Post-European Council Meeting: Statements

The Taoiseach

I attended a meeting of the European Council on 26 and 27 October in Brussels. The agenda covered the Middle East, Ukraine and other external matters, as well as economic issues and migration. A Euro summit also took place. In his contribution later, the Minister of State, Deputy Burke, will provide further detail on migration, as well as some of the external relations issues discussed. These included the Sahel, Serbia and Kosovo, Armenia and Azerbaijan, preparations for COP28, and damage to critical infrastructure in the Baltic Sea. I will deal with all other issues.

Our meeting took place against a deteriorating situation in Gaza, as Israel intensified its response to Hamas's terrorist attack of 7 October. As the House will be all too aware, it has become significantly worse in the period since. We had a long and at times difficult discussion given the very different perspectives and views around the table. We managed to reach agreement on a set of conclusions in which we reaffirmed our statement of 15 October. We condemned Hamas for its brutal and indiscriminate attack, acknowledged Israel's right to defend herself in line with international humanitarian law, called on Hamas to release all hostages without precondition and expressed our continuing commitment to a lasting and sustainable peace based on a two-state solution. We reviewed the ongoing work to safeguard civilians and bring about an end to this conflict, including our efforts to assist EU citizens in the region. We expressed our grave concern at the deepening humanitarian crisis in Gaza, calling for continued, rapid, safe and unhindered humanitarian access and aid, including through humanitarian corridors and pauses for humanitarian needs.

As is becoming increasingly common in conflict situations, along with conflict on the ground there is a parallel war of words and opinions online. Accurate information can be hard to get. Recognising this, the European Council noted the importance of combatting the dissemination of disinformation and illegal content.

While it was possible for the 27 member states to align themselves around important issues of principle in the conclusions, given the diversity of opinion, EU member states voted differently when it came to the adoption of a resolution by the General Assembly of the United Nations later, on 27 October, calling for a humanitarian truce. Ireland voted in favour of the resolution alongside Belgium, France, Luxembourg, Malta, Portugal, Slovenia and Spain, as did other like-minded European countries, including Switzerland, Norway, Andorra, Liechtenstein and Montenegro. Most other EU member states abstained, with Austria, Czechia, Hungary and Croatia voting against. We will continue to engage with international partners, both within the EU and beyond, to seek to bring an end to the conflict and to bring humanitarian relief to the people in Gaza whose profound suffering we are witnessing daily.

I utterly condemn Hamas for its brutal and provocative terrorist attack. The description of what it perpetrated against innocent civilians at a music festival, on a kibbutz and in their homes in the early morning is almost beyond imagining. It was a pogrom. I stand in complete sympathy with those who lost family members, those who suffered horrible injuries and those who do not, even now, know the fate of their loved ones. We remember Kim Damti whose mother is from County Laois and I have Emily Hand and her family very much in my thoughts also. Hamas should immediately release all hostages without precondition.

I have been equally clear that Israel’s response must be in line with international humanitarian law. That means a proportionate approach and all steps must be taken to protect civilians. The scale of death, injury and destruction in Gaza is horrifying. The large number of children who have been killed or who have witnessed the death of parents and other family members or seen the destruction of their family homes is particularly disturbing. This is trauma they will carry with them for the rest of their lives and it will not make Israel more secure in the long term. I was especially horrified at the high number of civilian casualties following Israel’s bombing of the Jabalia refugee camp. I extend my condolences to the family and friends of the heroic UN and other aid workers who have been killed as they have sought to help the people in Gaza and to those of journalists who have lost their lives working to bring the situation to world attention.

Ultimately, there can be no solution to situations of conflict without dialogue and diplomacy and no solution other than a just and lasting peace. It is therefore important that diplomatic channels are kept open, including engaging with Israel through its embassy in Dublin and through our embassy in Tel Aviv. Such channels are important in normal times but they are especially so at times of conflict and tension, not least as we continue our efforts to enable all Irish citizens in Gaza to leave safely should they wish to do so.

Ireland will continue to engage with international partners, especially in the region, to avoid escalation and to bring hostilities to an end. We have already seen a concerning increase in violence and deaths in the West Bank, including increased incidents of settler violence and displacement of Palestinian communities. We have seen a disturbing rise in anti-Semitism and Islamophobia around the world, as well as terrorist attacks in Belgium and France. We have seen increased tension between northern Israel and southern Lebanon in areas where Irish members of the Defence Forces are serving with the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, UNIFIL. We must all continue to work for peace and to call for political leadership on all sides to make it possible.

While the situation in Palestine is naturally demanding global attention, Russia is continuing to prosecute its war of imperialist aggression against the people of Ukraine. There too civilians are suffering as cities, towns and villages, as well as civilian infrastructure, are deliberately targeted. The situation in Ukraine must continue to have our attention. Have no doubt, Russia will seek to gain whatever advantage it can if it thinks we are distracted by events elsewhere. This point was highlighted in our discussion of Ukraine and we reaffirmed our unwavering solidarity with Ukraine and our commitment to its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. We will continue to assist Ukraine for as long as it takes and until victory.

Leaders considered a range of topics, including continuing to provide sustainable assistance to Ukraine through the European Peace Facility and the EU military assistance mission, as well as bilateral assistance. We also agreed that in the longer term, the EU will contribute to security guarantees for Ukraine to help it defend itself, resist destabilisation efforts and deter acts of aggression in the future. The Council has invited High Representative Borrell to consult with Ukraine on this and to report back to the European Council meeting in December.

Ukraine faces another difficult winter. Leaders agreed to intensify provision of humanitarian and civil protection assistance. Such assistance will include power generators, transformers, mobile heating stations and high-voltage lighting equipment to support the Ukrainian people in the months ahead. To date, Ireland has provided more than €210 million in assistance to the Ukrainian people. This has comprised more than €90 million in stabilisation and humanitarian aid and €122 million in non-lethal military assistance under the European Peace Facility. Ireland’s assistance to Ukraine is directed exclusively towards non-lethal aid and this policy will be maintained into the future. We will also continue to intensify diplomatic outreach efforts to ensure the widest possible international support for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. Ireland firmly endorses President Zelenskyy’s peace formula. It is up to Ukraine to determine the terms, conditions and timelines for any peace engagement.

While peace is the priority, once it is achieved, our work will not be done. Ukraine must be rebuilt and Russia held to account. Ukraine’s future, like that of its neighbours in Moldova and Georgia, is in the European Union. I look forward to reading the report of the European Commission on the steps Ukraine has taken to prepare for membership, which we will consider at the meeting of the European Council before Christmas. I hope it will prove possible for accession negotiations to start by the end of the year.

The October European Council held a political discussion on the proposed revision of the EU’s long-term budget, the multi-annual financial framework, MFF, which runs from 2021 to 2027. Exchanges were informed by a stocktaking document prepared by the Spanish Presidency summarising the progress made to date. While most members share the goal to reach an agreement as soon as possible, not all share the same political priorities and there are diverging views on the financing options. The mid-term revision proposed by the Commission in June was based on an overall amount of close to €100 billion, of which two thirds would be new contributions from member states and one third would correspond to new loans to Ukraine guaranteed by the EU. There is broad agreement on providing for sustainable multi-annual funding to Ukraine of €50 billion, comprising €33 billion in loans and €17 billion in grants. Ireland is strongly in favour of reaching agreement on a multi-annual funding package for Ukraine as soon as possible.

There are diverging views among member states on the other elements of the proposed package, including the extent to which there may be further potential for redeployments from unallocated funds to new priorities. These other elements of the Commission’s proposals cover spending on agreed political priorities such as migration and external action, investments in strategic technologies, as well as technical adjustments such as increased interest costs on Next Generation EU borrowings. Leaders invited the Council to continue its work at both technical and political levels, with a view to reaching an overall agreement by the end of the year. Ireland will continue to engage constructively to this end.

