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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 25 Oct 2023

Vol. 1044 No. 5

Pre-European Council Meeting: Statements

I will participate in the October meeting of the European Council in Brussels tomorrow and Friday. The agenda will cover Ukraine, economic issues, migration and external relations, particularly the situation in the Middle East. A Euro summit will also take place. Later, the Minister of State, Deputy Peter Burke, will cover external relations issues other than Ukraine and the Middle East.

I expect that the evolving, escalating and tragic situation in the Middle East will be central to discussions when we meet this week. Leaders will discuss the crisis, including the UN’s call for a humanitarian ceasefire by all parties and groups to hostilities, which we support. This would allow vital aid to reach civilians in Gaza. That call has been echoed by this House.

The escalating situation is very concerning. In addition to over 1,400 victims in Israel of the Hamas attack, more than 5,000 people are reported to have been killed in Israeli strikes on Gaza, and over 1 million displaced. Israel, like all states, has a right to defend itself. It has suffered a shocking and brutal assault. However, it must act at all times within the parameters of international humanitarian law. How it responds matters to its future and its own security. Defence cannot mean indiscriminate retaliation and we must always distinguish between Hamas and Palestinian civilians who live in Gaza. The instruction by the Israeli military to civilians in Gaza to move southwards is unworkable and dangerous. The UN has been unequivocal that this will lead to serious humanitarian consequences. Civilian infrastructure should be protected and there should be no restriction of essential supplies to people in Gaza, whether that is water, food, fuel or medicines. The deal brokered by the US between Egypt and Israel to allow some humanitarian aid into Gaza through the Rafah border crossing is welcome. Last week, Ireland announced an additional €13 million in humanitarian aid to respond to the crisis. The trebling of EU humanitarian assistance is very welcome. For these commitments to be meaningful, humanitarian corridors must be open and must be secure. The provision of humanitarian aid must be allowed to reach the Palestinian people in Gaza, while those EU citizens who wish to must be allowed to leave.

At our meeting this week, I will urge European Council colleagues to work together to avoid any escalation, to prevent civilian casualties and avoid any risk of wider regional conflict. I will also underscore the importance of international humanitarian law applying in all circumstances, a principle that was set out clearly in the statement issued by the Heads of State and Government of the EU 27 on 15 October. At the 17 October extraordinary EU Council meeting, which took place by means of video conference, leaders restated this position. We were united in condemnation of Hamas and its horrific terrorist attack on innocent Israeli civilians. There can be no justification for such barbarous violence. There is also no possible justification for taking and holding hostages, including very young children, elderly people and other vulnerable people. They should be released immediately and without precondition. Hamas should lay down its arms. It is a terrorist organisation, not a state. We also agreed to continue to work with all relevant actors and partners in the region to encourage respect for international humanitarian law and to prevent further regional escalation.

Leaders will also consider the wider impacts of the conflict, including on communities and society in Europe. At our meeting on 17 October, I expressed my solidarity with France, Sweden and Belgium following the recent attacks on a school in France and on Swedish football fans attending a match in Brussels. Islamic extremism and violence has spilled blood in European cities too often. The fighting in Gaza heightens the risk of this and it is very much in our own interests that all of this should stop. We need to guard against Islamophobia and antisemitism at all times.

Ultimately, we know that there can be no solution to the situation without political progress leading to a two-state solution. However distant that prospect might seem now, we must continue to work for it and to call for the necessary political leadership on all sides to make it possible.

Leaders will also discuss the latest situation in Ukraine, reiterating our condemnation for Russia’s war of aggression and imperialism. We have in recent days seen Russia continue to bomb and kill civilians in Ukraine, as it has done since it launched its illegal invasion. Russia will make cynical use of any loss of focus by the international community. We must ensure, therefore, that we do our utmost to deny it the opportunity. The EU is committed to providing Ukraine with the humanitarian, political, economic, financial, and military assistance it needs, for as long as it takes.

At our meeting this week, we will discuss the provision of sustainable military assistance to Ukraine through the European Peace Facility and the EU military assistance mission, as well as longer-term security commitments. It is worth recalling that all assistance is being provided while respecting the security and defence policies of certain EU member states; an important point for Ireland. As well as non-lethal military assistance under the European peace facility, Ireland’s total contribution to the Ukrainian people since February 2022 is over €210 million.

Leaders will also discuss the provision of humanitarian and civil protection assistance to Ukraine. Ireland has provided water treatment plants and equipment for repairing gas and electricity networks. We will continue to identify other ways we might be able to help. Russia ending its war and respecting the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine is the only way to achieve a just and lasting peace. Ireland endorses President Zelenskyy’s peace plan. It is up to Ukraine to determine the terms, conditions and timelines for any peace negotiations.

We will also continue to insist that the perpetrators of this aggression on Ukraine be held accountable. I expect leaders to take stock of ongoing efforts to establish a tribunal for the prosecution of Russia and its leaders for the crime of aggression against Ukraine, as well as to reaffirm our commitment to the work of the International Criminal Court. We will also reiterate our strongest condemnation of the unlawful deportation of Ukrainian children and others to Russia and Belarus. Such outrageous violations of international law must result in consequences, and those taken must be safely returned. We will consider how to continue to weaken Russia’s ability to prosecute the war through ensuring our sanctions regime is robust and is not being circumvented. Now that Russia has suspended its participation in the Black Sea grain initiative, we will consider how to support Ukraine in continuing to export the grain that many of the world’s people depend upon.

We will also express our continuing solidarity with Moldova. Moldova, like Ukraine, is on a path towards EU membership and we will assist both countries in reform efforts so they too can reap the benefits. In December, the European Council will consider whether to open accession negotiations with Ukraine. It will depend on the Commission’s assessment, which is due to be published early next month.

In October, the European Council will have a political discussion on the proposed revision of the multi-annual financial framework, MFF, which is the European Union's budget. The targeted revision of the EU budget, proposed by the Commission in June, aims to reinforce a limited number of priority areas for the period to 2027. There is broad agreement on the Commission’s proposals providing for sustainable multi-annual financing to Ukraine. The €50 billion package for Ukraine proposed by the Commission comprises €33 billion in loans and €17 billion in grants. Member states are also examining the other elements of the Commission’s proposals, which provide for €50 billion of further spending in areas such as migration and external action, investments in strategically important technologies and our response to increased interest rates and administrative costs. Ireland will continue to engage constructively with the Commission’s proposals while also seeking to ensure the EU budget is funded and managed in the most cost-effective way. We will also provide political guidance for further work in the Council with a view to reaching agreement on the proposed review at our December meeting.

The October meeting of the European Council will also return to economic issues more generally, including the Single Market, industrial policy and energy policy. Significant legislative developments in EU industrial policy over recent months, alongside easing of state aid rules, include the Chips Act agreed earlier this year and the critical raw materials Act and the net zero industry Act, which are both nearing final stages of negotiation. Ireland will continue to highlight the importance of safeguarding the Single Market and the level playing field among the member states on which it is built as well as improving the framework conditions for investment.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has driven energy costs to unprecedented levels, which is having massive consequences for the whole of Europe. In response to Russia’s aggressive behaviour, EU countries have shown great unity. Policies to improve energy security, supply diversification and energy efficiency and to accelerate the move towards renewables are at the heart of climate and energy policy. The Granada Declaration, agreed at our informal meeting earlier this month, provides that member states will concentrate particularly on energy and resource efficiency, circularity, decarbonisation, resilience to natural disasters and adaption to climate change. Leaders will meet in Euro Summit format to exchange views on the economic and financial situation, including the development of Europe’s financial and capital markets and ongoing work on a reformed economic governance framework.

