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JOINT COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION AND SCIENCE debate -
Monday, 29 Sep 2003

Vol. 1 No. 23

Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse: Ministerial Presentation.

This is a meeting with the Minister for Education and Science, Deputy NoelDempsey, to discuss issues arising from the resignation of Ms Justice Laffoy and the ongoing work of the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse. The members of the committee have been circulated with a copy of Ms Justice Laffoy's letter of resignation and the Government's response.

I welcome the Minister and his officials to the committee. Before we begin, I remind members of the long standing parliamentary practice to the effect that members should not comment on, criticise or make charges against a person outside the Houses, or an official by name, or in such a way to make him or her identifiable.

I understand the Minister will briefly outline the history of the situation to date. Members of the committee have indicated that they did not want to make long statements and wish to move on to questions as quickly as possible.

I thank the joint committee for the opportunity to speak on issues relating to the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse, the ongoing review of the investigation committee of the commission and the announced resignation of Ms Justice Mary Laffoy, scheduled to take effect in November.

At the outset, let me say that I greatly regret that Ms Justice Laffoy reached the conclusion that she could no longer continue as chairperson of the commission. I have previously indicated that Ms Justice Laffoy's resignation was a matter of considerable surprise to me and to the Government. I have expressed my thanks for the commitment Ms Justice Laffoy has shown in carrying out her role as chairperson and I am happy to repeat that appreciation to the committee. I am sure this committee will want to explore further the background to Ms Justice Laffoy's resignation and I am happy to assist as far as I can.

Notwithstanding Ms Justice Laffoy's decision, I have to emphasise that there is still a commission and an investigation committee in place, complete with its full range of powers and functions. There are still many hundreds of people who suffered abuse in childhood who are looking for closure. I and my colleagues in Government are fully committed to ensuring that victims of abuse are helped to find peace and healing in their lives, that those responsible for abuse are held accountable and that we learn lessons from the past.

The Government's policy response to issues arising from abuse in childhood essentially comprises of three strands - a statutory Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse, a nationwide programme of counselling, operated under the auspices of the health boards and providing a free counselling service to all victims of abuse in childhood and a redress scheme through which victims of abuse in residential care can get financial compensation. The Residential Institutions Redress Board administers this scheme.

The Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse has a dual structure to meet the differing needs of victims. The investigation committee carries out detailed inquiries, similar to trials, with regard to allegations of abuse. This is the part of the commission that is currently being reviewed and about which I will speak at greater length later.

There is also the confidential committee which hears, in total confidence, the accounts of abuse from victims who did not wish to have inquiries into their allegations. It is for the victim of abuse to choose which committee he or she wishes to go to. The confidential committee continues to function and has at this stage heard the accounts of over 700 witnesses - approximately two-thirds of all those who applied to that committee. The nationwide counselling service, set up under the auspices of the health boards, continues to operate and has not been affected by recent developments. The work of the Residential Institutions Redress Board, chaired by Mr. Justice Seán O'Leary, continues.

It is important to reiterate that this work is completely separate from the work of the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse and that the board operates under a separate statutory scheme to that of the commission. The board makes financial awards to victims of abuse. The recent developments arising from the resignation of Ms Justice Laffoy will not affect, in any way, the payment of compensation. The only developments in the Government's initiatives in redressing the damage caused by childhood abuse that is currently under review is the investigation committee of the commission.

The reason for this review is that when the commission was established in 2000, it was the Government's intention that it carry out its work free of the adversarial environment and legal formalities of the courts and that it would be able to deliver its final report within two years. This is what was promised to the survivors but, as time went on, it became increasingly obvious that this would not happen. There were many reasons, but primarily the issue rests with the fact that, far from being a relatively informal forum, the investigation committee assumed the formality of the High Court, complete with teams of lawyers.

Following the final deadline for receipt of statements in July 2002, the commission indicated that the total of applications to the investigation committee was 1,957. It then became apparent that, given the rate of progress at the committee, if all of these cases were to be heard individually, the commission would not be in a position to deliver its final report for at least a further eight to 11 years. This timeframe was provided to my Department by the commission and was based on the resources that it had at that time. A report by the commission in that timeframe would be far too late for many of those for whom it was established. Concern about the progress of the commission was shared by survivor support groups who urged my Department to take action to ensure that the report of the commission be delivered as soon as possible. They made the point that some of their members had already been waiting 30 to 40 years for validation.