Leaders also returned to economic and competitiveness issues more generally, including the Single Market, industrial policy and energy. The European Council underlined the need to accelerate work on developing the EU’s competitive edge in digital and clean technologies, securing a sufficient supply of clean and affordable energy, reducing key critical dependencies, diversifying supply chains through strategic partnerships and fostering the transition towards a more circular economy. Important elements include prompt agreement on the critical raw materials Act, the net-zero industry Act and the reform of the electricity market. Ireland continues to highlight in this context the importance of safeguarding the Single Market and the level playing field among the member states on which it is built, as well as improving the framework conditions for investment.

Ireland endorses the goal of a reformed economic governance framework that is simpler and more transparent, with greater national ownership guiding more effective implementation, including through necessary public investments. I therefore welcome the European Council’s invitation to ministers to take work forward on the economic governance review, with a view to reaching an agreement by the end of the year. We were briefed in the Euro Summit format by the President of the European Central Bank, Christine Lagarde, and the President of the Eurogroup, the Minister, Deputy Paschal Donohoe. Our exchanges focused on the economic and financial situation in the Union, including co-ordination of fiscal policies, banking union, capital markets union and preparations for the possible introduction of the digital euro.

I will travel to Brussels again in December for the final meeting of the European Council this year. I hope at that meeting that it will be possible to make progress on fundamental questions around the future of the EU, including the mid-term review of the MFF and EU enlargement.

Deputy Matt Carthy

When we were here this day last week the Taoiseach commented that more than 5,000 people were reported to have been killed in Israeli strikes on Gaza.

That figure now stands at well over 10,000. We should all stop and think about those numbers for a moment. More people have been killed in Gaza in a single week than during the entire conflict in the North of Ireland. Substantially more, in fact, have been killed by Israel over seven days than by all actors to the conflict in Ireland over 30 years. The scale is simply beyond comprehension. Of all those who have been killed by Israel, over 4,000 have been children, over 600 have been elderly and almost 3,000 have been adult women. It continues and the world is allowing it to continue.

Best estimates suggest that there are 2,800 Palestinian civilians currently under rubble, including 1,300 children. I say "estimates" as the precise numbers cannot be determined because Israel continues to drop bombs and because of fuel shortages and communication difficulties resulting from its siege.

Virtually every statement from a western leader on these issues begins with the words, "Israel has a right". We must make it absolutely clear Israel does not have the right to engage in this ferocious, aggressive assault against the civilian population of Gaza. Israel does not have the right to forcibly displace over 1.5 million people. I do not believe this needs to be said but Israel does not have the right to target and bomb hospitals, schools and mosques or destroy refugee camps killing entire families, children, the elderly and people with a disability. No one has that right, not Hamas, not Russia and not Israel. Nor do world leaders have the right to apply double standards. We were all outraged by the attacks on Israeli civilians last month by Hamas. Our calls for a ceasefire includes Hamas and we repeat our demand that all hostages be immediately released. If, however, the outrage and condemnation at the killing of an innocent Israeli child is not matched by equal outrage and condemnation at the killing of an innocent Palestinian child, then the entire basis of international law is cut to shreds. If world leaders stand silent when 90 United Nations Relief and Works Agency, UNRWA, staff, 192 healthcare personnel, 36 civil defence personnel and 40 journalists are killed by Israel, where lies any authority to ever again point the finger at any other hostile, aggressive action on the part of anyone else?

Ireland has called for a ceasefire. This House is united in that demand, and rightly so. We are in a minority of EU states in that regard and shame on those who refuse to back that humanitarian call. We are, however, clearly in a majority of humanity. The UN General Assembly has overwhelmingly adopted a resolution calling for a ceasefire and Israel has ignored that call. If anything, Israel has intensified its indiscriminate and illegal actions. The ongoing assaults on the West Bank expose as a lie any notion that this is a war against Hamas. It is an attempt to finally conquer and destroy the Palestinian people.

Israeli forces have now entered Gaza. The Israeli Prime Minister has indicated that Israel intends to occupy Gaza. The natural question that emerges is this: What are we going to do about it? Above all, and this is important and must be said repeatedly, our calls for a full, unconditional ceasefire and for the release of hostages, the delivery of adequate humanitarian and an end to the siege and invasion of Gaza must intensify. If, however, Israel continues to defy the will of the world, there must be a price. The international community must now take action to enforce international law.

From an Irish perspective, all available diplomatic, legislative and political options must be deployed by the Government to force Israel to end the barbaric attacks. The Taoiseach's responses to these requests to date are essentially twofold, first, that other EU states will not support sanctions and, second, that Israel would ignore them anyway. These are arguments, in my view, for taking these actions because if others will not act, then we must. We simply cannot stand by while a country that has engaged in the most prolonged and intensive disregard for international law continues to enjoy preferential trading and preferential economic and diplomatic relationships that should be confined to those states that operate to the highest standards of human rights. If we do not take action, the inference is clear; it is that our outrage at the killing of an Israeli child is not matched by equal outrage at the killing of a Palestinian child. If we allow that inference to continue, rather than being a champion of international law and the UN charter that we all strive to be, Ireland will instead become complicit in making those principles meaningless.

Deputy Brendan Howlin

Clearly, one issue dominated the European Council and, indeed, dominates all our thoughts in this House, in this country and in Europe and beyond. The carnage we are witnessing on a daily basis in Gaza is truly sickening. Our first priority must be to halt the killing, to have a ceasefire. This House united in that regard when the vote was put.

I welcome the efforts of the Taoiseach to build support for a ceasefire within the European Union. Although a position was arrived at among the EU 27 which managed to find agreement, it was not a call for a ceasefire, rather a call for pauses to allow for humanitarian assistance to enter Gaza and hostages to be released.

I understand the deep trauma felt in Israel at the 7 October attack by Hamas. Going door to door killing men, women and children and abducting infants and the elderly revisited the darkest moments of Jewish history but there can be no justification or rationalisation for what the state of Israel has done since. The systematic destruction, block by block, street by street, of one of the most densely populated areas in the world and the mass killing of civilians - children, elderly and women - must surely constitute a crime against humanity. It must stop. All of us with a voice must call for it to stop.

The division among the EU 27 was laid bare, as the Taoiseach stated, at the UN General Assembly vote. Although the resolution introduced by Jordan was supported by 121 countries, with 14 against and 44 abstentions, eight EU member states - Belgium, France, Luxembourg, Portugal, Spain, Slovenia, Malta and Ireland - voted for it but four - Austria, Croatia, Czechia and Hungary - voted against and the majority, 15 member states, abstained.

There can be no military solution to this conflict. The killing will end, please God, soon. The future must be built on a foundation that will not constantly revisit pain and suffering on generation after generation. It must address the need for a safe and sovereign state of Israel side by side with a free, sovereign and viable state of Palestine.

The world cannot be onlookers. Ireland, small as it is, must be loud in our voice for peace now and we must constitute a building block of states to press with all our might for the only solution that will ensure the future, on in which yet unborn Palestinians and Israelis can grow and prosper without fear.

Hamas must release the terrified hostages that it currently holds, probably underground, including our own citizen, Emily Hand. The bombardment of Gaza must stop and the killing and eviction of Palestinians living in the occupied West Bank must stop. It is almost unnoticed that, as the appalling unfolding tragedy of Gaza is shown on our screens hourly, the systematic eviction of families that have for generations been in the West Bank on land they have owned, forced out both by settlers and the Israeli military, is a shocking additional crime.