The European Council will also discuss migration, in particular its external dimension. This includes the development of mutually beneficial partnerships with third countries. Migration is regularly discussed, including at the recent informal meeting in Granada. The situation continues to be difficult for member states, with many seeing increased numbers of migrants arriving at a time when we are also hosting large numbers of people fleeing war in Ukraine. The European Union has focused on stepping up its efforts to prevent irregular departures and loss of life, to strengthen the European Union’s borders, to fight against smugglers and to increase returns for those refused international protection. Recently, justice and home affairs ministers discussed the EU’s approach to the external dimension of migration. They also discussed the need to engage with third countries of origin to develop a model of mutually beneficial co-operation to prevent irregular departures to Europe. Ministers are committed to reaching a political agreement on all elements of the pact on migration and asylum during the current legislative term. When in force, it will establish common procedures for deciding international protection requests and introduce mandatory border procedures and a new flexible solidarity mechanism. Ireland will continue to work with our EU partners to ensure humanitarian and international legal obligations are upheld. The protection of life and safety at sea is paramount, irrespective of the circumstances that lead people to be in a situation of distress. However, we are in no doubt that human traffickers and those who facilitate them are responsible for deaths at sea.

In his remarks, the Minister of State, Deputy Burke, will consider the situations in the Sahel, Nagorno-Karabakh, including the mass displacement of Karabakh Armenians and relations between Serbia and Kosovo. He will also discuss preparations for the Conference of the Parties, COP, 28, and the EU response to recent damage to critical infrastructure in the Baltic Sea. I will update the House again in the coming weeks.

I am sharing time with Deputy Carthy.

This European Council meeting is of grave importance. It is a moment of reckoning for European leaders as the people of Gaza struggle to survive Israel's relentless bombardment. Thousands of Palestinians have been slaughtered and injured, more than a million have been displaced, with their homes, hospitals, schools and vital infrastructure have been decimated. Under siege by one of the world's most powerful military forces, an impoverished refugee population is running out of water, medicine, fuel and power, and it is running out of time. This is not a justifiable response to the horrific attacks by Hamas on Israeli civilians, which have been condemned.

Time and again, international leaders say Israel has the right to defend itself but must do so within the boundaries of international law. Let us be clear: carpet bombing civilian men, women and children who are trapped with nowhere to shelter and no way out is not a defence. Let us also be clear that Israel is not operating within the boundaries of international law. In fact, it repeatedly and brazenly breaks international law in full sight of the world. Israel does so openly, loudly and with confidence, and by refusing to shout "stop", the international community has given it a licence to massacre the people of Gaza under the perverse pretext of defence.

How can deliberately destroying hospitals be considered defence? Hospitals in Gaza are running out of the power they need to function. They are struggling to keep intensive care units going. In Gaza, incubators are being shared by three and four babies at a time. Without electricity, the heat and oxygen needed for these incubators will soon run out. This is unconscionable. It is the heartbreaking human reality of this onslaught.

Israel is amassing troops and tanks on the border with Gaza in preparation for a ground invasion. The world knows such an invasion would mean further destruction and slaughter and would risk spreading violence to the wider region. As Israel prepares for this escalation - for brutal assault - it seems to have turned its back on diplomacy. Instead of engaging in real dialogue, its Government and international representatives focus on shutting down any criticism of its bombardment and flagrant breaches of international law. We saw this in Ireland when President Higgins spoke out against Israel's onslaught and for the vindication of Palestinian human rights and the primacy of international law. Yesterday, it was the turn of UN Secretary General António Guterres for naming Israel's violation of international law and its decades of occupation, annexation and apartheid.

Gaza cannot become the graveyard of international law. Together we must stand for international co-operation in finding a way forward, and a resolution can only be found through dialogue, diplomacy and politics. This is the vision that must rise above the clamour and hawkish din. The Taoiseach correctly described Israel's bombardment of Gaza as collective punishment. He stated that Israel is acting against international law. Yesterday, he said that Ireland will use its influence. We have the potential to make a difference.

We must, therefore, speak very clearly and unambiguously to our international partners. We must say the only position that can transform this awful situation is ceasefire. A humanitarian pause is not going to save the people of Gaza from annihilation; it simply delays it. What we need are immediate, full and unequivocal ceasefires, with all hostages held by Hamas released and allowed to return home, and this matter should be actively negotiated and delivered now. The nations of Europe - indeed, the wider international community - must call a stop to the horrific bombardment and siege of Gaza. We need a decisive international intervention based on the rule of international law, a return to good-faith dialogue and a pathway to a just settlement and a lasting peace.

The words of the great Martti Ahtisaari, a great friend to this country in our search for peace and justice, should ring very loudly at tomorrow's European Council meeting:

Peace is [in the end] a question of will. All conflicts can be settled, and there are no excuses for allowing them to become eternal.

"At a crucial moment like this, it is vital to be clear on principles - starting with the fundamental principle of respecting and protecting civilians." Those were the remarks of the UN Secretary General, António Guterres, yesterday, and I want to put on record further words of his:

Nothing can justify the deliberate killing, injuring and kidnapping of civilians – or the launching of rockets against civilian targets

[...]

The relentless bombardment of Gaza by Israeli forces, the level of civilian casualties, and the wholesale destruction of neighborhoods continue to mount and are deeply alarming.

[...]

The protection of civilians is paramount in any armed conflict.

Protecting civilians can never mean using them as human shields.

Protecting civilians does not mean ordering more than one million people to evacuate to the south, where there is no shelter, no food, no water, no medicine and no fuel, and then continuing to bomb the south itself.

I am deeply concerned about the clear violations of international humanitarian law that we are witnessing in Gaza.

Let me be clear: No party to an armed conflict is above international humanitarian law.

Those words, from the UN Secretary General, should be words we all stand by. Those are the words the Irish Government should stand by and that the EU should heed. Those are the words world leaders should repeat and act upon. Regrettably, the strength of the calls by the United Nations Secretary General has not been matched by EU leaders. In fact, the European Union, which has long championed itself as a leader for peace, international law and conflict resolution, has failed to live up to any of those principles in recent weeks.

This week's European Council meeting can be the opportunity to change course. Ireland must be the voice at EU level that condemns war crimes, regardless of who commits them. Ireland must be the voice that demands an end to the Israeli siege and attacks on Gaza. Ireland must be the voice that says the Palestinian people have a right to freedom. Ireland must be the voice that says end the occupation, the annexation and the apartheid being inflicted on Palestine. We must, of course, try to bring the European Union to that point, but we cannot limit ourselves to the narrow parameters of an EU consensus.

It is absolutely pointless to say, as the Taoiseach has just done, that Israel should abide by international law when it is blatantly breaking that international law every single minute of every single day. If the European Council does not step up to the mark this week, the Taoiseach must. The demand must be a simple one, namely, an immediate and full ceasefire and the universal application of and adherence to international law, with the explicit condemnation of those who breach it, regardless of who they are, including Israel. Our demand must include a decisive international intervention that leads to a negotiated settlement and an independent Palestinian state. The Taoiseach should be aware that in making those calls, he may be in a minority on the European Council, but he will be absolutely representing the views of the vast majority of people on this island and, as seen by the remarks of the Secretary General of the UN, he will also be very clearly representing the majority views of humanity.

