account is extremely important. The International Centre for the Prosecution of the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine, ICPA, is about to begin its work and I hope that we as a nation will be fully co-operative and supportive of any finance or other requirements. We should do this to make it crystal clear that everybody in Russia with fingerprints on the devastation caused by that country's aggression in Ukraine will be, ultimately, be held to account at some stage, whenever it may be. The Council of Europe has established a register of damage caused by the aggressor, which is the Russian Federation, against Ukraine. It is crucially important that we catalogue every instance of damage and hurt caused so there can be full accountability. This will be incredibly important for the future. The vulnerability of Moldova was also mentioned and we might come back to this topic in questioning. Moldova is not only politically vulnerable but economically vulnerable because of what is going on. I also wish to raise some other issues in the few minutes I have left.

The Council discussed the report of the Commission on the effects of the US Inflation Reduction Act, the so-called IRA Act, on member states. This is an issue I have repeatedly raised here. Perhaps the Minister of State might indicate whether we have had a domestic evaluation and assessment of the impact of this legislative measure in the US on investment here or its potential impact in future. I hope that he and his colleague in the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment will be carrying out such an assessment.

On China, the Council seems ambivalent and unclear. It has stated its multifaceted approach of simultaneously being a partner, a competitor and a systemic rival. Some of these terms sound mutually exclusive. What does it really mean to be a partner and a systemic rival? Does the EU as a whole, and I will be interested in teasing this aspect out with the Minister of State, have an agreed approach to China or is this actually a matter for each member state to chart its own course and determine its own relationship? Reading the Council's conclusions certainly leaves us confused. It was stated that the EU should seek to develop trade and economic partnership and yet, at the same time, reduce vulnerabilities and have further de-risking and diversification. There is an ambivalence here that needs to be clarified for us.

I also wish to raise the issue of migration. This is the quintessential issue. No agreed position has emerged from this Council meeting because it was vetoed by Poland and Hungary, or certainly not allowed to progress. Migration is the most important issue, other than the current war in Europe, for which we need a long-term solution. I hope we can have a debate here in the next session regarding our approach to this critical issue.

Deputy Seán Haughey

I draw attention to the European Movement Ireland poll for 2023 that was published last week. The poll shows that 88% of respondents in the Republic of Ireland believe we should remain in the EU. I would say this figure is one of the highest percentages across EU member states. Of interest as well was that only 9% of the respondents in the Republic of Ireland and 14% in Northern Ireland believed that Northern Ireland has been doing better since Brexit. In fact, 66% of respondents in Northern Ireland believed it has been doing worse. The Brexit chickens have come home to roost. We are still dealing with the fallout from the Brexit shambles, but the Windsor Framework has now been agreed, as we know, between the UK and the EU. The task now is to get on with its ongoing implementation.

Turning to Palestine, Israeli violence in the occupied Palestinian territory continues to escalate out of control. We recently witnessed the brutal Israeli raid on Jenin in the West Bank, where civilians were attacked and critical infrastructure destroyed. Israeli demolitions, settlement expulsions and forced transfers in the occupied Palestinian territory are unrelenting. All this activity is clearly a violation of international law and means that a two-state solution no longer seems viable. By any legal definition, Israel is an apartheid state. This has come to be accepted by many organisations. It took a long time for the international community to accept that South Africa was an apartheid state. We must ensure that it will not take as long for this reality to be accepted in the case of Israel.

What about the EU in all of this? What is it doing? I am a strong believer in the EU but it does not cover itself in glory when it comes to Israel. It seems that the Commission and several member states do not want to confront these realities. This is why it is welcome that Ireland is at the forefront in trying to build a consensus among member states to change the direction of the EU regarding the Israeli-Palestinian situation. I urge the Taoiseach to continue the work he has undertaken in this regard

As we know, the European Commission has brought forward the concept of de-risking when it comes to China. It seems, however, that many of the member states have not quite decided what their relationship with China should be. The Tánaiste clearly set out Ireland's position on China in a speech he made last May. My view is that concerns about China would be alleviated and its international reputation enhanced if it were to be genuinely proactive in trying to bring an end to the war in Ukraine by using its considerable influence with Putin to seek a negotiated settlement to the conflict.

I also wish to ask about Ireland's investor immigration programme. This was introduced as a job creation measure in 2012, but was brought to an abrupt end in February of this year by the Minister for Justice. The Minister at the time, Deputy Harris, said that a review of the suitability of the programme was needed. We need to know more about this. A report on the scheme by EY was published in May of last year. We know that a large number of applications under the scheme came from China. In fact, there were 1,275 Chinese applications in 2022. Were the major reasons for the suspension of this scheme the concern about the scale of Chinese investment in this country and the influence this could have? In summary concerning China, the EU has a multifaceted policy response and is deemed to be simultaneously a partner, a competitor and a systemic rival, make what we will of this. I note that Deputy Howlin also commented on this aspect.

UN Secretary General António Guterres warned in the past week that climate change is out of control. He spoke about a catastrophic situation. This month saw the world experience the hottest week on record. On Thursday, 6 July, the global air temperature was 17.23°C. We are now talking about climate breakdown and substantial biodiversity loss. There is the odd snippet of hope, however. The efforts of Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva to stop the relentless deforestation of the Amazon in co-operation with neighbouring countries are welcome.

I also want put on record my support for the EU nature restoration regulation, which was considered by the European Parliament earlier. Each member state will have discretion on how to achieve the targets set out and whether or not measures will be obligatory or voluntary. In addition, any rewetting targets that may apply to private landowners will be voluntary and incentivised. The Union has its European Green Deal and we have our Climate Action Plan 2023. We need to get on with implementing these measures and stop accommodating those who vigorously object to even the smallest proposed changes. In short, fossil fuels must be totally phased out despite all that will be involved in doing that.

The European Council meeting considered EU defence guarantees for Ukraine. I welcome the fact that the position of militarily neutral countries like Ireland, Austria, Malta and Cyprus was recognised in the final communiqué. It should be stated that this in no way diminishes our strong solidarity and support for Ukraine following Russia's unjustified and brutal invasion and I believe that this is universally accepted.