In addition to the long delay and the consequences of this for survivors of abuse, there was also serious concern that publication of the final report would be challenged by alleged abusers claiming that they did not have due process in a court of law. The likely delays, the doubts about the ability to publish a full report and the real probability that the State would have to pay legal costs of the order of €200 million contributed to need to review the investigation committee.

There are those who say that cost should not be a concern, that seeing justice is done is beyond petty considerations of money. Cost has to be an issue and having regard to it does not prejudice having justice done. What has to be achieved is a process which delivers justice effectively, efficiently, without undue delay and without exorbitant legal costs.

Once I had concerns about the operation of the investigation committee, it was my public duty to bring them to the attention of the Government rather than allow the state of affairs, as I saw it, to go unchallenged. The commission is the creation of the Oireachtas following proposals from the Government. It is my and the Government's duty to return to the Oireachtas when we believe that reform is necessary in order to achieve the objectives of the original legislation. That is what the review of the commission is about. The purpose of the review is to find a way through which the mandate given to the investigation committee under the legislation can be carried out in a more efficient, cost effective and timely way. As part of that process, consideration was given to the issue of what additional powers could be given to the investigation committee to facilitate its operation.

The first phase of the review was completed and a report submitted to the Government. The recommendations are currently reflected in draft legislation being prepared by the Office of the Parliamentary Counsel. However, following on from that review, further amendments are being considered which are likely to result in further changes to the way in which the investigation committee operates. The Government also considers that, in the light of the Supreme Court judgment in the Meenan case and the current case taken by the Christian Brothers in the High Court, it is prudent to have regard to the judgments in framing amending legislation.

Consultations with the main survivor groups are also continuing. A number of meetings have been held with these groups, the latest of which took place on Thursday, 25 September. The meetings have been very constructive and useful to me in considering how best to proceed. There is a strong sense that we share a common objective in ensuring that the investigation committee can achieve its mandate in an effective and timely way. It is my intention that the revised remit of the investigation committee of the commission will be legislated for by the spring of 2004.

In the meantime, the Government has appointed Mr. Seán Ryan, senior counsel, as chairperson designate of the commission. Mr. Ryan comes with a wealth of experience from his practice in law. In addition, he comes with direct experience of the issues around past child abuse having chaired the compensation advisory committee. The committee drew up recommendations for financial awards to abuse victims under the residential institutions redress scheme. Mr. Ryan also acted as counsel to the Ferns inquiry.

I am sure you will join with me in wishing Mr. Ryan every success in this important post. For my part, I assure Mr. Ryan, and this committee, that my Department and I will continue to give every assistance to the commission in carrying out its mandate. The Government has also decided to introduce legislation to increase the number of High Court judges and, subject to statutory provisions, intends that Mr. Ryan shall be made a High Court Justice. This will ensure that Mr. Ryan will be separate and independent of the Executive and Legislature and ensure that the integrity of the independence of the chairperson will be maintained. The Government has requested Mr. Ryan to immediately undertake his own independent review of the operation of the investigation committee. This review is to be completed within a period of eight weeks.

The terms of reference of the review are to carry out a review of the working of the commission and to make all necessary recommendations having regard to the interests of the victims of abuse; the completion of the commission's work within a reasonable period of time and in a manner consistent with a proper investigation; and to achieve the above objectives without incurring exorbitant costs. Should this review identify a requirement for further amendments to the legislation, these will be considered by the Government. I am confident that the commission will give every assistance to Mr. Ryan in his role. I am also assured by the other members of the commission that they will give every assistance to Mr. Ryan in the transfer of the position of chairperson.

Chairman, I thank the Joint Committee on Education and Science for inviting me here today and I will be glad to deal with any questions it may have.

I requested the attendance of the Minister at the committee three weeks' ago to discuss this issue. I welcome him and his officials. However, if the work of the committees are to have any real function, particularly when the Dáil and Seanad are not in session, it would be preferable if meetings could be arranged more expeditiously.