This week is an important opportunity to change course. I hope the members of the European Council seize that opportunity, but if they do not, Ireland must. We must be on the right side of history.

We engage today for these statements in the context of the brutal events that are continuing in the Middle East and at a critical juncture for the European Union. The meeting of European Heads of Government at the European Council meeting on Thursday, which the Taoiseach will be attending, is undoubtedly a critical test for our European Union, which bills itself as a voice for peace and security and, indeed, as a transnational entity that is bound to uphold the rule of law and international humanitarian law. We have seen already this week a meeting on Monday of EU foreign affairs ministers at which it was not possible, it seems, to agree even on a call for a ceasefire. Instead, they settled only on a humanitarian pause for Gaza, which is simply not enough, as we know and as we have heard from UN workers on the ground in Gaza.

What we need to see is a unanimous call at the Council meetings on Thursday and Friday from European leaders for the release of Israeli hostages by Hamas but also for a humanitarian ceasefire, as the UN has sought and as the vast majority of this House, both Government and Opposition, called for in our cross-party motion last week. I thank the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste for engaging with us in the Opposition on the wording of that motion. It was really important we were able to send a united voice, insofar as possible, from this House in condemning Hamas and the appalling slaughter of civilians by Hamas on 7 October but also condemning the utterly brutal bombardment of the people of Gaza by Israel since then, which we understand has now led to the deaths of about 5,000 civilians. That purported response by Israel has been so clearly in breach of international law, in the collective punishment of 2 million civilians, the forced evacuation, the bombardment and besiegement, and the denial of vital supplies of food and water.

All these things amount to breaches of international law and of the rules of war. I know the Taoiseach has spoken out on that but we need to hear a united voice from the European Council this week speaking out on it. We need to hear that very clearly because, as the Secretary General of the United Nations, António Guterres, has said, there is a context to this and the context is the point at which the 2 million people of Gaza, even before 7 October, were already merely existing in what has often been described as an open-air prison, utterly dependent on UN aid supplies. Now we see those awful conditions for the people of Gaza worsened even further. Over recent years, the right-wing Netanyahu governments in Israel have become increasingly extreme, consciously dismantling, it seems, the prospect of a two-state solution, which many of us, including us in the Labour Party, hold to still. They have been consciously dismantling that prospect by subdividing the West Bank, encouraging illegal settlements and colonising East Jerusalem through the forced displacement of Palestinians. That far-right Government in Israel and the brutal government of Hamas in the Gaza Strip have, it seems, almost tilted the other to the extreme, trapped in a gruesome cycle of violence.

It is at this point, therefore, that we need to ensure the EU is speaking with one voice in calling out Israel for breaches of international law and in reviewing its trade relationship with Israel as it perpetrates genocidal actions in Gaza and sustains an apartheid regime in the West Bank. Indeed, we in the Labour Party have called on the Taoiseach to see the occupied territories Bill passed into law and to see further sanctions on Israel in recognition of what has been done to Palestinians for so long. We have stood for and called for the recognition of the state of Palestine and for the self-determination of the Palestinian people. We are very concerned to see the actions of Israel in apparently refusing to issue visas to UN staff in response to the comments of the Secretary General, António Guterres, who was merely stating the obvious. We do need to see, therefore, the European Council condemn Israeli actions in breaching international law while also, of course, condemning the brutality of Hamas. What we have seen instead, unfortunately, were the uncontrolled actions of an unelected Commission, with the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, going rogue.

She took on a plenipotentiary role, going way beyond her powers and mandate by apparently offering unconditional support for the actions of the Israeli Government. She thereby undermined the office of European Council President, Charles Michel, the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell, but also undermined the authority of the Council. She did not speak for Ireland, and she undermined the adherence to the treaties and rule of law that underpins the essence of the European Union. By contrast, President Higgins has spoken admirably on the context of the situation, and it is most unfortunate we have seen an intervention by the Israeli ambassador in Ireland, which is inappropriate in criticising the President. We all want to see relief for the people of Gaza, the immediate supply of aid and the immediate provision for a ceasefire. We urge the Taoiseach to make that call, in keeping with our cross-party motion, at the Council meeting this week.

It is entirely understandable and correct that the issue in Palestine has dominated this debate so far. However, I draw attention to the fact that Opposition speakers have so far concentrated entirely on that issue to the exclusion of all else. We have other issues coming before this European Council that are maybe not as pressing or urgent but are as important. There is no mention at all of nature restoration. There is no mention at all of the mid-term review of the multi-annual financial framework. The Acting Chair will know the importance of that type of review in a European context. We are deciding now on funding that will travel into the next mandate of the European Union. There is no mention of the future-proofing of economies. There is no mention of Russia and that it will undoubtedly use the fact that eyes of the world are elsewhere. There is no mention of the Sahel and the destruction that will be caused in the wider region, in particular in the developing world, again as the eyes of the world are elsewhere.

We absolutely need to focus on what is happening in Palestine, but we also have to keep an eye to those other important matters that will be discussed at this Council. I will first pick up on a point made by Deputy Bacik about context. I was listening to a guy called Spencer Ackerman. He was talking about the idea that the presentation of context is now made scandalous. It is one side or the other. It has been so black and white. It is entirely reasonable to able to say I support Palestine while repudiating the actions of the likes of Hamas, that I can empathise with the bereaved fathers and mothers of Israel while at the same time deploring the actions of the Israel Defense Forces, IDF, for engaging in collective punishment. Being able to sit something within context as António Guterres did, in no way undermines some notional purity of condemnation. We absolutely know that the actions of Hamas were wrong, and I strongly believe the response of Israel, in particular in its exercise of collective punishment, is in no way proportionate to that. It is possible to hold those two positions at once.

Over recent years, the European Union and the idea of a European Union has been tested in a way I do not think it ever has before. I think we passed that test in the case of Ukraine. I was surprised by the unity of purpose shown by the EU in responding to that crisis, notwithstanding the actions of some within the European Union. However, we have to acknowledge that unity of purpose will be more difficult to achieve in the context of what is now happening in Palestine. The Taoiseach referenced the complex history Germany has in this regard. It carries a generational guilt for the atrocities done under the German flag during the Second World War. I do not think it is any harm that Ireland has traditionally been sympathetic to the cause of Palestine. Notwithstanding the context that exists, that voice will be needed within the European Union. I hope we will be the voice to push back. We all back Israel's right to defend itself. It has a right to respond. I understand 100% the anger and fury felt by many in Israel, but we should also be the voice in the European Union putting the case that the actions of the Israelis cannot be stood over. We should be that voice for de-escalation. We should be that voice for a humanitarian ceasefire. We should be a voice calling for the meaningful opening of the Rafah crossing, not eight trucks or 20 trucks per day but the 100 trucks per day the UN has told us are necessary. We also have to be a voice calling for the unconditional release of hostages. We have to be a voice calling for cool heads to prevail and provide some sort of space. We have a track record of this in our own country, from moving from violence to dialogue and toward the formation of some kind of lasting peace. It is difficult to see a pathway to peace from where we stand now, but we should nevertheless be advocating for it.