I discuss at length the challenges the EU faces with regards to migration during the pre-European Council statements. EU justice ministers reached an agreement last month, using qualified majority voting, on the asylum procedures regulation and the asylum and migration management regulation. Ireland is rightly opting into these proposals. As expected, Hungary and Poland objected at the European Council meeting to the proposed conclusions on migration. There is no doubt that these issues will continue to dominate the EU's agenda for many years to come.

Spain now holds the Presidency of the EU. Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, when launching his country's Presidency, spoke about how Europe needs more allies than it has now and he specifically mentioned the need to improve relations with the countries which make up the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States. That is in all of our interests given the current geopolitical situation. I hope also that when the EU-Mercosur trade agreement is finally implemented, it will deal effectively with the ongoing deforestation of the Amazon.

On energy, the EU, of course, has competence in respect of energy matters and the Russian invasion of Ukraine resulted in prices skyrocketing across the energy sector. The EU responded to this last year and brought forth Council Regulation (EU) 2022/1854, which provides for a mandatory solidarity contribution from crude, petroleum, natural gas, coal and refining companies in order to assist householders and businesses. The legislation arising from this regulation is going through the Oireachtas. I look forward to receiving details as to how this money will be spent in due course for the benefit of hard-pressed householders and companies.

Deputy Thomas Gould

There is a real opportunity at European Council meetings to learn from Europe and to use these learnings to assist us in resolving issues at home. One such issue is the funding to drug and alcohol task forces. The Minister of State may be aware that task forces were in the Dáil last week, including our own task force in Cork. They are operating at a €3 million deficit when compared with 2010. This is a barrier to them taking proactive, localised community responses to addiction. All across Europe, the importance of community addiction approaches are recognised. If the Minister of State was to speak to our European counterparts, they would be shocked to hear how the Government is treating this sector. They would also be shocked to hear that in budget 2023, the Government only allocated one tenth of the funding that Sinn Féin proposed should be allocated to support addiction services. Ireland has one of the highest rates of death by drug overdose in Europe. That is a scandal and a shame on the Government in the context of its policies. I call on the Minister of State and on the Government to step in and support task forces and to look at what is happening right across Europe. If we are going to be serious about tackling drugs, we need to be on the ground and working with task forces and with people who are at the coalface. I ask the Minister of State to look at that and to finally give these task forces the support they so desperately need.

Deputy Chris Andrews

I thank the Minister of State for being present to listen to us as we critique the recent EU Council meeting. Some two weeks ago here in this Chamber we heard in pre-EU Council meeting statements from several Deputies condemning the brutal actions of apartheid Israel and the murderous rampage it is waging on the Palestinian people. We asked that this condemnation be echoed at the Council meeting. Deputies spoke of the need for Ireland to assert its voice as one for peace on the Council and for Ireland to stand against the EU sprint towards mass militarisation. When we look at the post-meeting report, all we see is a commitment to further militarisation. There is not a single mention of addressing the brutal escalation of violence by apartheid Israel. In fact, the only mention of Israel is in the context of how to strengthen EU-Israel relations. It is clear from this why Ursula von der Leyen is highly tipped to take over as head of NATO. This is a reward for her clear commitment to ramping up the militarisation of the EU, for her helping to create an even bigger market for the military-industrial complex to profit from and for her ensuring that the EU will not stand in the way of arming rogue terror states like apartheid Israel. By the sounds of it, Ireland will also get its kickback for nodding politely as the EU heads down this destructive road. It appears that senior officials, elected representatives and Ministers are updating their CVs. That may explain why there is a push against neutrality. It might also explain why there is no resistance to the terror that Israel inflicts on Palestine day by day.

Deputy Gary Gannon

At least 300 people who were travelling on migrant boats from Senegal to Spain's Canary Islands have disappeared. The boats they travelled on have been missing for 15 days since they left Senegal to try to reach Spain. Nobody embarks on these deadly journeys out of choice. These families face extreme poverty, deprivation, extremes of heat and weather and persecution. Each migrant's story is their own. In news reports, their lives may be reduced to just numbers on a page but they are much more than that. They are human beings with their hopes and dreams and are trying to escape broken systems in search of better ones only to be left to perish at sea. The Atlantic migration route, one of the deadliest in the world, is typically used by migrants from sub-Saharan Africa. According to data from the UN's International Organization for Migration, at least 559 people, including 22 children, died in 2022 while attempting to reach the Canary Islands.

Members of the European Parliament will vote on Thursday on a motion calling for a new EU-wide search and rescue mission in the Mediterranean. In light of the most recent tragedy and all of those which have come before in the Mediterranean, it is apparent that we are too late in that endeavour. We are too late to save lives which could have been saved, such as when the boat carrying 750 migrants capsized off the coast of Greece last month in one of the deadliest migration tragedies to ever happen in the Mediterranean.

The slow and unco-ordinated response of EU states left no chance for survival and those states must be held to account. More than 5,000 deaths have been recorded on European migration routes since 2021 and 29,000 have died in the past ten years on these routes. The missing migrants project records show that many of the deaths on migratory routes to destination countries across Europe could have been prevented with prompt and effective assistance to migrants in distress. The actions of some EU governments recently have been beyond negligent if not nefarious when it comes to the migrants and refugees, all of whom are simply people.

In my pre-European Council statement, I recounted that in 2019 an EU resolution would have compelled states to step up search and rescue operations relating to migrants in small boats in the Mediterranean but it was heartlessly voted down. All four Fine Gael MEPs voted against the resolution on that occasion; that resolution lost by two votes. This was a conscious decision to disregard the lives of those fleeing famine, war extremes of weather and persecution in search of a better life, in search of safety. Culpability should be recognised for this lack of humanity in terms of how that Parliament took decisions. This Thursday there is a chance to step up to our ethical duties and call for new EU-wide search and rescue mission in the Mediterranean. The EU cannot fail thousands of migrants and I hope this motion will be widely supported in coming days.

Reports of survivors relayed to the International Organization for Migration indicate that since 2021 at least 252 people died during alleged forced explosions by European authorities, also known as pushbacks. Addressing these pushbacks is included in Thursday's motion which is a very welcome addition. The European People's Party, EPP, which Fine Gael co-founded is part of the coalition that put forward this motion which needs as much support as possible. We should not forget that the EPP is one of the main reasons the 2019 search and rescue motions were voted down. Actions have consequences and it is important to learn from mistakes. I only hope that Thursday will mark the vast change of approach required to prevent avoidable deaths of those who not only seek a better life, but seek to survive the one they have. I can think of no greater endeavour on the part of the European Parliament or the representatives we send there.