On the issue of the enabling of the Laffoy commission, as it was, what has the Minister to say to Ms Justice Laffoy's charge that since establishment, the commission has never been properly enabled by the Government to fulfil satisfactorily the functions conferred in it by the Oireachtas? Obviously, some of the issues that she took issue with evolved before the present Minister for Education and Science came into office. However, three out of the five of her direct complaints were under the Minister's direct responsibility. Why was the Minister's handling of the request for the provision of adequate resources, which commenced in June 2002, dealt with in such a slow manner? I do not accept the contention that the Government took a decision to provide the resources because, if even if that decision was taken, the resources for work were provided.

On what basis does the Minister state that the Government decided on 3 December 2002 to review the commission's mandate? Why was this not completed in mid-February 2003 as originally had been expected? Clearly the Minister expects Mr. Seán Ryan to be able to carry out a review into the commission in eight weeks, yet it was not able to be done in a greater timeframe. We still have not seen the review published in well over a year. We are to enact legislation both to change the number of High Court judges in a manner that is at variance with how judges have been appointed since 1998 and to change the workings of the commission. If we are to do so, at the very least, Members of the Oireachtas should be entitled to see this review before we have to take such steps in enacting new legislation.

Ms Justice Laffoy made a serious allegation against the Government, rather than the Minister directly, stating that due to long periods of uncertainties for the commission, it has effectively negated the guarantees of independence in the performance of the functions conferred on it by section 3(3) of the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse Act 2000. It has militated against the commission being able to perform its statutory functions as envisaged by the Oireachtas with reasonable expedition. The Government has so far failed to show that this accusation is untrue.

The Minister stated in an interview to RTE news on 9 September 2003 that the Government did not agree with Ms Justice Laffoy's view of her independence being undermined. He stated that this was not his view nor that of the Government's. This seems to be a total contradiction to the stand taken by the Taoiseach on 8 September 2003 when he initially agreed to the findings of Ms Justice Laffoy. This needs to be clarified.

Ms Justice Laffoy requested sufficient, additional resources to enable the investigation committee to work in four divisions. Her objective was to finish phase one of the commission's work by July 2005. Her concerns at the time, she stated, were motivated by the need to bring closure for complainants and victims, many of whom are old and in bad health. It was also to avoid the unfair situation where accusations are made against individuals that may not stand up. Why did that spark a Government decision to review the mandate of the commission and why did it take so long?

The Minister agreed in principle to the provision of resources and then suggested that staff may be recruited in a gradual fashion on short-term contracts. This was because the Minister had decided that the review could impact on the commission's future work. Will the Minister agree that on this issue, Ms Justice Laffoy never received a clear answer from the Government on whether resources were to be provided? She asked the Minister and the Department of Education and Science time and again what was meant by these statements. She believes she never got a clear answer. This is a question the Government has not answered since either.

On 13 December 2002, the Secretary General of the Department of Education and Science stated that the commission had to continue its work according to its statutory remit. However, in July 2003 the Minister stated that it is manifestly in the public interest that costs do not continue to be incurred in respect of matters which may not be ultimately investigated. This obviously begs the question as to who is in charge and responsible here? Why were conflicting letters going out from the Minister and his Secretary General to the commission on this issue?

The Minister has continuously stated that the victims are his prime concern. However, will he admit that he is also driven by an agenda that has costs at heart? On 13 December, the Secretary General in a letter stated that the object of the review is to address the issue of costs. Can the Minister clarify this?

On 8 April, the Minister had the heads of a Bill approved by Cabinet. One week later on 15 April, he told the Government that a further review was necessary. There has been no explanation from the Minister or the Government why this happened. He initially told us that before he published all the documentation the Cabinet wanted a more serious review. This is not the case because in his published documentation he stated that he told the Government that a further review was necessary. Which is the case? What happened over the seven days to change his mind? Did further information come to hand? If so, what was the content of that further information that so substantially changed his actions in this matter?

Does the Minister intend to publish the review that he carried out? Are there two separate reviews? Is there a post and prior 8 April review? Will they both be published? Will the new chairman of the commission, Mr. Seán Ryan, get copies of both reviews when conducting his own review? Will his review take into account the review carried out by Ms Justice Laffoy? Where does the Minister see the fundamental flaws in the legislation previously enacted by the Oireachtas which he strongly feels need to be changed?