I turn to the multi-annual financial framework, which is under review at the moment. It is crucial for the functioning of the European Green Deal that it is adequately financed. In particular, I think about the nature restoration law. I welcome that in 2026 and 2027, about 10% of the annual spend of that long-term budget will be dedicated towards halting and reversing the decline of biodiversity. That is extremely important The Common Agricultural Policy will not do the heavy lifting in terms of the type of land management change we need to achieve. We should also look at investment in biodiversity in urban environments. Natural Capital Ireland spoke to the Joint Committee on Environment and Climate Action yesterday. It talked about how €1 invested in natural capital can provide a return of up to €38, in particular if spent in urban environments. It provides outcomes around health, quality of life, the liveability of our urban environment, and things like sustainable drainage, which we recently saw the need for in east Cork and west Waterford, which is my part of the world. It is important we push back on some of the rhetoric we see developing across the EU in terms of, I suppose, political posturing ahead of the next election. Traditional political groupings are responding to those populist and reactionary voices, and are pushing back against things like the Green Deal and the nature restoration law. We have to push for adequate investment in those, because one of the other issues to be discussed is the future-proofing of economies and that kind of long-term planning. We need to think out to 2050, and there has been some interesting work from the EU Policy Lab on this. Unless we plot our way to a biodiverse and nature rich carbon net zero reality, looking at how that can be achieved by 2050 and using that strategic foresight to plot our way back, incremental tinkering around the edges in terms of how we reform our economies are not going to do the job. We need that longer term thinking. As a quick word on future-proofing, that will also be an important piece. I referenced the EU Policy Lab, which has done interesting work on towards a fair and sustainable Europe in 2050. We need to be planning on that long-terms basis because planning from one electoral cycle to another is not going to do the job and we know that.

I turn to the issue of the International Criminal Court. We absolutely need to push for the prosecution of Russian forces in particular, for example, for the forced deportation of children. We absolutely need to do it for the collective punishment we see in Gaza at the moment. We have to be a voice for strengthening our international institutions. It has, unfortunately, too often been the case that international institutions like the UN or the International Criminal Court are effectively ignored. The international community has not been able to bring people to justice for the crimes they commit during war. I again emphasise the need to maintain focus on what is happening in Russia, not just for its impact on Russia and Ukraine but also the impact it is having in the wider region and in particular across the Sahel. I think there have been nine military coups in sub-Saharan Africa in recent times. A lot of this is going to happen when the eyes of the international community are elsewhere. While we absolutely need to focus on the situation in Palestine, we also need to make sure we are keeping watch on actions elsewhere in the world.

I will not be shocked if a huge number of Deputies concentrate in whatever short time they have for speeches before the EU Council meeting on the importance that needs to be given to Gaza at this time.

The fact is Gaza is facing obliteration. We have not had the courage we would like from EU leaders. We have all been, at best, deeply unhappy and, at times, deeply shamed by the disgraceful greenlighting by some world leaders, including Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission. It is utterly unacceptable. I accept the Irish Government has been one of the voices for pushback. President von der Leyen is not on her own. The likes of Joe Biden, Rishi Sunak and Emmanuel Macron and many others have Israel’s back. They problem is they have Israel’s back following an absolutely barbarous act by Hamas but do not have the Palestinian people’s back when they are dealing with absolute slaughter. We all quote numbers here from time to time. We are talking about 5,791 dead Palestinians. I am fairly sure that is an old figure and there is now a considerably higher number of Palestinians dead, a considerable amount of whom are children.

We have seen the Israelis play their cancel game. We saw the action taken by the Israel ambassador about comments from the President, Michael D. Higgins, which the vast majority of people in any street in Ireland would be in agreement with. I would find it difficult to go around this House or any other building in this city or across Ireland without finding a considerable amount of people who agree with almost everything António Guterres said. Once again, the weapon of cancellation has been introduced by the Israelis from a point of view of not dealing with the reality, which is that they have been engaged in colonial-settler seizure of lands, mass annexation and maintaining an apartheid state, and have kept people in absolute poverty and desperate circumstances, be they in the West Bank or Gaza, for many years. For many Palestinians, this nightmare has been right through from 1948. The world has not offered any solutions.

I accept we will not necessarily get agreement at EU Council. We should push for recognition of what has happened, which is absolute slaughter and UN agencies stating dwindling fuel supplies could force them to stop aid operations. We need one voice. We need it to call for immediate ceasefire, to release of hostages and for humanitarian aid. Long term, we need a roadmap to peace. I know that is what the Irish people want. If we are not going to get agreement at Council level, we need to continue bravely. Sometimes you need to take the first step. The world’s humanity will back that. The Irish people certainly will. That I what we need to see. I would like to see much more from the EU Council but we need to see much more from the Government.

The Taoiseach has just left. Had he not, the question I would have posed to him pertains to his response on Leaders' Questions yesterday, when he was asked about EU Council statements and whether there would be a demand for a common approach calling for an outright ceasefire. He responded that we needed to be cognisant of and sensitive to historical perspectives of other EU countries, particularly the attitudes of countries based on their experiences of the 1930s and 1940s. Did I lose my mind or is that not exactly why we should be cognisant of what is happening to the people of Gaza and the West Bank? Why else should we be demanding that the call for “Never again” would mean precisely that, "Never again"? The institutions of the United Nations and international law arose out of that same period in which we watched the depravity and inhumanity of war and man’s cruelty to man.

That is why the Irish State can have a role. As people who have been neutral, invaded no country, been occupied rather than occupier and felt the hand of colonialism, we can take a step forward, lead and be clear in our call that what is happening to people in Gaza and the West Bank is cruel, unjust and in violation of every tenet of humanitarian law. We should never step away from that, precisely because of those lessons we should have learned in the 1930s and 1940s, when we were told the lie that those were wars to end all wars. I cannot fathom how that is not being screamed from the rooftops. The experience of the 1930s and 1940s should not be used as justification for more horror. We should not say we need to walk meekly because of the nations who experienced bombing and inhumanity to its fullest extent. Why does that not motivate us to go forward, as opposed to pulling back? The Taoiseach would do well to remind his counterparts of the idea that “Never again” should mean “Never again” for anybody.

Ursula von der Leyen did not speak in any way for the people of Ireland. I do not believe she spoke for the people of the European Union. It is probably an idealist belief at this point but I fully believe the European Union should, at its basis, be a peace project. That Ursula von der Leyen, in her role as President of the European Commission, wrote a blank cheque for reciprocal war crimes to be inflicted should be a call for resignation. That it is not goes against the principles of the European Union and, clearly, those of her staff members, given 800 workers in the Commission have written to Ms von der Leyen asking her to retract those comments.

In the EU Parliament last week a motion was passed very similar to the motion passed in the Dáil last week. Both rightly condemned Hamas, who should be condemned from the high heavens for the brutalities of the attacks on 7 October. They rightly referred to them as indiscriminate and brutal, but the Israel bombardment of the people of Gaza that happened afterwards was referred to as tragic, as if it happened by nature. A similar thing happened in our Parliament last week. We passed a motion that was not unified. It equally condemned the brutal attacks by Hamas and the hospital bombings that occurred the previous evening but fell short of condemning Israel. I will take no admonishment from people in opposition or government for pointing out we shied away from improving that. Imagine being a person in Gaza at the moment, being a mother or father of one of the babies lying in incubators who do not know if the electricity will keep going tomorrow, and hearing this Parliament refused to condemn those inflicting that suffering upon them. That is not statesmanship or diplomacy; that is cowardice. The idea of a unified call, when that unified call dilutes the fact that war crimes are being inflicted on people and does not name the perpetrator, has no justice in it and I will not be complicit in it.