Deputy Cathal Crowe

Much of the discussion at the European Council last week was dominated again by the ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine, which is very much a one-sided war of course. I am glad that the collective position, certainly of this House, is that Russia is the aggressor and Ukraine is the victim.

I note that last week there was an exchange of prisoners of war. In this instance I believe the Turkish Government brokered an exchange of 45 Russian soldiers for 45 Ukrainian soldiers. Why is nobody in European or global politics talking about the 16,226 Ukrainian children who have been kidnapped and taken over the border? So far in the 18 months since this war began, only 300 of them have been released back to their parents. I have no problem with prisoner of war exchanges involving soldiers who were taken in the battlefield, captured and brought to prisoner camps. I have no problem with those types of exchanges happening. Indeed, we want to see everyone in that awful situation return home to their loved ones unscathed and certainly that needs to continue. However, it has totally dropped off the agenda, certainly in European Union. It gets condemnation and little statements are made by European leaders when they attend these summits and Council meetings, but very little else happens.

It should be absolutely at the top of our agenda as a neutral country and a non-NATO country with considerable influence both in the United Nations and European Union that these Ukrainian children, who have been disgustingly, unlawfully kidnapped and brought over the border to Russia, should be returned to their families. Based on last week's figure, if 16,226 children have been kidnapped illegally and brought over the border and only 300 returned, it leaves about 15,900 children away from their parents and being kept against their will on the Russian side of border. Ireland needs to take a position on this and we need to use our diplomatic channels, both in the European Union and with the United Nations to push this.

I also wish to raise the issue of horse welfare. The European Convention for the Protection of Animals kept for Farming Purposes is a key piece of European law and all countries are signed up to it. It sets out how we, as a member state, should have our animal welfare laws constructed here. We have pretty robust animal welfare legislation here in Ireland. We also have pretty good legislation controlling horse welfare. I have been on a bit of a crusade in the Dáil in recent weeks and I will not give up when we come back in the autumn.

The problem is that how we enforce horse welfare in Ireland is very lax. I cited an example in my constituency recently. A beautiful two-year-old mare was tethered to a signpost going into a shopping estate. She stayed there for two or three weeks. She had no water and very little to graze. Her whole ribcage is showing. The law is robust and no one comes and takes that horse away. In Ireland - I do not know how it operates in other European countries - there are various delineations as to who is responsible. If it is on public land, it is the local authority and if it is on a farm, it is the Department of Agriculture, Food and the Marine. An Garda Síochána is somewhere in the middle of that with an enforcement capacity. We could find ourselves in breach of the European Convention which we have been signed up to for many years.

Nobody in this country has a cultural entitlement to unconditionally own a horse come hell or high water. That is how many people see it. Their attitude is, "Sure, we can put a rope around the horse's neck, tie it up wherever we want and let it graze the proverbial long acre." That should not be tolerated anymore. Maybe it was fine in the 1940s and 1950s, but it certainly is not now. When I was growing up, I would have loved to have a pony or a horse but my family did not have land and so we did not have one. We did not knock down the front door and put a horse in the sitting room. That can be seen around Ireland. It is comical but it does happen. We did not tie it up to a lamppost. Many people here are not fit to own or mind a horse and are in total contravention of that European convention and in total contravention of Irish law but people seem to turn a blind eye to it.

I am an organic farmer in County Clare. In this day and age, we need to declare and disclose everything in this Chamber. If I did not feed or water my animals, someone would come up the driveway to my farm. There would be officials from the Department of Agriculture, Food and Marine and there would be gardaí. I would rightly be in trouble, but some people seem to get away with it. All we want to see is equal enforcement. We will end up in trouble with that European convention because we agreed to it. There is a signature from an Irish Minister and the Irish flag is on the parchment.

In terms of practical day-to-day enforcement, thousands of horses in Ireland are not chipped and not looked after. Some people feel they have a God-given right to own them and treat them whatever they want. Anyone owning a horse should either own the land on which it grazes, lease the land or pay for a livery. No one has a God-given right to tie a horse to a pole and leave it there for all damnation.

Deputy Mark Ward

Two weeks ago, during the pre-European Council statements, six Opposition Deputies raised the situation in Palestine and in his closing remarks, the Minister of State did not mention Palestine once. He completely ignored six Opposition Deputies. Will he do the same today in his closing remarks? Will he just stick to the script?

I just listened to Deputy Haughey. The Government is talking out of both sides of its mouth when it comes to Palestine. We hear really strong words with absolutely no action. The international community and particularly the European Union need to act in a responsible way about Israeli aggression and oppression and must defend the rights of the Palestinian people. Ireland must lead the way. The Government must now move to recognise the state of Palestine formally. My colleague, Deputy Carthy, raised this last week during Leaders' Questions with the Tánaiste. He responded by saying that there is a strong argument to join forces with other European partners and collectively recognise the state of Palestine. I want to ask about the strong collective voice the Tánaiste was talking about last week.

I went through the reports of the European Council's conclusions. I did not see one mention of recognising the state of Palestine. How will Ireland join forces with other European countries and recognise the state of Palestine if it is not even being discussed? Dialogue is key in this. Ireland is absolutely failing every time we go to the European Council by ignoring Opposition Deputies. There have been some strong words from members of Government parties but no action. This needs to be put on the table immediately. At the next European Council, they need to have that conversation and see where it goes.

Deputy Martin Kenny

The recent EU discussions focused primarily on Ukraine, as well as on other conflicts. That is to be expected and understood but, as my colleague said, there was no mention of the plight of the Palestinian people. It annoys many people in this country and around the globe that there are two conflicts, one of which gets attention while the other is completely ignored. Ireland has a responsibility to do something about that. We should make sure that happens.