We on this island know full well that in Yeats's words:

Too long a sacrifice

Can make a stone of the heart.

We are watching a great horror. We know that in every community, every village and every meeting we go to and every time we look at our emails, the Irish people are begging and demanding that we do something to end this horror.

Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú

The nightmare for the Palestinian people continues. We know what Gaza is. It is an open prison and has been for many years. We know what the Palestinian people have been dealing with in Gaza. We also know what they have been dealing with lately. We know that no hope is being provided to these people. We know at this point in time there is nowhere to run. We are talking about 2.3 million people, two thirds of whom have been internally displaced. That sounds like a reasonable phrase but the reality is that they have been forced to run. This is without the resources they need. There is no food, there is a lack of water and there is no fuel. The fact is that it is okay because Israel says it always aims to make sure it limits the numbers of civilian casualties because it is very good at sending text messages. Well, none of this is in any way good enough.

It is not okay for us to say we cannot get the powers that be at European Council meetings to move. I accept that some countries for obvious reasons have guilt regarding the nightmare that was the Holocaust for the Jewish people and what went before it but that is not sufficient to give a green light for what is modern-day ethnic cleansing and genocide. It is in no way acceptable. If we cannot get some of our EU partners to move, surely we can work with those that are willing to put their names forward and call out what is happening; that it is ethnic cleansing and genocide.

We also know at this point in time that while the Israelis are doing this, we do not know their final plan is. We hear what is in the public domain and it is frightening. The fact is the European Commission and Ursula von der Leyen and the likes of Joe Biden in particular provided Israel with the initial green light and cover that allowed for a disgraceful free run so that Israel knew it would have no difficulty doing what it has done in bombing from the air. We now see 10,000 Palestinian deaths. It is beyond contemplation because we thought we understood what the rules were from an Israeli point of view.

This is Benjamin Netanyahu, who sold himself to the Israeli people on the basis that he was the guy who could provide security but who led to the greatest intelligence failure since the Yom Kippur War when Israel did not see Arab armies coming. At that time, Moshe Dayan was forced to resign but there is one thing that can be said about Benjamin Netanyahu. He is an absolute charlatan and chancer even if you remove the political context. He is one of these populist strongmen. He has in no way been called out. Some of his partners in government are racists and supremacists. He has been completely against the two-state solution. He has been willing at times to back Hamas - this is in the public domain - in using it as an asset. He is quite happy that there are two power blocs in Palestine but it is all about ensuring the elimination of the possibility of a two-state solution.

Deputy Gary Gannon

The reports of the last European Council meeting emphasised three points above all else, namely, the condemnation of Hamas in the strongest possible terms, the recognition of Israel's right to defend itself in line with international law and a call on Hamas to immediately release all hostages without no preconditions. These findings taken on their own seem fair. Hamas should be condemned for its brutal attack, it should release all hostages without preconditions and Israel does have a right to defend itself in accordance with international law. However, context is everything. First, it is blatantly obvious that Israel's actions, the atrocities it has committed, are in breach of international law. The blanket bombing of Gaza equates to an annihilation, which can only be described as encroaching genocide of the Palestinian people.

To call for Israel's right to self-defence to be respected while it indiscriminately murders innocent families, children and babies who have no comprehension of these atrocities, and sadly never will, is hypocrisy and barbarism. It is repulsive to the highest degree. These calls create a hierarchy of who deserves to live and who deserves to die. They present a position that the EU believes one group of people have a right to defend themselves while another does not. It is sickening. We should condemn Hamas, call for the release of hostages and acknowledge Israel's right to defend itself but only if Palestine is afforded the same rights in accordance with international law. The leaders of the EU, which is supposedly a bastion of peace and humanity, continue to sit around tables and refuse to even call for a ceasefire. These EU leaders do not seem to remember that above all else, the EU was founded as a peace project. What has it become?

More than 10,000 people have killed in just one month, including over 4,000 children, 80 UN workers and 39 journalists. Some 1.5 million people have been displaced. Yesterday I tweeted a figure of 4,237 children murdered during this time. By the time I constructed that tweet, the figure would already have been out of date. It is horrendous. This is only 28 days into the war. There are decades of the EU's ignorance regarding the refusal to acknowledge the apartheid state Israel imposes on the Palestinian people and the state-backed violence it has committed for generations. The European Council cannot even say "ceasefire" just like it could not say "apartheid". The European peace project is failing before our eyes.

As for the Irish response to Israel's crimes, the Government has failed to evade the hypocrisy that has become entrenched at international level. I do not doubt for a second that in a European context, we have stood out but only because the bar is so low. Words of condemnation are important but they are not enough. They are meaningless to those being slaughtered. I have long called for the enactment of the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018 and the Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill but this call has never been more important. As my party leader, Deputy Cairns, emphasised yesterday, the EU must also act. Trade is governed by the EU-Israel association agreement, which has a human rights clause enabling either side to unilaterally suspend the agreement in response to serious breaches of human rights. Now is the time to activate that clause. If not now, when almost 4,500 children are being unmercifully killed then when? When my party leader raised this with the Taoiseach yesterday, he said that Ireland will not act unilaterally and that at the next meeting of the European Council, he will once again call for a ceasefire. I do not doubt for a second the importance of this call for a ceasefire but this meeting is six weeks away. Think of what is happened during the past 28 days. Are we still telling ourselves that six weeks from now, we will hold the same position? We cannot.

When Russia began its illegal invasion of Ukraine, the Government enacted sanctions on the aggressor for its crimes. It was the Taoiseach who made that comparison today when he was asked about the expulsion of the Israeli ambassador. He said that just as we did not expel the Russian ambassador, we will not expel the Israeli ambassador. However, we did do something very different. We enacted far-reaching sanctions that held Russia to account for its actions. While I appreciate that we did not act alone, we did act. This is the difference. The Taoiseach understands that condemnation without action is useless. The innocents of Palestine are facing the same fate, yet their suffering and plight mean less to the Government than that of anyone else. Its response or lack thereof clearly demonstrates a hypocrisy at our level and EU level. An explanation must be provided as to why this Government thinks differently when two groups of innocents face hellfire yet we will not get one, which is simply unjustifiable. We must act unilaterally. As the Tánaiste and the Taoiseach have already admitted, the EU continues to fall short of effective actions and looks like it will continue to do so for some time.

As a republic, the Irish State has from the very foundation been a maverick at UN level. Founders of the Minister of State's own party such as Frank Aiken were mavericks at UN level but we are now told that we simply will not act unilaterally at this point. Why can we not? I passionately want us to be part of the European Union project but does that mean I sit on my hands simply because others fail to act while children are being slaughtered? Absolutely not.

In the brief time left to me, I will touch on countries that are banning protests in response to this inhumanity. Can the Minister of State imagine that? They are banning protest. I am talking about countries like Germany and France and, although it has left the EU, the UK. There was a tweet in the UK yesterday asking people not to protest on armistice day. Imagine the hypocrisy of that. Imagine a nation that wants to claim it stood against fascism asking for that fight to be celebrated by banning protest. The world is being turned on its head. Germany, a country that is supposedly at the epicentre of the EU project, has arrested and suppressed peaceful Palestinian protesters, while allowing rallies in support of Israel just streets away. In Berlin, schools have been banning "Free Palestine" stickers and traditional Palestinian scarves. We all know where such suppression can lead. In France, the interior minister, Gérald Darmanin, has issued instructions for all pro-Palestinian protests to be prohibited because they are likely to generate public order disturbances. If ever there was a time to disturb a busy street in a peaceful manner, it is in the face of the horror we are now witnessing.