I hope to God the Irish State and Government find their courage. We have gone beyond other nations. We have gone beyond counterparts in the European Union in our call but the bar is set very low at the moment. If we have to act unilaterally, call for sanctions or bring back the divestment Bill or occupied territories Bill, we have to find the courage to do so. We are watching a genocide happen in real time. We are watching the ethnic cleansing of people in Gaza. They are being moved out by brutality on a medieval scale at this point. I do not think it will happen but I hope tomorrow we find our courage as a State.

I will offer a short comment on the commentary given over the weekend by Dana Erlich, the Israeli ambassador to Ireland.

It was out of order for her to criticise our President while at the same time rejecting outright any criticisms or questioning of how her state has conducted itself over the past fortnight. I am fully in agreement with anyone who has spoken this week and last week to condemn the awful, brutal and barbaric attack by Hamas on 7 October. I also believe the Israeli response was totally out of proportion. It would be one thing to dismantle the structures of Hamas, which is a blight on world peace, but so too is the IDF because those who are targeted and falling to bullets and under the rubble of missiles attacking buildings are the 2 million civilians of Gaza city, in particular 1 million children.

It is brutal, barbaric and medieval for the IDF to wage siege on a city where half of the population is aged under 18 and to deny them access to food, water and electricity. It was equally barbaric for it to order the evacuation of a hospital. Watching elderly, infirm and terminally ill people stumbling out of the door harked back to what we saw in the Bauman hospital in the Warsaw ghetto in 1941, when people were told to evacuate and many were dead within a matter of months. We have to learn from the lessons of history. An eye for an eye leaves the whole world blind.

I do not believe the Council of Europe speaks with a homogenous voice on this. I am glad that the Irish State and Ministers, the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste have been quite outspoken in condemning what has happened over the past two weeks. What we need is peace, not flotillas of warships and a gathering of heavy war weaponry and machinery. We need a peace deal, but that must have central to its dialogue a cessation of the illegal occupation of Palestinian territory.

I want to speak about the ongoing war in Ukraine. The war that has just begun in the Middle East very much plays to the advantage of President Putin of Russia and takes the focus off his regime and what is happening there. Over the past number of months, I was very concerned that a number of EU heads of state have been working bilaterally on troop exchanges. I refer to troops who have been captured and are prisoners of war. There have been troop exchanges where the Russians and Ukrainians have, at various times, swapped 100 to 200 troops. At no time has anyone in the EU sought a return of the approximately 15,000 children who have been displaced by war and have found themselves on the Russian side of the war border. There is no talk of returning them to Ukraine. There have been protests in Kyiv and families have demanded that their children be brought back. It is a position the European Council has to take up robustly. Of course we want to see troops being repatriated, but surely our first concern must be for the children of war. The same applies to Gaza. Children must be returned to their families in Ukraine.

In this day and age, it is very common to give out about social media; to say that it is no good, toxic or divisive; and to complain about misinformation and so on. A lot of that can be the case, but in this instance we need to give social media its due because without it we would not be able to see the horrors happening in real time in Gaza and the West Bank. We are not dependent on the likes of CNN, Sky News or the BBC to show us what is really happening on the ground because the Palestinian people can show that to us. They have been doing that and have been telling us their truth.

At the weekend, I watched a video on Instagram of a young boy, Sami, who is only eight years old. He is an Irish Palestinian citizen. He attends a school in north Dublin. He spoke about how he missed his friends and teacher here in Dublin. He is trapped and terrified, along with so many children in Gaza. Any day could be his last. It was the last day for hundreds of children over the past number of weeks. In the eyes of the Israeli Government and the way it is speaking about children, it views children like Sami as combatants. In the eyes of the Israeli Government, he is guilty of the fact that Hamas was elected as a governing authority of Gaza in 2004, even though he did not vote because he had not even been born. In the eyes of the Israeli foreign minister, he is a human animal. Of course, he is just a little boy.

Social media has also been helpful in other respects. It has allowed us to see the true colour of many. Yesterday, we saw the official Twitter account of the IDF taunt one of the United Nations foremost relief agencies when it warned that if it did not get fuel immediately, it would have to halt its humanitarian operations. What did the IDF official account tweet? It ridiculed it and told it to go and ask Hamas whether it would give it some fuel.

Social media has also allowed us to compare and contrast the principles avowed by many political leaders. In some instances, we have seen how defence against aggression and occupation is declared a right and a cause worthy of celebration, but is not in other instances. The occupier's right to self-defence is considered the be all and end all. It makes me think of the quote: "These are my principles, and if you don't like them I have others".

We need to call for a ceasefire because children like Sami are trapped in Gaza and many children like Sami have been killed as a result of this onslaught. At this moment in time, many people are in absolute desperation because they fear that there is no end to the onslaught in Gaza. I know the Minister of State is aware that we have a strong voice on the international stage in respect of this. We need to use that voice to say loudly and clearly that there needs to be an immediate ceasefire so that more children are not killed and we see an end to this genocide.

The President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, has blood on her hands. She has the blood of over 6,500 Palestinians who have been killed by Israeli airstrikes and bombardment over the past two weeks on her hands. She has the blood of over 2,700 children on her hands. She should resign, and if the Government seriously represented justice, peace and opposition to genocide, it would demand at the European Council that she goes.

She went to Israel with no mandate and declared that Israel has the right to defend itself without any conditions. We have all witnessed what that right to defend itself means. It means more bombs being rained down on the people of Gaza, which is effectively an open-air concentration camp of 2 million people. More bombs have been rained down in the space of two weeks than were rained down on Afghanistan over the course of a year. It means a conscious attempt to starve the people of Gaza, children included, of water, food and electricity. It means a conscious attempt, that it will try to implement, to drive people out of Gaza and enforce a new Nakba, at least in the northern half of Gaza if not in Gaza as a whole. That is what the right of Israel to defend itself meant and that is what the President of the European Commission endorsed. The president should now go.

It is clear that the EU is not going to act against Israel. It is clear that the EU, in fact, supports the policies of apartheid Israel. That is clear in what it is doing now, whereby it refuses to call out the war crimes or condemn the ethnic cleansing being committed by Israel. It refuses to do what President Ursula von der Leyen was very clear about what we must do in terms of Russia, namely call it as such - cutting off men, women and children from water, electricity and heating are acts of pure terror. She was very clear about Russia, but refuses to say the same in respect of Israel. This is not something that the EU has stumbled upon.

The truth is that this is exposing the reality of what EU policy in the Middle East has been. It is a few crocodile tears for Palestinians who are killed, a little bit of money for aid and then it is massive support for the Israeli apartheid state. There is preferential access for Israel into the EU market. The EU-Israel association agreement is worth almost €50 billion per year. Many people do not know that Israeli companies are able to access European public money through research funding like the Horizon 2020 programme. Israeli companies are able to get access to European money. It is not just any Israeli companies but Israeli arms companies that are getting this access. Elbit Systems and Israel Aerospace Industries, the two largest armaments companies making some of the weapons and some of the bombs that are raining down on the people of Gaza, are in receipt of European funding. So much for the EU's commitment to human rights and democracy.