The European Labour Authority looks at labour shortages and labour supply throughout the European Union. We are very aware of that in Ireland. I was looking it up and it mentions a range of occupations where there are shortages across the European Union. They are talking about healthcare, software, construction, engineering and crafts. We know about all of that in Ireland. We often discuss pensions in here. There are about 600,000 pensioners in Ireland and we say we need four workers for every pensioner, which is about 2.5 million workers and we have approximately that. In 25 years’ time we expect to have more than 1 million pensioners. To keep the same ratio, we will need 4 million workers. They will not come from Ireland and will certainly not come from Europe, yet the European Union has the mentality of blocking anyone coming from anywhere outside of Europe. There needs to be a rethink of that. We need to recognise we will need workers in our country and they will have to come from outside of the European Union. We need strategies to deal with that. People fleeing conflict and war is a political problem that needs to be addressed but people fleeing poverty also needs to be addressed and is a political issue. We need to recognise we have a responsibility, as humanitarians and as a European Union which is supposed to be about humanitarianism, to ensure we deliver for everyone in the globe and are part of the bigger picture. Ireland needs people to come here to provide employment and look after those million pensioners we will have in 25 years’ time.

Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett

If you read the statement from the Taoiseach about the issues discussed at the European Council, you might on the face of it say they are reasonable, even admirable, things to be saying, in terms of the justifiable criticism of what Russia has done and is doing in Ukraine and the murder, brutality, kidnapping of children and generally criminal nature of the intervention by Russia’s rotten authoritarian regime. You might briefly think, to use the phrase the Taoiseach kept using, we are standing up in Europe for our core values and democratic values against the horror of the authoritarian warmongering regime of Putin.

But then, literally in the second paragraph of the speech, reference is made to a new arrangement with Tunisia, where the Saied regime is essentially establishing itself as a dictatorship, putting down the popular revolution that was part of the Arab Spring and was fighting for democracy. The Saied regime, with whom we are doing this deal, is a brutal authoritarian regime which has locked up all the opposition. I met with the son of their Ceann Comhairle, the speaker of the house in the Tunisian Parliament, who is in his 80s and has been jailed. This is a man with a long record of writing about human rights and an intellectual widely renowned for fighting for civil and human rights. He, along with all the opposition in Tunisia, is imprisoned by a dictatorship essentially modelling itself on the Al Sisi regime, which was the counter-revolutionary regime that put down the Egyptian revolution and with which we are also co-operating. Where stand the core principles and democratic values when the Government says, on the one hand, it is against authoritarianism and brutal regimes and, on the other hand, does deals with authoritarian, brutal regimes that are crushing democracy when it suits European strategic interests?

Then there is Palestine, the most egregious example of these shocking double standards. Putin does illegal annexation, war crimes, crimes against humanity, brutal warmongering and indiscriminate killing. We condemn it. Israel does exactly the same thing, week-in, week-out, month-in, month-out, year-in, year-out for decades. What do we do about it? Nothing. In fact, we do worse than nothing; we give Israel favoured trade status within the European Union. We continue to buy their weapons into the European Union and sell them weapons to kill Palestinian people. Where stand the core values?

We have an extreme far-right regime in Israel that is saying it has no intention of giving a just settlement or doing any kind of deal with the Palestinians. It is out to wipe out the Palestinians, steal their land and destroy their lives. We tolerate it because certain of our so-called allies are allies of Israel. The United States backed them to the hilt. Biden backs them to the hilt. Germany backs them to the hilt. The United Kingdom backed them to the hilt. What do we say about that? Zilch.

Join the dots in all of this. If we are collaborating with authoritarian, brutal, undemocratic regimes around the world, is it any wonder the people from those countries flee to Europe, trying desperately to find somewhere better to live? We put up the blockers on them, characterise them as a threat and allow them to drown in the Mediterranean. If we stopped doing deals with brutal regimes that treat their people like dirt and imprison their elected representatives, maybe so many people would not feel the need. At the moment, it is even more irrational because we have desperate labour shortages in every area of Irish society and we have people who would be more than willing to work to help us build the houses we need and work in health services, care professions and almost every area.

As an example of this, I was talking to the Postgraduate Workers Organisation this morning, who were giving a briefing. Many of our PhD researchers are from non-EEA countries. They are paid a pittance and not given the proper permits to allow them to work or assert their rights as workers, even though they contribute significantly to Irish society. That is one example where we are not showing a commitment to people who could valuably contribute and are valuably contributing to our society.

Deputy Mairéad Farrell

Julian Assange is on the verge of being deported and his more than 100-page long appeal detailing the sheer atrocity of his incarceration was not upheld. The response to it was just three pages long. It looks like he will be deported to the US. I shudder to think what awaits Mr. Assange. This is arguably the most significant journalist in the history of journalism. He exposed many war crimes and wrong doings and revealed more confidential documentation than anybody else. His work allowed many media organisations to piggyback on this and win major awards in the process. It made the careers of some of them. Most of these organisations and journalists have been conspicuously silent; when they have spoken, it has been meek and mealy-mouthed. We know why he was jailed and had to seek refuge in the Ecuadorian Embassy. This was lawfare, a weaponisation of the legal system against someone who revealed inconvenient truths. In this day and age, we need truth tellers like Julian Assange.

Recently we lost Daniel Ellsberg, who revealed the Pentagon Papers. He is often recognised as one of the original whistleblowers. He frequently held up Julian's work. He recognised that WikiLeaks and its type of journalism allowed a safe space for the release of public interest documentation that was confidential in nature. Julian will likely never live with his wife again, with his parents or with his siblings, and his children will miss out on precious years with their father. How can we talk about a free media when the world’s leading journalist is confined to a cell?

Deputy Martin Browne

I ask how the European Council intends to respond to the agreement involving the US providing cluster ammunitions to Ukraine. I need not remind the House that the convention on cluster ammunitions was adopted in Dublin in 2008 and the treaty applies to more than 100 states. I note that this news emerged well after the Council meeting but one of the messages that came out of last month’s meeting was a welcome for the establishment of the Council of Europe’s register of damage caused by the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine.

How does this square with the possibility of added dangers being strewn across the land should unexploded cluster munitions become an added factor in any post-war landscape?

The upcoming EU-Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, CELAC, summit will bring together EU leaders and leaders from that region. What efforts, if any, were made to express our resistance to the conclusion of the Mercosur trade deal? We must be aware of the efforts being made by Brazilian industry to expand cattle numbers to meet demand, something that would have a damaging effect on our own ability to compete.