During pre- and post-European Council statements a couple of years ago, we used to talk about infringements of the rule of law with reference to countries such as Hungary and Poland. Now, France, Germany and others are banning protest. What is the world coming to? In that light, I hope to God the Irish State finds courage to go beyond itself and act unilaterally.

Deputy Marc Ó Cathasaigh

The issue in the Middle East rightly dominated the European Council meeting, just as it is rightly dominating this debate today. Although there is much else happening in the world, it is only right and proper that our attention is focused on the unfolding humanitarian disaster playing out in Gaza. I am looking at the conclusions adopted by the European Council, which are like minutes published after the meeting, and something within them is extremely striking. Look at the clarity of language when talking about Ukraine. The conclusions read:

The European Council reiterates its resolute condemnation of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, which constitutes a manifest violation of the UN Charter, and reaffirms the European Union’s unwavering support for Ukraine’s independence [and so on.]

That statement is very clear, as it should be. However, when I turn to the section on the Middle East, the language is far more muddled. It says the European Council acknowledges that Israel is the victim of "brutal and indiscriminate terrorist attacks". That is entirely right and proper. We all absolutely repudiate the actions of Hamas. The Council describes the impact of the disproportionate bombing of Gaza as "tragic scenes". That is a sea change in terms of language. The Council also condemns Hamas for using civilians as human shields, describing it as a "deplorable atrocity". Again, this is 100% merited. We should absolutely be using language of that clarity to describe the use of human shields. However, the Council does not mention that 40% of the 10,000 killed in the bombardment of Gaza have been children. It makes no reference to that fact.

The scale of this man-made catastrophe is difficult to comprehend. Doctors are having to make decisions as to who they can and cannot help. Faris Al-Jawad, who works for Médecins Sans Frontières on the ground in Palestine, has described how an 11-year-old had his foot amputated on a hospital floor without anaesthetic as the result of a lack of medicinal supplies. I am the parent of an 11-year-old and, like most parents here, I try hard to maintain the conceit that I can protect him against the things that are happening in the world around us. However, there is no earthly way a father in Palestine would be able to maintain that fiction. There is no way he could convince himself that his best efforts will be enough to protect his children.

EU leaders at the Council stressed that they would work to facilitate access for food, water, medicinal supplies, fuel and shelter but, for many in Gaza, it is already too late. António Guterres has talked about the nightmare in Gaza becoming more than a humanitarian crisis, that it is a crisis of humanity. He has described Gaza as becoming a graveyard for children. Deputy Carthy spoke about comparison and asked how one can compare tragedies but it is an entirely valid point that the number of people who lost their lives during the 30 years of the Troubles has already been dwarfed by the number of people who have lost their lives in Gaza. How many of those have been children? It is heartbreaking.

Even though, as I have said, this debate is rightly dominated by the issue in the Middle East, I also want to speak about the ongoing crisis in Ukraine with reference not only to its impact in Ukraine, but its broader impact. I have absolutely no doubt that, while the eyes of the world are elsewhere, the Russians will make use of that fact. I also have absolutely no doubt that the Russians are deliberately weaponising food and energy to further their military aims within Ukraine. The people who are feeling this most keenly are those in the developing world. A major priority for EU countries in addressing the growing food insecurity caused by Russia's war in Ukraine is to help Ukraine export agrifood produce. Not only is Ukraine one of the main producers and exporters of grain and maize, but its agricultural products are also vital for food supplies in Africa and the Middle East. Some 90% of wheat exports from Ukraine between 2016 and 2021 went to countries in Africa and Asia.

Before the war, 90% of grain from Ukraine was transported through the Black Sea. That figure has now fallen to 45%. Russia implemented a blockade on Ukraine's Black Sea shores and approximately 20 million tonnes of grain were stuck in silos. Last year, the European Commission established EU-Ukraine solidarity lanes. This project included freight rolling stock, transport networks, transshipment terminals and the simplification of customs and the storage of goods on EU territory. Some 57 million tonnes of agricultural products have left Ukraine through these solidarity lanes, although this is a drop in the ocean when compared to the level of such goods previously moved.

Food security remains a massive problem. In July, the Russian Government terminated the Black Sea grain initiative. There is no doubt in my mind that this was a deliberate choice to immiserate people and to use hunger as a weapon of war. The EU is deeply concerned about this decision as it furthers food insecurity. EU leaders have called for the capacity of the solidarity lanes to be enhanced. They invited the Commission to propose measures to achieve this. The impact of Russia's weaponisation of food cannot be underestimated. It plays out most tragically in the developing world and in sub-Saharan Africa in particular. The International Committee of the Red Cross in Africa has tried to limit the impacts of rising global grain prices as a result of this war. This is also occurring at a time of devastating crop losses across Africa, particularly in the Horn of Africa, where rains have failed for successive years. This action is forcing families to go hungry and an enormous loss of human life is being incurred far away from the eyes of the world. The countries worst affected include Somalia, which is over 90% dependent on Russian and Ukrainian grain, and Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger and Mauritania, where up to 10.5 million people are facing malnutrition.

My final point is on the multi-annual financial framework, of which there has been very little mention or discussion. I have spoken before about the need to underpin the European Green Deal with commensurate funding. If we are moving in the direction of decarbonisation and the rededication of our lands to fight climate change and biodiversity loss, measures such as the EU's nature restoration law need to be adequately underpinned by an appropriate funding mechanism. I completely understand that the conflicts in Ukraine and Palestine must dominate our attention but it is also important that this work is done.

There is repeated mention within these documents of the need to move towards a two-state solution. At this point in time we have to ask ourselves what will be left as a Palestine for us to declare in a two-state solution. We have to ensure a humanitarian ceasefire and we also have to use every shred of influence we have on the international stage to call for that two-state solution while there is still something left of Palestine for us to recognise.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

The Council's official conclusions reaffirm the EU's "unwavering support for Ukraine" and "its inherent right of self-defence against the Russian aggression". It is a pity that the same logic was not followed through when it came to Palestine. The communiqué, as well as rightly condemning Hamas's 7 October attack, referenced international humanitarian law to assert Israel's right to defend itself but, as usual, there is no hint of the rights of the Palestinian state. It further deplored the "loss of civilian life" but failed to call for a pause, ceasefire, end to hostilities, peace process or even a full implementation of UN resolutions over decades. It also failed to suspend the EU-Israel Euro-Mediterranean agreement and the European Neighbourhood Policy for Israel's continuous breaches of human rights clauses contained therein, saying only that the EU "will work closely with partners in the region". The only trouble is that one of those partners is Israel, an aggressor perpetrating horrendous deaths and injuries on civilians in Palestine, many times worse, more prolonged and more numerous than perpetrated by Hamas's marauders. If you besiege a city for weeks, hem people in with nowhere to go, encircle them, starve them of food, power and water, totally restrict medical and other supplies and then start raining bombs onto their homes, schools, hospitals, shelters and refugee and ambulance convoys day in and day out and night in and night out, then you are committing a crime against humanity. There are no ifs or buts in that. Holding more than 2 million people hostage and making them targets is as wrong for Israel as it is wrong for Hamas to hold more than 200 Israeli civilians hostage. Bris an léigear, saoraigh na gialla agus tosaigh an tsíocháin atá ag teastáil sa cheantar seo leis na cianta. Tá sé thar am ag an Aontas Eorpach agus ag an tír seo seasamh leis an gceart sa chás seo.