The EU is not going to act, so therefore the Irish Government has to act if its words of sympathy for the Palestinians are to mean anything. We have heard banal, trite excuses from the Taoiseach as to why we should not expel the Israeli ambassador. He said the other day that "Being absolutist on one side or the other removes our influence". Surely we should be absolutist against genocide, ethnic cleansing and apartheid. If the Irish Government was to do what I think the majority of people in Ireland want to see happen, it would kick out the Israeli ambassador. It would kick out this woman who tells lies on our media all the time. She says Israel has the right to bomb hospitals. We should kick out this woman who attacks our President and accuses him of misinformation because he tells the truth about the breaching of the Geneva Convention. If we were to kick out this embassy, which has a deputy head of mission who accuses Ireland of funding Hamas tunnels, it would have a big impact. It would send a signal around the world that when von der Leyen gave the green light to this genocide, she was not speaking on behalf of all the people of Europe. It would send a signal to the Palestinian people that we stand in solidarity with them. It would send a signal of strong condemnation to the Israeli regime.

Unfortunately, the EU was found wanting when it came to the recent horrific events in Israel and Gaza. It is also found wanting when it comes to the ongoing Palestinian question. The actions of the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, in the immediate aftermath of the terrorist attack by Hamas on Israel on 7 October have been well analysed at this stage. She initially expressed her unambiguous support for Israel by visiting the country and in a number of other symbolic ways, while making no reference to the need to adhere to international law regarding the humanitarian catastrophe that was unfolding in Gaza. Thankfully, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security policy, Josep Borrell, issued a more comprehensive and balanced response soon afterwards. This was further clarified by EU foreign affairs ministers in their council meeting and also at the European Council meeting. However, the initial response was, at best, disjointed and confused. It damaged the credibility of the EU. Lessons need to be learned from this.

As I said here last week, for various historical, political and economic reasons, the EU 27 is divided when it comes to Israel and Palestine generally. It is probable that not much can be done about this. However, the EU and the international community, including the USA and the UK and a number of Arab states have a clear responsibility not to turn a blind eye to this ongoing conflict. They need to work to bring about a just and lasting peace settlement based on a two-state solution. With other like-minded EU states, Ireland has been to the forefront in endeavouring to build a consensus on the need to bring about a change in direction and policy in this regard. It must continue relentlessly to try to achieve this.

Gaza is now in the middle of a humanitarian catastrophe. Israel must stop the aerial bombardment of civilians and Hamas must release all hostages. The calls for permanent ceasefire by the UN Secretary General, António Guterres, should be heeded by all sides. A temporary humanitarian pause as proposed by EU foreign ministers this week would be welcome, but it is not enough. As we know, the European Council meets this week and hopefully it will be able to deal with these issues in a more effective way. In addition, diplomatic efforts to avoid a wider conflict in the region must continue with Arab states playing a key role. I refer particularly to the role of Iran, and Hezbollah in Lebanon, in this regard.

The eruption of a new wave of violence in the Middle East has diverted attention away from Russia's brutal invasion of Ukraine, which still needs the wholehearted support of the EU. This war can be seen as a battle for the survival of European democracy itself. Appeasement did not work in the case of Crimea and will certainly not work now. If Putin is successful in Ukraine, where will it all end? Surely the international community, the US and the EU are capable of focusing on two major global conflicts at the same time. I welcome the lengthy contribution on this matter by the Taoiseach earlier in this debate.

I commend the European Parliament on its decision to award the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought 2023 to Ms Mahsa Amini and to the Woman, Life, Freedom movement in Iran. Ms Amini fought for freedom, and equality and democracy. These women are entitled to our full support in their heroic campaign for the rights of women in Iran.

I also want to welcome the success of the opposition parties in the recent general election in Poland led by our old friend and former European Council President, Mr. Donald Tusk. I guess I am not being diplomatic but as we know, there have been rule of law issues in Poland. The results are a clear sign that Poland wants to be at the heart of Europe and to be a liberal democratic state. This change in direction is to be welcomed.

The issue of migration continues to be a major challenge for the EU. It is clear that there are still disagreements among the EU member states as to how to tackle the problem. It is to be hoped that there will be final agreement on the proposed migration and asylum pact before the current legislative period ends next April. I refer to agreement at the European Council, by the European Commission and in the European Parliament.

The EU now intends to examine the question of enlargement in a determined way. Consideration is now being given to expanding the EU from 27 members to 35 or more. These prospective members include countries in the western Balkans, Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. There is no doubt that this is challenging. As a general principle, Ireland supports enlargement. Membership has been very beneficial for us. The decision-making capacity of the EU will have to be examined in this context, as well as the future of the multi-annual financial framework, MFF, and Common Agricultural Policy, CAP, reform among other things. As the Minister of State is aware, at a recent meeting, members of the Joint Oireachtas Committee on EU Affairs expressed their alarm at the consideration given to an independent Franco-German expert group on this subject at a meeting of the General Affairs Council. They were particularly worried about the recommendations made for institutional reform. We will need to be on top of this matter. It is a subject that deserves our full attention in the coming months and years.

As we know, there have been tensions between Kosovo and Serbia. There has been a flare-up of trouble, so to speak. There is a need for negotiation and dialogue to de-escalate the situation. I understand that the Minister of State is going to deal with that particular subject in his final remarks.

I note that we are celebrating Ireland's 50 years of membership of the EU.

I welcome the recent release by the Central Statistics Office of statistics on EU membership. Those statistics relate to life expectancy, incomes per head, the number of people at work and so on. While not all the improvements in these areas are fully attributable to membership of the EU, it again shows that EU membership has been transformative and highly beneficial for us. I thank the Central Statistics Office for releasing its statistics in that regard and for getting involved in the commemoration of our membership.

De réir Airteagal 21 den Chonradh ar an Aontas Eorpach, ní mór do ghníomhaíochtaí an Aontais thar lear a bheith lárnaithe i bhforlámhas an dlí idirnáisiúnta, uilíocht na gcearta daonna agus dlúthpháirtíocht. Is léir go bhfuil fadhb bhunúsach ann le seachtain anuas, mar cá bhfuil an dlúthpháirtíocht do mhuintir Gaza i gcur chuige an Aontais go dtí seo? Cá bhfuil an bhéim ar chearta daonna na bPalaistíneach neamhchiontach atá á gcur chun báis ag Iosrael, go háirithe páistí? Tá os cionn 2,000 páiste básaithe de réir Defence for Children International ó tosaíodh an dianscrios seo ó Iosrael. Cá bhfuil an cáineadh ar choir chogaidh Iosrael? Cloisimid, mar ba chóir, an cáineadh ar Hamas. Cloisimid cáineadh ar an Rúis ó thaobh na hÚcráine de ach ní chloisimid cáineadh ón Aontas Eorpach maidir le coir chogaidh ag Iosrael. Cén fáth nach bhfuil an conradh EUROMED curtha ar leataobh nó ar athló mar ba chóir? Tá coinníollacha daonlathacha, coinníollacha ó thaobh cúrsaí daonna de agus coinníollacha eile ceangailte leis sin agus tá Iosrael faoi láthair ag déanamh scrios go hiomlán orthu agus ag déanamh neamhaird orthu ina iomlán.

Tá gá, ag an gcruinniú seo, déanamh cinnte de go meabhraíonn an Taoiseach do na feidhmeannaigh neamhthofa sa Choimisiún Eorpach nach bhfuil ról acu labhairt amach ar son na náisiún ar fad san Aontas Eorpach ó thaobh ceisteanna idirnáisiúnta. Tá an ról sin ag an gComhairle Eorpach agus tá siad ag teacht salach go hiomlán ar atá leagtha síos dóibh. Ba chóir déanamh cinnte de nach bhfuil siadsan ag ligean orthu féin gur féidir leo labhairt amach thar ár gceann ar fad, ach go háirithe stáit cosúil linne atá neamhspleách agus neodrach. Caithfear i bhfad Éireann níos mó a dhéanamh chun déanamh cinnte de go bhfuil sos cogaidh ann agus cosaint don ghnáthphobal sa cheantar sin, nach bhfuil siad faoi léigear ag Iosrael nó aon duine eile.