I note the apparent failure to mention Palestine and the ongoing campaign of repression being perpetrated against the people of Palestine by the Israeli Government in the conclusions. It is only fair to point out the lack of urgency on this is apparent in its omission in the agenda and that continuing to treat the matter in this way enables the continuation of the Israeli Government's aggression as we have seen most recently. We need to recognise the state of Palestine and that needs to be done now. A response from the Minister of State on this would be appreciated.

Deputy Cathal Berry

I welcome the opportunity to comment on the most recent meeting a fortnight ago. It is only right that Russia’s illegal war in Ukraine dominated proceedings and the agenda. That is completely appropriate and to be expected. I welcome the EU’s ongoing condemnation of the unnecessary conflict and the statement that the war would end tomorrow if the Russian Federation would withdraw and invoke a unilateral ceasefire. I welcome the EU’s condemnation on the mass forced deportation of civilians to Belarus and Russia. The deportation of children is particularly concerning. I welcome its condemnation of the destruction of the dam on the Dnipro river. Not only was it a massive humanitarian and ecological catastrophe but it also put at risk the cooling system of the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant.

I endorse the increase in the European Peace Facility funding and welcome that the EU miliary training mission is ongoing. I commend our own Defence Force personnel who were in Cyprus some months ago to train Ukrainian troops how to de-mine and those who went to Germany last week to train Ukrainian troops on tactical combat casualty care.

I welcome the part about accountability. When dealing with authoritarian states, the internal checks and balances that would be in a democratic country do not exist so it is important that there are external checks and balances. I welcome the EU support for the International Criminal Tribunal in The Hague and the register that has been established in relation to the destruction of Ukrainian property so that appropriate reparations can be repaid after the conflict.

More broadly, regionally, I am concerned about the Black Sea grain initiative. It is up for renewal next week and there is no guarantee it will be rolled over. I welcome Türkiye’s statement that even if Russia does withdraw from the deal, which is hugely important for food security, that at least Türkiye has undertaken to conduct security operations and to escort the ships through the sea lanes through the Black Sea and on to Istanbul. That is a good thing.

I note NATO’s recent addition of Finland and its likely addition of Sweden in the not-too-distant future. NATO can do whatever it wants, it is not of great relevance to us, but it underscores to me the complete strategic failure of Putin’s initiative in the last 18 months. Not only has there been massive tactical defeat on the battlefield but he has been completely outperformed, outfoxed and outmanoeuvred tactically too.

On the read-out from the EU Council report, I do not know whether it was discussed at the table but there does not seem to have been concern expressed on the internal instability in Russia. We should at least have a contingency plan in place to deal with a very large nuclear arms state which has had a number of upheavals even in the last decades. The EU, and Ireland, should have plans in place to deal with any downstream consequences.

Finally, I am glad to see China featured on the agenda. Ireland’s policy and that of the EU are quite aligned that China is a partner, a competitor and a rival. I share the EU’s concerns about tensions in the Taiwan Strait. I think we are right to oppose any unilateral change in the status quo by force or coercion. That is completely appropriate but I wish to raise two particular issues. Ireland did have a trade office in Taipei under the EU umbrella up to 2012. I understand it was wound down for financial cost reasons. That was ten years ago and I do not think the same excuse holds. I would favour Ireland re-opening the office that was there. About 15 EU countries are represented in the same building there and I do not see why Ireland is not represented. It is entirely consistent with our one-China policy as well. We have multiple trade consulates and embassies in Canada, in different states there, for instance, as well as in different states in the USA and Australia. I do not see why we cannot have two offices in China, one in Beijing and one in Taipei. We have done so in the past and I presume the same principle was observed and applied a couple of decades ago when we opened it up.

Taiwan is trying to secure observer status to the World Health Organization. Ireland should support that. Taiwan was instrumental in providing PPE to Ireland when we needed it most at the height of the pandemic and asked for nothing in return. It has a lot to offer the WHO and it is something Ireland should support. Those are two issues Ireland should consider, namely reopening the trade office that we had in Taipei until 2012 and also supporting observer status for Taiwan in the WHO.

The most recent EU Council meeting was a qualified success. There was some moderate progress and I look forward to the next EU Council meeting later in the summer.

Deputy Michael Collins

It was reported at the weekend that the cost to the Irish taxpayer of taking unlimited numbers of Ukrainian refugees alone will be over €5.5 billion just to get us to the middle of 2024. To make matters worse the Government will pay €1.5 million of taxpayers money to the EU for its failure to accommodate asylum seekers with 350 international protection applicants without accommodation. This is because the Government failed to set limits on the number of migrants this country can realistically accommodate. The Government failed to renegotiate a realistic plan and instead signed up to the EU voluntary solidarity mechanism which means no limits exist on the numbers of migrants that come here. Under the Government, Ireland has a wide-open door when it comes to migration. Recently, EU justice ministers voted to introduce mandatory relocation of migrants and countries which are unwilling to host them are being required to pay a fee of €20,000 for each migrant. Hungary and Poland opposed the agreement. Why would the Irish Minister for Justice vote in favour of this proposal when Ireland simply does not have housing capacity to meet the requirements? This means we must pay €20,000 for every migrant we cannot take in. This is ludicrous and an attack on every Irish person. We understand this was also discussed at the European Council summit in Brussels on Thursday and Friday, 29 and 30 June with only Poland and Hungary having argued that any EU system on migration relocation should be voluntary. They said they will refuse to pay the fines. Of course it should be voluntary. Why would an Irish Government expose taxpayers to tens of millions in fines?