Deputy Chris Andrews

What I saw when I worked in the Gaza Strip were the horrors of life in an open-air prison. Now the Gaza Strip is being turned into an open-air morgue. Bodies are piling higher and higher and apartheid Israel is bombing schools, hospitals and churches. Some 88 UN aid workers have been murdered by Israeli bombs. Over 4,000 children have been brutally murdered. A child is murdered by Israel every ten minutes. We are watching some of the worst war crimes of the 21st century take place and the world is standing by. Even worse, many in the EU are supporting and standing by Israel as it carries out these horrific war crimes. The Irish Government needs to go beyond words and make Israel face consequences for its terror. The Government is speaking out of both sides of its mouth and it is because it is not taking action against Israel. The Irish Government hints at criticism of Israel, yet the Israeli ambassador thanked the EU for the solidarity shown towards Israel. This, as members of the EU, includes Ireland. The Government refuses to hold Israel to account. Why are there no consequences for the slaughter of children by Israel? When will the Government pass the occupied territories Bill? The following is not a huge ask. When will we recognise the state of Palestine and when will we pass the illegal Israeli settlements Bill? There are reports that Irish citizens will be the last on the list to be allowed out of the Gaza Strip by Israel. Can the Minister of State clarify if this is the case? If it is, what will the Government do about it to ensure that Ireland is not last on the list?

Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett

On Saturday, I was a participant in an online international event organised by the Rohingya people in solidarity with Gaza. Among others, there were numerous academics and experts in attendance, including many Jewish people who were expert in the area of genocide. They, along with many others, including many representatives of the Jewish population worldwide, are rightly describing what Israel is doing in Gaza as an act of genocide. Israel is engaged in brutal, horrific, barbaric, systematic and deliberate massacres of more than 10,500 Palestinians, about 70% of them women and children, and it has declared its clear intention to continue indefinitely. When will we realise that these are not the actions of a normal state or actions of self-defence?

When we describe them as war crimes and genocidal assaults, we also hear the words of Israeli politicians and military personnel as they publicly admit that they will commit things that fit all the definitions of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.

The Israeli Minister of Defense, Yoav Gallant, is worth quoting because you would not get these words from the leaders of any normal state. On 9 October he said:

I have ordered a complete siege on the Gaza Strip. There will be no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed... We are fighting human animals and we are acting accordingly.

On 10 October Gallant toured southern Israel and said, "I have released all the restraints, we have [regained] control of the area, and we are moving to a full offense".

On 10 October, Major General Ghassan Alian, head of Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories for Israel said:

Human animals must be treated as such. There will be no electricity and no water, there will only be destruction. You wanted hell, you will get hell.

International organisations have stated that Israeli forces used white phosphorus chemical weapons in military operations in Gaza on 10 and 11 October. On 21 October, Israel's military dropped leaflets on northern Gaza with the following words: "Whoever chooses not to leave north Gaza to the south of Wadi Gaza might be identified as an accomplice in a terrorist organisation." There is a declaration of two war crimes in that. First, there is clear intent for the forcible transfer of the entire population of Gaza city civilians. That is a war crime under occupation. Second, they make clear that they will no longer - not they ever did so - make distinctions between civilians and combatants, which is a war crime. They state it publicly and then they do it.

Even though everybody in this House has rightly called for a ceasefire, and that is better than most countries, I want to put it to the Minister of State that even now, the Government is giving succour to the Israeli narrative in the language that is being used to describe the actions on various sides. Again and again, the Government refers to the events of 7 October and the Hamas attack as "barbaric and savage massacres". However, when it comes to the actions of Israel, where the number of victims are nearly ten times what happened on that date, the language is completely different. We talk about disproportionality. We do not talk about massacres and we do not call it barbaric or savage; we say it is disproportionate. We appeal to Israel to act within the parameters of international law when it is clearly not doing so and we talk in the passive tense. It is not Israel that is doing it but it is sort of happening by itself. The Taoiseach mentioned how the large number of children that have been killed or that have witnessed the death of their parents and other family homes is disturbing etc. He uses the passive tense. He does not say "Israel is slaughtering men, women and children; will they stop this slaughter". These double standards in how we are treating the two sides of this conflict, when Israel has the upper hand in every respect, is more of the problem that gives licence to Israel to continue the slaughter.

It is not a normal state. It is a state built on the ethnic cleansing and the denial of rights for Palestinians for decades and until we recognise that and begin to do what we did with apartheid South Africa, this bloody horror will not end.

Deputy Joe Flaherty

I thank the Minister of State, Deputy Peter Burke. I welcome the recent European Council statement reiterating its resolute condemnation of Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine and reaffirming the EU's unwavering support for Ukraine's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders and its inherent right of self-defence against Russian aggression.

This House and country has been extremely forthright in its condemnation of the actions of Israel as it wages a disproportionate and unacceptable war of vengeance on the people of Gaza. I appreciate that the European Council reiterated its condemnation of Hamas for its brutal and indiscriminate terrorist attacks across Israel. The use of civilians as human shields by Hamas is a particularly deplorable atrocity. However, it is regrettable and disappointing that the Council's statement on Israel was much more measured and yet again emphasised Israel's right to defend itself in line with humanitarian and international law. However, the reality is that as Israel wages one of the most vindictive, aggressive, and unacceptable wars of attrition, there is no wafer thin defence now existing for Israel's action and its abhorrent and indiscriminate attacks on the people of Gaza must stop immediately.

On a personal level, the presence of the Israeli ambassador at the Fianna Fáil Ard-Fheis did not sit well with me. However, I nonetheless accept and understand the right and need for 40 plus heads of diplomatic offices to attend the event and hear the address of our party leader and Tánaiste, Deputy Micheál Martin. The Israeli ambassador was one of more than 40 ambassadors in attendance, including the Palestinian ambassador, and it is crucially important that we retain and continue diplomatic ties with all countries. As always, An Tánaiste, Deputy Martin, was forthright in his condemnation of Israeli actions and his views and sentiments were echoed and shared by the entire audience at this year's Ard-Fheis.

The loss of life in the Middle East as a result of the incessant and unrelenting Israeli bombings and attacks is grossly offensive. It flies in the face of all international laws and indeed spits in the face of all modern democracies. Through its actions, Israel is fast attaining the status of a pariah nation within the international community. Token talk of short-term humanitarian breaks in these attacks is currying little favour and merely adds to the country's billing as one of the most ruthless, indiscriminate aggressors in the world.

It was important that the ambassador was in the auditorium at the Fianna Fáil Ard-Fheis to hear the Tánaiste's outright condemnation of these continuing attacks. It is important too that we retain contact with the Israeli Government through its ambassador in Dublin to ensure the release of Irish citizens who are still held in Gaza. These people, all innocent, young and old, were kidnapped by Hamas but the unrelenting reprisal attacks from Israel have surely delayed their release. It is important to point out that it would also be deeply reprehensible and unforgivable if we thought that the much awaited evacuation of Irish citizens from Gaza was being delayed by Israel as a result of our country's forthright stance on its actions at this time.

We have been a strong voice for Europe in this country. We share many of the Continent's goals and aspirations with great passion and conviction but neither are we afraid at this time to encourage our European cousins to join us in outright and unconditional condemnation of the ongoing Israeli actions and to demand without hesitation an immediate ceasefire, immediate and unrestricted access for humanitarian aid and the release of all prisoners.

An Ceann Comhairle

Deputy Martin Browne is sharing with Deputy Rose Conway-Walsh. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Deputy Martin Browne

On 25 October, when pre-European Council meeting statements were being discussed, the Taoiseach noted that the death toll in Gaza at the time was 5,000. The government of Israel has been moving quickly since then and attacking the Gaza Strip at such a rate that the number of deaths as a result of the bombardment of Gaza is now in excess of 10,000. It is precisely because of this rapid increase in deaths that Sinn Féin has called for a ceasefire from the earliest days of the conflict. I advise all of those who have been reluctant to call for a ceasefire and who have recently expressed their discomfort with the extent of the death toll that it would have been more appropriate for them to call for a ceasefire in the first place instead of lamenting the extent of the death toll afterwards. It was the conclusion of the EU Council meeting that no progress has been made in reaching that point. For example, reference continues to be made to Israel's right to defend itself in line with international law and international humanitarian law.