Tagraím freisin do cheist na dteangacha san Aontas Eorpach agus an Chatalóinis ach go háirithe. Bhí uachtarán Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya anseo i dTithe an Oireachtais an tseachtain seo chun cás na Catalóine a chur chun cinn. Is fear é a chaith tréimhse i bpríosún de thairbhe gur sheas sé leis an bpobal a bhí tar éis cinneadh a dhéanamh poblacht neamhspleách a dhéanamh den Chatalóin i reifreann. Tá saoirse aige anois ach níl saoirse go hiomlán ag an teanga. Le linn na cúirte, chuir sé ceist na teanga orainn. Tá an Chatalóinis i measc na dteangacha is mó labhartha san Aontas Eorpach. Dúirt sé gur chóir go mbeadh sí mar cheann de na teangacha oibre ann. Tá tacaíocht léirithe cheana féin ag an Aire Stáit maidir leis seo ach caithfear i bhfad Éireann níos mó a dhéanamh ina leith. Chuirfeadh sé scéal iontach amach do na teangacha neamhfhorleathana san Eoraip go bhfuil stádas ar leith á fháil ag an mBascais, ag an gCatalóinis agus mar sin agus Rialtas na Spáinne sásta é sin a dhéanamh. Ní raibh sé sásta é a dhéanamh roimhe seo. Tá an deis ann agus caithfimid an deis sin a thapú san Eoraip.

I am glad to be able to speak today in advance of the European Council meeting at such an important time in the world with what is going on in Gaza and in the Middle East in general. Like most right-thinking people, I was horrified to hear the comments of the European Commission President, Ms von der Leyen, at the outset of this. I listened to the Taoiseach on Leaders' Questions yesterday responding to an Teachta McDonald. He was giving her a kind of tuition as to how, if she were in his shoes going to these meetings, she would have to behave, talk, listen and engage. We all understand the ground rules with 27 members and whatever. However, it is time that we in Ireland asserted ourselves under the tricolour as a peaceful nation and insisted on that. Instead, we have hitched ourselves up completely to the Ukrainian wagon. Are we now going to come out on the side of Israel here? I utterly condemn what Hamas did and is doing. I utterly condemn what Israel is doing, with the United States and everybody else homing in there. We are in a very dangerous area.

I hope our advice and the advice of our people, our Taoiseach and an Aire Stáit, is that we are not happy with this. We are recognised - our passports are recognised all over the world - as an independent and neutral State and we punch way above our weight. Now we are completely on this bandwagon in Europe. We all climb on behind the one wagon and hitch ourselves to any kinds of policies at all at the behest of some bigger powers in that group, namely, Germany, France, England and others. We are just the good boys in the class and with a nod and a wink do what they want to do.

The Tánaiste, Deputy Micheál Martin, has said that our neutrality is now outdated. Is he saying those kinds of things over at these meetings? He does not represent us if he is. I am not sure what the Minister of State, Deputy Peter Burke, is saying over there, but I want him to say that we are a proud independent people who play our part. Our neutrality has served us well. As a neutral country, we have been able to be peace brokers and punch above our weight many times. However, we have this shift now. I reiterate what I said this morning - I do not see why we should have the Ukrainian flag at the same level as our tricolour outside Leinster House. I walked out at dusk yesterday evening as a member of the military police was taking it down. Why should we have it? We are Ireland, and the tricolour represents us. We are not Ukraine.

It is amazing how Ukraine is forgotten about when the Americans and others are putting their energy into the troubles in the Middle East. As far as I am concerned, we have overstepped ourselves with the Russia-Ukraine war. I am not condoning what Russia has done, but I am questioning practices on the part of President Zelenskyy and his team out there and what they have done to their own people for the past ten years. No one in the media or anywhere else wants to mention that. We are all just focused on a big global issue. We are all in it together and we would do anything. Someone, I believe the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, picked me up suggesting that I mentioned bombs. I did not. I mentioned bullets, helmets and clothing being supplied. Our soldiers are training Ukrainians on how to clear land mines. What will be next? Where will it stop? We might as well be part of the war as to be doing those things. I want to hear reports back that we are representing Ireland, Éire, a neutral country and we are proud of that. We will stay proud of it and we will serve our country better by doing that.

Our peacekeepers are out there and are all over the world and are recognised. Unfortunately, the Government has abandoned the Jadotville peacekeepers who fought that momentous battle despite being so outnumbered all those years ago in the Congo. The Tánaiste promised to do everything for them before he became Taoiseach and now he will not even meet them. These people must be recognised for what they have done. We must support our peacekeepers as a country that likes its involvement in peacekeeping. Our neutrality will keep us in that position in Europe.

One of the previous speakers mentioned the seven new countries set to join. It is getting ever bigger. I have question marks over project Europe especially when you lose your identity and your soul, if they ever had one. I want the Minister of State and the Taoiseach to assert themselves and be heard as a voice for peace and neutrality.

In the lead-up to the European Council meetings, I take this opportunity to call on Ursula von der Leyen to resign her position as President of the European Commission immediately in light of her comments on the conflict in Palestine and her trip to Israel, where she met Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. After that meeting, she released a statement that backed "Israel's right to defend itself against the Hamas terrorists", justifying Israel's horrific decision to cut off food, water and electricity to civilians in Gaza, as well as the unforgivable bombing of innocent people in Gaza while Israel claimed self-defence. President von der Leyen massively overstepped the mark. Her actions are not only unacceptable but also unforgivable and extremely dangerous. She cannot be allowed to continue in her role as President of the European Commission. In fact, she cannot be allowed to represent the EU in any form any longer. She does not represent Europe as a whole and she certainly does not represent Ireland.

Sadly, however, her comments do reflect the stance of many European leaders and the true nature of the European Union. It is time that true nature was exposed to European citizens. What Europe is slowly turning into before our eyes is a facilitator of war and a supporter of oppressors. In reality, however, it has always been that way. Let us not forget that ten of the world's main colonisers are European countries. In reality, the peace project that is the European Union has never been strong in calling for peace or in standing in solidarity with the oppressed. We, as European citizens, cannot allow Europe to continue to facilitate those calling for war, destruction and a European army in our name. Von der Leyen is just one of many with this view and goal for Europe. I urge Irish people to keep this in mind when voting in the European elections next year. European leaders should value the fundamental principles of human rights and democracy. The undermining of international law is completely unacceptable.

Ursula von der Leyen's position should be discussed at the upcoming European Council meeting as well as the fact that her actions not only bypassed the Council but also disregarded the separation of powers within the European Union, according to which foreign policy is determined not by the Commission but by the Council of the European Union. That is where such policy should be devised, and not by an unelected chairperson of that committee.

In the very short time available, I will concentrate on the EU Council's response to the situation in the Middle East.

Before that, however, I will refer briefly to two other issues. First is the review of the MFF. This is a core matter for the EU and determines the moneys at our disposal to pursue our priorities. I see there are new proposals in that regard on own resources. While I know it is only the start of the negotiation, nonetheless I hope Ireland will be supportive of moves to reform and increase the MFF. I heard Deputy Ó Cathasaigh earlier refer to the absolute need to fund the European Green Deal biodiversity and nature restoration measures. I fully agree and I emphasise very clearly that those of us who questioned the Commission's proposals on the nature restoration plan had two main concerns: first, that it would be voluntary at farm level and, second, that it would be funded. If we revise the MFF, it certainly can go in that direction.