I am also disappointed that we are not talking about fisheries. The Irish fisheries sector has taken such a hammering down the years compared with our European counterparts which have done pretty well in negotiations. When we talk about European meetings in future, I ask that fisheries come top of the agenda and not down the bottom of the agenda under the mat or under the carpet. When the Government is in there, the Ministers need to be talking and to come back with a package that will allow fishermen to survive and not with a decommissioning package.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

I am glad to be able to speak on this. I am sorry I was not here for the earlier speakers. I do not know what goes on at these meetings. I am not very happy with what goes on. We seem to be passive and dumb, just nodding at everything we are told to do by the EU, whether it is farming or the fishing industry, which have been wiped out over the decades. The Minister of State, Deputy Burke, is relatively new in the Department, and goodness knows we miss him out of his previous position - I do anyway. Now he is Minister of State in this job out there. I hope he will not be out there just to make up the space. Why do Poland and Hungary have to be the outliers, looking for justice and fairness? We all know there is a war going on, but our involvement in that war is getting heavier and heavier and deeper and deeper, and we see now the cluster bombs being put there. Why are we sleepwalking into a deal whereby, if we are unable to, and "unable" is the word, because although the Irish people have shown how willing and able they are to take in people and we did so voluntarily in the spirit of the meitheal, our Government now says just keep sending them in, and from the Taoiseach to the Tánaiste and the Tánaiste to the Taoiseach, both gentlemen at different times have talked about up to 200,000, even though we simply cannot look after them, they are being mistreated, sleeping in tents in different places, and being moved from here to there and so on, we could now be made pay severe fines without any recourse to justice because we signed up to this. The Ministers involved should be ashamed of themselves. They are supposed to represent the Republic of Ireland, our people and our democracy. Where is the democracy?

I have called for a referendum on this issue but, of course, that has fallen on deaf ears. There is a kind of unwritten rule here that we cannot talk about this. Hear no evil, speak no evil, see no evil. We cannot even mention it in this Chamber. We have to get real and look after our people here and, certainly, to the best of our ability, genuine refugees who come here. I have called for a cap of 30,000. I do see lately, and I must acknowledge this, a tightening up of the issue of people coming in with no passports from various non-war-torn parts of the world. That was a racket. I raised it in the House two years ago. There were 3,150 in the first three months of 2021. That has been tightened up, which I welcome, but it cannot be eased off again. We cannot be just the soft fall guys taking people from peaceful countries where there is no war at all going on coming in with no paperwork and arriving in Dublin Airport. They should be on the same plane back or we should fine the airlines or do something to try to control that.

I am very disappointed by what goes on at European level. We had the vote today on the nature restoration law. We had political parties here posturing and their groups in Europe posturing as to what they were going to do, yet all our Fine Gael MEPs, I understand, voted for that. They say one thing to the people on the ground and do a different thing in Brussels. They will be found out very soon.

Deputy Thomas Pringle

I am thankful for the opportunity to contribute to the statements on the European Council meeting which took place between 29 and 30 June. It was disappointing to see that these meetings were once again dominated by Ukraine, with the biggest crisis facing our planet and our very existence receiving only a fraction of the attention, labelled under "other items".

It is also disappointing to see that the European Council has welcomed the decision to increase further the financial ceiling of the deceivingly named European Peace Facility by €3.5 billion. When commenting on the previous European Council meeting in April, I voiced my concerns about and opposition to the funding that this so-called peace facility provides. At that time it had aimed to provide 1 million rounds of artillery ammunition within the next 12 months, as well as missiles. Now we are looking to increase that funding to deliver even more ammunition. How can we justify doing this in the name of peace? How can we demonise those advocating for peace talks and a ceasefire while at the same time supporting the provision of artillery through a so-called peace facility? Fuelling war is not proactive; it is counterproductive. We should be nurturing peace, not feeding warfare.

Ireland has not only allowed this to happen but we have also allowed our long-standing policy of neutrality to be completely undermined by the undemocratic public forum that was recently held. That forum did not represent an open debate on international security policy, as the Minister, Deputy Micheál Martin, stated it would. Each topic was completely dominated by a selected panel of speakers rather than the views of the audience. As well as that, the panels were completely biased. It was clear the majority of panellists were opposed to our current policy of neutrality and that there was a complete lack of voices from those involved in humanitarian work or peacebuilding, despite our island's unique expertise on peacebuilding. There was also no fact-checking of any misinformation presented by the panellists. It is for those reasons that I believe any recommendations that emerge from the forum are completely illegitimate.

I strongly encourage everyone to watch the Afri peace documentary "A Force For Good? Reflections On Irish Neutrality", which addresses the importance of our neutrality, as well as the implications of NATO and militarism. What strikes me most is that the public forum and the recent European Council meetings are completely dominated by talks of security and defence, yet each has failed to mention that the greatest threat to our collective security is the climate and biodiversity crisis we face. That is the most pressing issue of our lifetime, and not only are we failing to prioritise it, we are actually failing to recognise it at all.

We are also failing to recognise the damage that conflict causes to the environment. Conflict contributes massively to climate breakdown and biodiversity loss. Wars drive emissions and biodiversity loss. It is not just our policy on neutrality that we should be considering here. Our involvement in armed conflict will contribute very negatively to the environment as well. It is very clear that compromising our neutrality will do far more harm than good to us and to the world and society as a whole.

On that note I welcome the fact that MEPs voted to pass the nature restoration law a few hours ago. We are in a dire situation, facing a huge biodiversity crisis. That law is needed to address the dramatic loss of species, which is a severe threat to our food security. Again, I see that the European Council meetings referred to the threat Russia poses to food security, yet there was no mention of the biodiversity crisis, which is a far bigger threat all round. I am glad the nature restoration law has been passed by the European Parliament. However, I acknowledge that it is much weaker than it was when it was first proposed, which is disappointing. We can thank Fine Gael amendments for that. I echo Luke 'Ming' Flanagan's calls to ensure a publicly funded nature restoration fund to ensure a just transition and proper implementation of the law. Because the law itself is flexible, what is really important now is that the Irish Government ensures fair, just and proper implementation. I will keep an eye on how it goes about that.

Another extremely important issue that seems to have been completely left out of the European Council meetings is the recent drownings of migrant boats in European waters. I purposely say "left out" because there is no way that could have been simply overlooked or forgotten, given the fact that the week before the meetings occurred, hundreds died off the coast of Greece after European authorities were made aware of an overcrowded and unseaworthy vessel and decided not to launch a rescue operation. The European Council's silence on this issue is deafening and intentional, making it even worse. It follows the recent trend of the EU moving policy and divesting funding away from humanitarian search and rescue and towards surveillance and detention of migrants.

Those are the issues on which the Council meetings should have focused. We need to stop allowing these meetings to be dominated by military and defence over our climate and human rights obligations. Unfortunately, however, with this Government, Ireland will have no voice to add in that regard because it will continue with the obsequious ways we are going about our business, pretending we want to keep our neutrality intact while actually it wants to get on the war bandwagon with the rest of Europe. That is a sad reflection on Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Green Party.