Of course, nothing can justify the deliberate killing, injuring and kidnapping of civilians, as Hamas has done, but what we have been witnessing has gone far beyond self-defence. Israel has broken international and humanitarian law and continues to do so precisely because the words used by the European Council and others are designed to be bland and uncritical of the Israeli Government and will have little impact. Let us call it for what it really is. It is not self-defence; it is genocide by Israel, full stop. As long as member states continue to adopt this attitude, the death toll will continue to rise, which it has done for so long. The world will watch on as Palestinians suffer.

Could the Minister of State outline the discussions that took place on the process involving the determination of who is to be given access to leave via the Egyptian border?

Deputy Rose Conway-Walsh

In Gaza, we are not witnessing a war on Hamas, we are witnessing the indiscriminate slaughter of Palestinians, what the Minister of State has rightly described as collective punishment. The EU refusal to condemn Israel's actions is a failure of historic importance.

The Taoiseach said yesterday that trade issues are a European competency. This is true, but as a member state we can and, morally, must have a very clear position. I call on the Government to state that the EU should suspend the Israel-EU trade relationship. These agreements have human rights clauses and if these clauses are to mean anything, they must be used now. Israel should also be removed from EU funding programmes such as Horizon Europe. Over the past seven years. Israel has received €1.24 billion under the horizon programme alone. By comparison, that is more than Ireland received as a full EU member. This is a power lever to pressure Israel. I called on the Government to oppose the renewal of the Horizon Europe membership two years ago, right after this House recognised the de facto annexation of Palestinian land. We alone do not control the EU but we have a voice and we need to use it. Will the Minister support these measures as an absolute minimum in respect of what we should be doing to pressure Israel into ending its ruthless destruction of Gaza and its population?

Deputy Cathal Berry

I very much welcome the opportunity to contribute and make a few comments on the readout from the most recent European Council meeting at the end of October in Brussels. I am just going to focus my comments on two main areas. The first is Ukraine and the second is the Middle East.

From a Ukrainian point of view, I am sure the Minister of State is probably aware that only in the past couple of hours, the European Commission has recommended that accession talks begin between Ukraine and the EU before the end of the year. That must go to the European Council for a final decision in December. I very much welcome the announcement by the Commission in recent hours.

I was recently in Ukraine for about a week and there is definitely a leaning towards the west from an economic point of view, a societal point of view and a cultural point of view. It is quite similar to the journey Ireland itself took in the late 1960s and the early 1970s before we joined the Union. I am glad that Ireland is adopting a very facilitative and supportive position from that point of view.

On my recent trip, I came across some information that I was not expecting. A considerable amount of thinking in Ukraine at the moment is that they are trying to get their people back to Ukraine. We spoke to members of parliament and even President Zelenskyy's policy is that he wants people to return, in particular doctors, nurses and teachers, to contribute to Ukrainian society. They are of the view that, on average, there is a net return pretty much every week now. While Ireland was 100% right in bringing in and facilitating Ukrainian refugees 18 months ago, it is probably timely now to tweak the approach, look at the support package that is available and to incentivise people to return rather than to incentivise people to stay, where that is appropriate.

The members of parliament with whom we discussed it with said it is very understandable for someone from the Donbas, Mariupol or Crimea, who have no place left to live, to move to the European Union by all means. However, there are people from Lviv and Kyiv who could certainly return if it is safe to do so.

I am not sure if the Minister for Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth, Deputy Roderic O'Gorman, has been to Ukraine yet. Perhaps if he visited himself, and maybe had a discussion with his opposite number there, he might get a full understanding their objectives are from a resettlement point of view.

I fully accept that there is not unanimity in the Chamber with regard to this at all but the air defence umbrella around Kyiv at the moment is very good. Approximately 95% of projectiles are shot down. These could be drones, missiles, completely non-lethal and completely uncrewed vessels and vehicles. I recognise that the Taoiseach said earlier during this debate that €122 million is being provided by Ireland in non-lethal support through the European Peace Facility. My question is: should we consider including air defence in that? Radars are passive, and any equipment we provide is being used to shoot down inanimate objects. One cannot kill something that is not alive, and that is something we should certainly consider if we are looking to expand the support we can provide.

On the Middle East, I share the Chamber's concerns about the mounting death toll in the Middle East, and in Gaza in particular. I agree with the calls that have been made, particularly from a Hamas perspective. The hostages should be released. One issue that is not really mentioned is that Hamas should be called on to move their military stocks and equipment and their militants out of civilian areas, which in itself is a breach of humanitarian law, and obviously to stop firing missiles at Israel. From the Israeli perspective, obviously a ceasefire is vitally important, and as soon as possible, as is humanitarian access via a humanitarian corridor, and a stop to the bombing of civilian targets. It seems like a very straightforward proposal. I agree with the Taoiseach. I do not see either belligerent having any appetite for a ceasefire at the moment. If Israel unilaterally implemented a ceasefire, I suspect the rockets will continue to fly from Gaza. Similarly, if Hamas stopped firing rockets, I suspect the Israeli onslaught would continue as well.

It is on that note that I want to emphasise that I am very much in favour of the Israeli ambassador staying in Dublin and our ambassador staying in Tel Aviv. Diplomacy is needed at all times but particularly in times of conflict. The obvious question is what good are diplomats if, when they are needed most, we decide to expel them. I am very much in favour of keeping diplomatic channels open, particularly in this time of crisis.

In summary, I welcome the readout from the most recent European Council meeting, and I look forward to the next one in December. I hope that the Council will approve the recommendation of the Commission that accession talks between the EU and Ukraine should begin as soon as possible.

Deputy Joe McHugh

I want to acknowledge the accession status of Georgia. We have to be very vigilant because Russian aggression has not stopped. My colleague, Deputy Ó Murchú and I were out near South Ossetia. There was an innocent man killed by the Russian army while he was going to church on 6 November. We are pushing, supporting and encouraging democracy in Georgia, and that is the pathway and the journey the Georgians have been on. I want to acknowledge the Georgian ambassador, who has been working tirelessly. I think every Deputy, including the Ceann Comhairle, knows him personally at this stage. He and his colleagues have been working so hard on this and it is important to acknowledge that. I call on the Dáil and the Seanad to continue with their support.

The European Economic Community was set up as a peace project to reduce tensions and to, as much as possible, avoid war. At this time, when we see what is going on in the Middle East, the European Union, as it is now, has a role. It will require courage. We have only to look at our own country, our recent history, our own journey and pathway to peace. We know and understand what happens if there is no peace. There is tension, war, retaliation, hatred and intergenerational bitterness that carries on. What I call for today, ahead of any future EU meetings, is to instil a level of confidence in an already eroded democratic system where people have lost faith in democracy. This is an opportunity for the EU to take a stand. I acknowledge the Minister of State, Deputy Burke's own work, the Tánaiste's work in the Department of Foreign Affairs, and the Taoiseach's efforts as well, to try to bring some solution to the current nightmare in the Middle East. It is an absolute nightmare, where innocent people on the Israeli side were murdered and maimed, and where today, innocent people in Palestine - men, women and children - have also been killed.