We must not neglect what is happening in Ukraine in light of the horrific situation in the Middle East. In that context I noted the invitation from Charles Michel to Heads of State to attend the Council meeting. He said: "Our responsibility is to remain united and coherent and to act in line with our values as enshrined in the Treaties." "Coherent" is a very important word in that our policy on the Middle East must be coherent with our policy on Ukraine and must be in line with EU values at this time, with the Israeli bombardment of Gaza and the unfolding humanitarian crisis. It is worth listing those values. They are: human dignity; freedom; democracy; equality; rule of law; and human rights.

I have little time left, but perhaps the best way to spend it is to quote the wise, contextualised words of the Secretary General of the UN, António Guterres. He condemned the atrocities on all sides and put the situation in context when he said: "the grievances of the Palestinian people cannot justify the appalling attacks by Hamas. And those appalling attacks cannot justify the collective punishment of the Palestinian people." He also stated: "Even war has rules. We must demand that all parties uphold and respect their obligations under international humanitarian law." Sometimes people say the UN is toothless and needs to be reformed. Maybe so, but yesterday it earned its stripes. Yesterday and today, António Guterres stood up and was counted.

I thank all Deputies for their comments. I will focus my remarks on the Sahel, Serbia and Kosovo, Nagorno-Karabakh, preparations for COP28 and damage to critical infrastructure in the Baltic Sea.

I echo the Taoiseach's comments on the appalling situation in the Middle East. The Government condemns Hamas's brutal attack on Israel and recognises the right of Israel to defend itself but stresses that it must be done within the parameters of international humanitarian law. The needless destruction of life must cease. Ireland calls for a humanitarian pause to hostilities to provide space in which the immediate humanitarian needs of all civilians in Gaza can be met.

I also join the Taoiseach in expressing my condolences to France and Sweden following the recent killing and injuring of Swedish and French citizens as a result of terrorist attacks in France and Belgium.

Leaders will hold a strategic discussion on the current situation in the Sahel. The continuing deterioration of security in the region, aggravated by political instability, is very concerning. Discussions will focus on continuing engagement with partners in the region that are open to co-operation and with regional organisations, notably the Economic Community of West African States. Leaders will highlight the importance of stability in the Sahel for wider regional and EU security, while underlining concerns about the humanitarian needs of those living in the Sahel.

Tensions in northern Kosovo are still very high. Leaders will discuss the current situation and reiterate calls for de-escalation. The primary objective at this point must be to avoid further escalation and violence. A full investigation with proper international oversight is needed to establish the facts of what happened during the 24 September attack on the Kosovo police. Serbia should fully co-operate with the investigation to ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice. Ireland and the EU are encouraging both sides to take steps to de-escalate the tensions and to return to constructive collaboration within the framework of the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue. The current stalemate in progress on the dialogue is of great concern. All of us on this island know that peace negotiations can be difficult, but the alternative is much worse. Dialogue needs to be based on established facts. It is important that all those involved refrain from using inflammatory rhetoric.

Ireland welcomes the recent indication from the minority Serb party in Kosovo, Srpska Lista, regarding their readiness to participate in fresh elections in northern Kosovo. We encourage Pristina to swiftly call those elections as a first step in bringing Kosovo-Serbs back into the Kosovo institutions.

A decision has been made to enhance the presence of the UN-mandated NATO-led Kosovo Force, KFOR. While KFOR has been clear that it does not intend to take over security responsibilities in northern Kosovo from the Kosovo police, its reinforcement of the force is welcome as it will help ensure that KFOR is ready to respond should the situation change. The Irish contingent of 13 members of the Irish Defence Forces currently serving with KFOR demonstrates Ireland's commitment to supporting stability in Kosovo and the wider western Balkans region. I commend our troops on their professionalism and positive contribution to KFOR.

Leaders will also reiterate support for a lasting peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan based on mutual recognition of sovereignty, the inviolability of borders and territorial integrity. Ireland condemns Azerbaijan's military escalation in Nagorno-Karabakh. We are deeply concerned about the large exodus of Karabakh Armenians. More than 100,000 of the estimated 120,000 pre-conflict local population have now fled to Armenia. Ensuring the welfare and protection of the civilian population, most of whom are now effectively refugees and must have the right to return, must be at the core of the EU response. We are closely monitoring developments, and leaders will continue discussions on developments at the upcoming European Council meeting. Co-ordination with partners across the multilateral system, including the Council of Europe, the OSCE and the UN, is essential.

We welcome the EU's efforts to facilitate dialogue between the sides, particularly those of European Council President Michel. We hope that a leader-level meeting will take place in Brussels soon and that this will allow for a genuine dialogue to take place to ensure a sustainable and comprehensive peace.

The Taoiseach met with Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan in the margins of the European Political Community meeting in Granada on 5 October and expressed his concern that Karabakh Armenians have felt forced to flee their homeland en masse, and outlined EU and Irish assistance. Some €10.45 million in EU funding has been confirmed to help those who have been displaced by the conflict. Ireland is providing assistance via the People in Need organisation and also provides funding to the International Committee of the Red Cross and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, both of which are active in the peace response.

The European Council will also take stock of preparations for COP28. The United Arab Emirates will host the 28th Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change from 30 November to 12 December 2023 at Expo City, Dubai. This year's COP is of particular significance as it marks the conclusion of the first global stocktake, a comprehensive assessment of the progress made in achieving the goals of the Paris Agreement. It is also seen as a halfway point between the Paris Agreement and the 2030 deadline for greenhouse gas emissions to decline. The first global stocktake will offer a moment to reflect on progress made to date, but importantly, should also stimulate the necessary action to keep global temperature increases to 1.5°C. Ireland has actively engaged with EU member states and others to prepare for COP28. The recently agreed EU Environment Council conclusions set out the EU's ambitions and priorities for the forthcoming COP and reaffirm our collective goal of offering leadership on climate action globally. Ireland looks forward to playing an active role at COP28 as part of the European team and hopes to see ambitious and meaningful progress on climate finance, loss and damage, the mitigation work programme and the global goal on adaptation.

Leaders will also consider recent damage to critical infrastructure in the Baltic Sea that appears to have been caused by external activity. This is of great concern to all of us. Measures to strengthen the security and durability of critical infrastructure are necessary, as well as a united EU approach to crisis preparedness. Finland, Estonia and Sweden must have Ireland's solidarity in this regard. While this incident took place in the Baltic Sea, it affects us all.

Before I conclude, I would like to mention that I was in Chişinu last week for the fourth meeting of the Moldova Support Platform, an initiative of Romania, Germany and France that aims to mobilise political, technical, and financial support for Moldova from the EU institutions and member states, G7 nations, international financial institutions and global organisations, as well as other partners. I welcome that a discussion on Moldova's application to join the EU, together with Ukraine's, will next take place at the December meeting of the European Council and I hope that leaders will decide to open accession negotiations based on a positive assessment from the European Commission, an assessment which is due in early November.

I thank Members again for their active participation across this debate. The Taoiseach will report to the House following this week's European Council on Thursday and Friday.

Cuireadh an Dáil ar fionraí ar 3.33 p.m. agus cuireadh tús leis arís ar 4.35 p.m.
Sitting suspended at 3.33 p.m. and resumed at 4.35 p.m.
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