An Ceann Comhairle

Now we have 20 minutes for questions and answers. We will follow the party rota.

Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú

I would like an update on what the Taoiseach spoke about as regards Türkiye and Cyprus and what sorts of engagements we are talking about as regards possibly bringing something that has been obviously an absolute imposition on the Cypriot people but has not moved for a considerable time.

I brought up the fact the Tánaiste has said he is looking for a consensus among like-minded states on actions as regards Palestine and holding Israel to account. Obviously, we would all like to see that but I would like to see what engagement there has been from the point of view of delivering that solution. If that does not happen, we might have to do the right thing and go it alone from the point of view of, as I said, calling this out for what it is and standing properly by the Palestinian people.

What engagement has there been on the western Balkans, specifically the particular issues arising in Kosovo, Bosnia and the Republika Srpska at the moment, as we try to offer to those people a route map or roadway to accession to the European Union?

The Taoiseach spoke about structural reforms and productivity. Like everything else, they are encompassed in the green and digital transformation. How do we deliver that necessary strategic autonomy without making Europe into what many previously tried to make it into, namely, an almost protectionist empire, which would not benefit other parts of the world that need to develop and alongside which we need to work?

Deputy Brendan Howlin

I wish to return to the issue of the impact of the Inflation Reduction Act, IRA, on the EU and, more specifically, Ireland. I raised this during our discussions before the Council meeting. Has the Minister of State had an opportunity to reflect on the matter? Is there any domestic evaluation of the Act’s impact and the effectiveness of the countermeasures, as it were, being deployed by the EU to ensure we do not lose the significant new investment in new technologies that the Act is designed to attract into the US?

I am seeking clarity on the issue of China. I am confused reading the conclusions of the Council meeting. There seems to be the notion that we are both partners and adversaries. Is there a cohesive common position within the EU on our approach to China or is it a matter for each member state to map its own course?

The most important issue of all is that of migration. The previous Council meeting did not agree a conclusion because such a conclusion was not allowed by Hungary and Poland. Where does the Minister of State see matters in that respect? We could not do it in this session, but perhaps it would be useful for us to have a debate on European migration strategy early in the new session.

Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett

I would like the Minister of State to respond to my comments on the shocking double standard of rightly condemning the authoritarian, brutal, murderous and warmongering activities of Putin in Ukraine on the one hand and, on the other, collaborating and having arrangements with regimes that do exactly the same thing. I would like the Minister of State to elaborate on the question of Tunisia, which is mentioned in this document. A number of times, I have raised in the House the fact that the Saied regime, which is effectively a dictatorship, has locked up the entire opposition. The Ceann Comhairle might be interested to know that I met the son of Rached Ghannouchi, the Speaker of the Assembly in Tunisia. He is in his 80s and has been imprisoned by the Saied regime along with almost all of the opposition. It was a democratic assembly that arose from a popular democratic movement in Tunisia that was part of the Arab Spring. The Saied dictatorship has just locked up democratically elected representatives, yet we are now doing a deal with it. I find that incredible. How can the EU be taken seriously when it denounces authoritarianism but makes a self-interested strategic arrangement with such a regime? Have we called for the release of Rached Ghannouchi and the members of the opposition in the Tunisian Parliament as a condition of a further arrangement with the Tunisian regime?

I met the UN Human Rights Council commission that was dealing with Israel and Palestine. It asked to meet me – I believe it said the same thing to the Government – to say that it was shocked by how different legal standards were being applied to what Putin was doing in Ukraine and what Israel was doing in the Palestinian territories. It believes there is no legal consistency in the international community’s approach to two situations where the same crimes are being committed. There are different attitudes to those crimes because they are being committed by Russia in one instance and an ally of the United States and the West in the other. Please respond to these points. These are important issues and, if we do not address them, our credibility will be zilch.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

How did we end up with an agreement under which we have to pay €20,000 per refugee who we are unable to take despite teams trying with the best will in the world to work out a resolution and people offering their homes? How come we did not raise concerns about this wanton waste of money? Why are we being penalised without having any avenue to attempt to negotiate it or understand it? Are we just passive and nodding our heads at everything the EU wants us to do?

How are we so involved in the Ukraine war – we are involved in every way bar fighting – when we have ignored conflicts across the world? Thanks to the good offices of the Ceann Comhairle, Deputies Grealish, others and I have raised the persecution of Christians in all parts of the world a number of times. We are silent on it, yet we are nakedly involved in the Ukraine war. Other than going out there and fighting, we want to do everything to support Ukraine. We are blinkered. We ignore what happens in Israel and Palestine, but there are enough people talking about that. I want to talk about the other parts of the world where massive atrocities are happening and Christians are being persecuted day in, day out. Do they matter at all? Is it the colour of their skin that is the problem? Why are we ignoring those conflicts but involving ourselves overwhelmingly in this one?

Deputy Thomas Pringle

Does the Government believe that the title "European Peace Facility" is appropriate, given it is used to buy arms for Ukraine? Will Ireland take a position on the appropriateness of this title?

Has Frontex been discussed at any European Council meetings? Has Ireland taken a position on the abuse it is carrying out every day in respect of migrants, including their drowning in the Mediterranean?

An Ceann Comhairle

As there are no further Deputies offering, the Minister of State has 16 minutes to wrap up and answer questions.

Minister of State at the Department of the Taoiseach (Deputy Peter Burke)

I might read my contribution first and then try to attack some of the questions.

Deputy Brendan Howlin

I hope the Minister of State will not attack them.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

Is the Minister of State in war mode?

Deputy Peter Burke

No. I thank the Deputies for their statements and questions. I will address the issues that were discussed at the June European Council meeting. Two decades on from the Thessaloniki summit declaration, EU leaders reaffirmed their commitment to the western Balkans and stressed their need to spur reform across the region and accelerate merit-based EU accession. Regional stability, underpinned by improved neighbourly relations, is critical to that prospect. In that context, leaders condemned recent violence in northern Kosovo and called on parties to de-escalate tensions and re-engage with the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue. The EU’s special representative, Mr. Miroslav Lajčák, addressed the Joint Committee on European Union Affairs two weeks ago. As he outlined, the municipal elections held in northern Kosovo in April may have been legal but, with a turnout of under 4%, they were not legitimate. As such, leaders agreed on the need for early elections for all four municipalities. Beyond that, it is imperative the governments in Belgrade and Pristina recommit to the agreement on normalisation that was reached in North Macedonia in March. As the European Council underlined, this must include the establishment of an association or community of Serb-majority municipalities. I made these points last month when I visited Serbia and addressed the Prespa forum in North Macedonia.