We have to ensure that we have hope because the opposite of hope is despair. I have been listening to people, especially young people. I have visited a number of schools recently as well. There is a despair with regard to what is going on globally, and what is going on in Russia and its aggressive invasion of Ukraine. It is something that we have to grasp very seriously and ensure that we use all the machinery and mechanics of all the different institutions we have at a European Union level. Sometimes all of those institutions and that massive bureaucracy we have in Brussels and Strasbourg can be seen as a bureaucracy where people stand around talking all day, pushing for different and specific issues not related to the bigger issues. The bigger issue is peace. It will require courage and very bold intervention by the European Union. We had it in our own country with very courageous men such as David Trimble and John Hume, who took very courageous and bold positions but they brought peace. We know the benefits and rewards of peace. We know that the bitterness is intergenerational but, at the same time, we are looking at a new generation coming up in this country, where they do not have war or feuding, and they do not have to see the tensions, retaliations and bitterness that we faced when we were growing up.

My message today is that whatever we can do at a European level, we have to intervene very courageously and boldly to instil the confidence that is needed in the democratic process. At the end of the day, the EU stands on the shoulders of giants who worked together courageously to build a peace project and to avoid to the tensions and potential of war. Here we have Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia with candidate status. They are in a very unique position to promote peace and democracy and to strengthen democracy. The European Union has a very important role to play in the Middle East because what will happen in the aftermath of what has gone over the past month will be that the bitterness and the tensions will continue, and then we will be into all sorts of problems for the next generation. We have to find a solution, and the only way we can find that solution is diplomatically.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

The Minister of State heard me here at pre-Council statements last week, and I begged and pleaded with him that we go to Europe, raise our voice and have our voice heard as a neutral country. We are a small country that has punched way above our size and our strength by being peaceful and neutral. Our neutrality has stood to us well. I mentioned our peacekeepers back in the Congo and I also mentioned Jadotville. I appeal again to the Minister of State to give the Government's recognition to the men and women with regard to that fight in Jadotville, and give them the respect they deserve.

In this case here, we are making all the noise about what is going on in Ukraine. We hitched our wagon to it completely. I heard the Tánaiste this morning on radio saying we were not politically neutral. He said that we are militarily neutral but not politically neutral and that, in his words, we opposed the aggression by Russia. I do not accept that. We are supposed to be fully neutral. We have diluted ourselves with some of the comments that have been made here.

I condemned out of hand the Hamas savagery, but I equally condemn the savagery and the overkill now by Israel. However, we need to be peacekeepers out there and in Europe.

On the other issue of the whole influx of refugees and migrants and everything else, how come Poland and Hungary can stop and close their borders and we will not even look at that? We are giving out messages that we are open for anybody to come from all over the world, ar fud an domhain. It is time that we took a leaf out of Hungary's book and, indeed, Poland's, and decided that our own destiny and our own people must come first. We are all for cheering and welcoming people but when we are at capacity, we must stop the nonsense.

We have a huge issue at the moment in Cashel in County Tipperary. There are going to be Cashel's all over the country because we have undocumented people coming in and being forced on communities with no consultation, no engagement with people and no proper examination of the facilities, whereas large multi-million euro companies are buying up old buildings and putting people into terrible conditions and awful kinds of situations. That is not good enough. We must respect our tricolour and our peaceful role in Europe and be the peacekeepers to try to get peace in these countries that are at war and not back one side or the other.

Deputy Danny Healy-Rae

I too am glad to get the opportunity to talk about this very serious matter that is happening in the world today and especially in the Middle East. I say to the Minister of State that we must ensure that we continue to be neutral. Indeed, our voices must be heard at European level asking for peace and that the ceasefire happens there right away. It is very wrong that people, civilians and children, are being slaughtered there day after day and it is time to call a halt to that now.

The European Union's migration stance significantly impacts smaller countries like Ireland. We are paying an awful price now for migrants. We have our share taken and like I said to the Taoiseach yesterday, there is a point at which we must call a stop to this because we are impacting severely on our own communities. The decision has been made to bring 70 more people to the Muckross Road in Killarney and people are up in arms. Elderly people, women and children are worried for their safety in this area and I said we have enough.

There is a request being made continuously that the Israeli ambassador be sent home. I have a different viewpoint. I ask that this Israeli ambassador be seen after here and be kept here. Ask her to ensure the safety and return of our people who are out there in the Middle East.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

Hear, hear.

Deputy Danny Healy-Rae

Whatever side they have been kidnapped by or whatever, it is the Israelis' remit to ensure the safety home of these people. They have the deciding of it. I ask the Minister of State to mind this lady here and tell her she is quite welcome here and ask her to ensure the safe return home of our people. It is of paramount importance to me that the people from Ireland who are out there come home safely and whatever way the Government manoeuvres it, tell her that she is safe here while our people are safe over there. Pressure should be put on her and the Israeli Government to ensure the safe passage home of our people who are stranded out there. I do not know why ever they went out there, but people go to different places and that I suppose is their business, but that is not a safe place for them to be. I appeal to this Government now to put pressure on the Israeli ambassador and the Israeli Government to ensure the safe passage home of our people.

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Emer Higgins)

Next we move to the Independent Group. Deputies Connolly and McNamara are sharing time and have two and a half minutes each.

Deputy Catherine Connolly

It is five minutes and five minutes, is it? I welcome the opportunity to participate in this debate. I note the Taoiseach's speech and I have praised the Taoiseach for showing leadership. I will restrict my praise at this point because I have just read his whole speech and he has given us an outline of what happened with the 27 member states and how they could not reach unity, which highlights, really, the importance of us making our voices heard. He goes on to utterly condemn Hamas for its brutal and provocative terrorist attack, which we all agree with. I absolutely condemn that. However, he goes on to say that "I have been equally clear that Israel's response must be in line with international humanitarian law" and this means it must be proportionate. It is not in compliance with international human law, and it is not proportionate, and there is no condemnation of that. If we are going to have credibility in the world as a neutral state, then we must have consistency. If there is no condemnation of what is an openly genocidal approach to Gaza with genocidal killing, then we are going to lose our credibility. I am most unhappy about that because our strength is in our neutrality and being able to speak truth to power. The Taoiseach goes on to sympathise with those who have lost lives, not in Gaza, mind you, so it is important to read the speech. He goes on to extend his "condolences to the family and friends of the heroic UN and other aid workers who have been killed" and so on, and I absolutely accept that. What is lacking, however, is extending sympathy to the people who have died in Gaza.

Let me give the figures again for the record, and I really feel uncomfortable giving figures in this manner when we are talking about human beings and children. Over 10,328 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza in one month and one day, including 4,200 children, boys and girls, 631 elderly people and 2,600 women. More than two thirds of Palestinians killed have been children and women. That is not a defensive army. One could not possibly call the army "defence forces" in Israel. That is a warmongering, vengeful army that is out of control and we need to call it out for what it is. We have lost 89 UNRWA staff and 37 journalists and people in media. That has been done by Israel, which is going in to destroy Hamas and in doing so it is destroying the Gazan and Palestinian people. I do not know how we can hedge our bets on that. I do not know how we can use nuanced language. Genocide is genocide. Murder of children is utterly wrong and unacceptable and against all international law. Let us call that out and condemn it if we are going to have credibility.

During his speech, the Taoiseach pointed out the war of aggression by Russia against Ukraine. He had no nuanced language there. It was a very clear condemnation. How can we do that on one hand and stand idly by other than to show concern and horror, which he has shown, at the death without condemning it?

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Emer Higgins)

I thank the Deputy.

Deputy Catherine Connolly

We are here today, and it is time to put it in context. The action by Hamas, which I utterly condemn without reservation, did not happen in a vacuum. That has been repeatedly pointed out by various courageous people, no later than today in The Irish Times by a former diplomat who has clearly pointed out that this attack, while condemning it, did not happen in a vacuum. I never thought I would be quoting a former Prime Minister of France, and I apologise for the pronunciation, Mr. Dominique de Villepin, who points out that-----

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Emer Higgins)

I am sorry to interrupt the Deputy. Is she sharing her time?

Deputy Catherine Connolly

Yes, five minutes.

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Emer Higgins)

It is two and a half minutes each, is it not?

Deputy Catherine Connolly

Five minutes.

Deputy Michael McNamara

I thought an Cathaoirleach Gníomhach said five minutes each.

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Emer Higgins)

It is five minutes between the Deputies.

Deputy Catherine Connolly

I have lost a bit of time over this.

Deputy Michael McNamara

The Cathaoirleach Gníomhach said five minutes each.

Deputy Catherine Connolly

Yes, five minutes each. Is it not?

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Emer Higgins)

It is five minutes between the Deputies, but Deputy Connolly may continue. I will allow the extra two and a half minutes.

Deputy Catherine Connolly

I am sorry; the time is gone so I do not know where I am. I had a full five minutes, had I?

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Emer Higgins)

No. The Deputy had two and a half minutes but-----

Deputy Catherine Connolly

Well, then, there was some mistake on our part. I am very sorry.

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Emer Higgins)

That is okay. That is no problem.

Deputy Catherine Connolly

There was a mistake on our part. I thought it was five minutes.

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Emer Higgins)

The Deputy may conclude briefly, and we will hand over to Deputy McNamara.

Deputy Catherine Connolly

I cannot use any more time or he will have no time left.

Deputy Michael McNamara

I thank the Deputy. The conclusions of the European Council meeting in my view highlight the fact that the European Union seems to be going very badly wrong. We might look at the communiqué and conclusions with regard to Ukraine, highlighting Russian aggression. The amount of damage the European Union has inflicted upon itself to punish Russia, or to seek to punish Russia, has been enormous, not just in Ireland but elsewhere across the European Union. It may well be that that is all worthwhile, and the position of the European Union is that we absolutely need to do this to highlight how important international law is and how seriously we take international law.

That is a coherent position to take but then one moves forward a little in the conclusions and looks at what is said about the Middle East. There is very little mention of international law and no condemnation of the killing of civilians and the targeting of civilian infrastructure. That sort of duplicity simply undermines the EU's response, not just to the Ukrainian war but its international position on every conflict across the world, and it is losing credibility. We were clapping like seals in here when Ursula von der Leyen came. The woman is a warmonger. She was a warmonger then and she is a warmonger now. She is interested in selling arms. Israel is a great place to sell arms, as is the Middle East generally. Do not get me wrong, it is not just western firms that want to sell their arms there. There is the Iranian arms industry and the armaments industry across the world. The Middle East is a great theatre in which to sell them, be that to Hezbollah or any of the various security forces in the region. They are all good customers.

There is this claptrap about international law. We are reaching a nadir in respect for international law under this President of the Commission and this European Council and that needs to be highlighted. People can spot hypocrisy when they see it. We have people in this House calling on the one hand for Ukrainians to go home while, on the other, saying Ukraine should join the EU. Which is it? If Ukraine joins the EU Ukrainian people will be going nowhere because they will then have the same right to live here as all EU citizens have. I question the latest decision, which is not part of the European Council's conclusion but is part of the conclusions of the Commission, led by a warmonger, that accession negotiations should begin for Ukraine. We are talking about one of the most corrupt countries on the face of the planet. Are we seriously to believe that a country that was corrupt in 2019 has suddenly cleansed itself of all corruption while fighting a war on its eastern flank? With what state of Ukraine will we enter into accession negotiations? This is all about Ukraine's desire to join NATO of course. I understand, however, that to join either NATO or the EU a country needs to have agreed borders.

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Emer Higgins)

I thank the Deputy. He is over time.

Deputy Michael McNamara

Are we going to have a country without agreed borders join the EU and have this country guarantee those borders with our soldiers and their lives? That is farcical. The EU is becoming completely devoid of any connection with reality or with what it claims to espouse-----

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Emer Higgins)

The Deputy is over time.

Deputy Michael McNamara

That will become unsustainable very quickly.

Deputy Violet-Anne Wynne

While I welcome that the Taoiseach condemned the actions of Hamas, as do I, he spoke yet again about how the Israeli response needs to be proportionate. That ship has truly sailed. Cutting off electricity and leaving babies in a neonatal intensive care unit to die before they can even get a chance to live is not proportionate. Genocide is not proportionate. Breaking international human rights law is not proportionate. The images of the absolute brutality and inhumanity the innocent children in particular are facing are not proportionate. Around 40 Irish citizens were not on the evacuation list from Gaza on two occasions, which is incredibly serious. Did the Taoiseach engage with European colleagues to seek support for smaller nations like Ireland that have been repeatedly left off the list?

Three weeks ago, I called on the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs to summon the Israeli ambassador. Instead, I have been approached by constituents who pointed out that the ambassador had a front-row seat at the recent Fianna Fáil Ard-Fheis. That really is one for Ireland's Own. I also called for sanctions against Israel and was told we had ceded that competency to Europe. I would like to know whether the Taoiseach has raised the need for economic sanctions. We have seen in various media interviews that Israel does not seem to be bothered about morals and does not seem to care about international law. Maybe it would care if we hit it in the pocket. The motto of the EU is "United in diversity". After its recent showing, perhaps it should be changed to "United in complicity", "United in sitting back" or "United watching a genocide unfold".

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Emer Higgins)

We move to questions and answers.

Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú

Will we have questions and answers before the Minister of State sums up?

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Emer Higgins)

Yes.

Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú

I am in agreement with an awful lot of what has been said. I think all Members accept that war crimes are happening and that is what Israel is doing. This is an especially right-wing Israeli Government, which has attacked its own judiciary. I consider Benjamin Netanyahu a charlatan surrounded by supremacists. Horrific acts were carried out by Hamas but we do not know where the Israeli regime is going to stop. We fear how far it will go regarding ethnic cleansing and genocide. Some in the regime have been very clear about how they see the Palestinian people. Some have made clear they want to see a greater Israel. There has always been an element, even among Zionists, that was far more right-wing and militaristic and much more in favour of a greater Israel, as it is known. We could be in that position at this point.

I think we all accept that certain countries in the EU come from a different place as a result of the horrors that occurred during the Holocaust. I do not accept in any way, shape or form that past mistakes are a good enough cause to allow present mistakes or give any sort of okay to genocide. At this stage, more than 10,000 Palestinians, many of them children, are dead. That is before we talk about the aid workers, the medics and all the people who have been brutally slaughtered by the Israeli regime.

What are we going to do? I have no difficulty with engaging with like-minded countries to put something on the agenda that will draw the world's attention to the fact that this is unacceptable. We know the various plays that were used to make a difference in South Africa. There were multiple elements involved but the financial pressures placed on the South African regime were a huge factor. The regime was made to feel, as it should have been, that apartheid was utterly unacceptable. Regular South African whites felt that on the international stage and it had an impact. Trading companies and others were told they could not operate outside the country, so the regime needed to jettison apartheid.

We need apartheid to be jettisoned in Israel. Beyond that, we need the slaughter to be called out for what it is. We need condemnation. What are our conversations with European and international partners? When will we make the necessary moves to recognise the state of Palestine? We can go ahead with the Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill because it relates to requiring the Ireland Strategic Investment Fund, ISIF, not to fund companies that are involved in illegal occupation. We need to push the boat out with the occupied territories Bill. We need to ensure our voice is heard. We all want a ceasefire and hostages released. Humanitarian aid is also needed because thousands of people facing absolute starvation and slaughter. We need to do more. We need to deal with those who will deal with us and if others will not deal with us, we have to take the first step on our own. It is as simple as that.