As a beneficiary ourselves half a century ago, Ireland has always been among the strongest supporters of EU enlargement, but if the policy is to be credible, it must be fair and merit-based. To ensure the countries are prepared for the rigours of EU membership and to protect the integrity of the enlarged Union, candidate countries must reform their institutions and meet EU standards. Delivering such reform is difficult, but the rewards are real. As Mr. Lajčák observed, Russia’s brutal invasion has seen enlargement return to the top of the European political agenda. This presents an opportunity for the western Balkans, if they are prepared to take it. Across the EU, it is in our interests to do what we can to aid them in that effort.

Alongside the rest of the EU, Ireland is in favour of finding a comprehensive settlement to the situation in Cyprus in accordance with the relevant EU resolutions. We are strongly supportive of the efforts to facilitate the resumption of negotiations and we welcome the European Council's conclusions, which highlight the EU's readiness to support that process.

The European Council's request for a report from the High Representative and the European Commission on the state of play of EU-Türkiye relations is also a positive step. A new EU-Tunisia partnership package covers five key pillars in co-operation between the EU and Tunisia. The package will support the resumption of political dialogue between the EU and Tunisia and the €900 million in support to the Tunisian economy will facilitate economic development, investment and trade in green technology, migration and people-to-people contact.

The Government is also committed to multilateralism and greater engagement with countries in Africa, as set out in the Government Africa strategy. The European Council's support for the reinforced presence of the African Union in international fora, including the G20, is very welcome.

I will now turn to some of the questions that have been asked. Deputy Ó Murchú asked about Cyprus and I responded to this in my closing remarks. I met the ambassador of Cyprus today who is finishing her term here. We affirmed our support for a UN-based solution. We are working through this and we have been a very strong supporter at the European summits.

A number of Deputies quite rightly raised the issue of Israel and Palestine. The Tánaiste issued a very strong statement earlier this month on the condemnation of illegal settlements and the violence perpetrated by Israel on Palestine. The response to it was very strong.

The issue of the western Balkans and the roadmap was raised and I touched on this in my speech. We are working with six countries in the western Balkans to try to assist their accession to the EU. President von der Leyen made a significant contribution in Bratislava recently. We have to see the flesh on the bones of the terms she set out with regard to potential staged membership for some of these countries so that we do not lose them. There is also the eastern trio of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. These are also progressing. The Commission will give an update in September on each of them with regard to conditionality and how they are progressing.

With regard to the Inflation Reduction Act, on 30 June at the European Council meeting the European Commission undertook to do an impact assessment on this in conjunction with EU member states. The Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment is working on this. I will try to get an updated note on how it is progressing. In all our discourse over the period we have been very strong on not distorting the Single Market, ensuring we do not enter into a subsidies race and that there is an evidence-based approach to any decision taken. There is a significant risk, as has been pointed out, for countries with bigger economies to absorb the bigger industrial bases. This is a risk to Ireland. We are keeping a very close eye on this.

With regard to China, the human rights issues are significant. The Tánaiste made a significant contribution on our policy on China quite recently and covered in detail his concerns, which were well reported at the time. Europe is trying to derisk in terms of its reliance on China. This is a big part of our strategy. Legislation such as the critical raw materials Act is coming forward to try to get to grips with the green transition so we are not reliant on a country of its scale and only it, arguably, for some of these components, leaving ourselves very vulnerable in keeping apace with the technology.

I have referenced Tunisia in my speech. I hear the concerns raised by Deputy Boyd Barrett and I will relay them back. It can be difficult to get a balance in trying to have bilateral agreements to improve other countries and improve their environmental standards, green technology and issues with regard to migration, which are significant on that side of Europe. I will raise Deputy Boyd Barrett's concerns, which are very troubling.

Deputies Mattie McGrath and Howlin raised issues of migration. The President gave a summation on the conclusions of the EU summit that were not reached. The two countries in question are not as accepting of the qualified majority process and want to bring it into the unanimity sphere at the European Council. The decision was taken already for the asylum and migration management regulation and the procedural regulation. Work must continue on both of these. I do not think we have yet made a Cabinet decision that we will be part of it but I understand the Government is positively looking at it. The key tenets of it are, in the first instance, ensuring our procedure is to adjudicate quickly on safe countries. The 12-week period is contained in the procedure regulation. There is also the burden-sharing aspect of it, which was referenced by Deputy McGrath.

Caps or limits with regard to Ukraine were mentioned. We have to be very careful that we do not breach the European Convention on Human Rights. We are a very outward-looking country and we can all be very proud of this. If we look back at where have come from, 50 years ago almost 5% of our population was born abroad and now the figure is one in every five. This shows how outward-looking a country we are. We are all the better for this diversity of the country.

Communities are doing great and heroic work in rising up to the challenge to assist and provide all the services for Ukrainian citizens who find themselves in this awful position. We have to be effusive in our support for Ukraine to maintain the international rules-based order against aggression, particularly for children, as referenced in the debate. I was struck by the number of children who have been abducted and taken into Russia. It is like a major reset. It was very distressing to hear first-hand testimony of it when I was at the UN.

With regard to Deputy Pringle and the European Peace Facility, Ireland takes forward a key component of this in neutrality. I have mentioned how I was struck by what happened to my Austrian colleague when she was in Ukraine. A missile hit a building adjacent to where she was. When first responders and firefighters arrived to try to save people and quench the flames, they were wearing Austrian uniforms. This shows what her country is doing through that facility in a neutral capacity. It really brought it home. Ireland can be very proud of what it is doing in terms of bringing spare parts for the grid and public infrastructure that have been damaged. We have heard about the parts for the dam and key supports that ordinary citizens need.

Sitting suspended at 3.39 p.m. and resumed at 4.39 p.m.

Dáil Éireann debate - Wednesday, 12 Jul 2023

European Council Meeting: Statements

Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 12 Jul 2023