What does the Minister have to say about the allegations by Ms Justice Laffoy that there was no real engagement by the Department of Education and Science with the commission? She claimed she was worn out by the Department's expressions of contrition which were not matched by delivery. She stated that it beggars belief that we are where we are today, 18 months down the road and the Department had not still dealt properly with requests from the commission. This is an independent member of the Judiciary appointed by the Government and the Oireachtas to chair a commission whose functions were enabled by the Oireachtas and who clearly feels that the Department of Education and Science was not co-operating with her. She has no reason to state this other than it is clearly the experience she has had. I assume her report, which will be published in November 2003, deals further with this issue. For now, I want an answer to that allegation.

Ms Justice Laffoy is claiming that the Department of Education and Science, under the direction of the Minister, did not co-operate with a commission set up by the Oireachtas. This is an appalling charge against him and his Department. We are ready as Members of the Oireachtas to accept criticisms of other people before other tribunals and commissions for non-co-operation and it is appalling that this criticism can be levelled by a High Court judge against a Department.

Can the Minister confirm that Mr. Seán Ryan, when he is in office as head of the commission, will not meet the same obstacles from the Department of Education and Science? Have any changes been made in the Department to ensure that this will not happen again? What communications has the Minister had with those in the Department instructed to deal with the requests from the commission? Has he received an explanation from those who previously dealt with requests from the commission as to the reasons for these delays? Does he have any concern that the Department of Education and Science, which is funding the commission and from which staff have been seconded to the commission, is itself being investigated by that very commission? Does he consider this to be appropriate? Can he confirm that all those seconded to the commission by the Department have never, in any way, had a role in dealing with any of these allegations or the handling of them when they were staffed in the Department?

On the deal between the religious orders and the State, both the Minister and the Taoiseach seemed to be surprised by the number of victims who came forward. They also claimed to be surprised that the issues were to be contested by the alleged abusers. The Minister referred to that in his statement to the committee and said he thought the commission could carry out its work free of the adversarial environment and legal formality. In light of what appears to be a lack of understanding on both their parts with regard to the scale of this problem, how can the Minister sit in a Government and the Taoiseach preside over a Minister who made a deal with the religious orders, effectively indemnifying them against any costs above €150 million. They are both openly admitting that the previous Government signed a deal when the Taoiseach and the previous Minister for Education and Science had no idea of either the scale or likely scale of claims out there. This beggars belief, to borrow a phrase from Ms Justice Laffoy. Will the Government now publish all the supporting documentation leading up to the signing of the deal with the religious orders? Was the Government given any intimation that allegations would not be contested?

What reasons were behind withholding the publication of the letter of resignation of Ms Justice Laffoy? Following the publication of the letter by a Sunday newspaper, does the Minister believe that it would have been preferable for him to have done so? Has he made internal departmental inquiries to ascertain how the letter came into the possession of the newspaper? Can he confirm if he or his officials have met with Mr. Ryan since the resignation of Ms Justice Laffoy? Can he further confirm whether he or his officials have discussed with Mr. Ryan the workings of the commission and how it might proceed?

In relation to the agreement with the religious orders, can the Minister confirm that he does not believe this represents a good deal for the State and for taxpayers? Does he accept the criticism, to be published today, of the Comptroller and Auditor General in regard to the deal? Does he agree with the estimated level of liability to which the State may be exposed? Can he confirm whether the Minister for Finance had any reservations about the deal and whether these reservations were raised with the Department and Minister for Education and Science prior to the signing of the deal? Can he further confirm the level of involvement the then Attorney General had in the deal? Did he have sight of it before it was signed and did he approve of it?

I put it to the Minister that the Taoiseach's apology of more than four years ago to victims of child abuse in the institutional care of the State must ring hollow in view of what has happened in relation to the Laffoy commission and the specific requests of Laffoy that were not responded to by Government. Does the Minister accept that there has been a breach of faith with the victims? Four years after the apology and the announcement of the setting up of the commission on child abuse, there has, in effect, been very little meaningful response for the vast majority of victims of child abuse in the State?

On the same day as the Taoiseach's apology in 1999, the Government announced that the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse would be specifically mandated to carry out a thorough and comprehensive inquiry into allegations and establish responsibility at the level of the individual abuser, the institution and management and regulatory authorities, and that the committee would have available to it the resources and all the legal powers and protections it needed to do this. I put it to the Minister that from June 2000, Ms Justice Laffoy made it clear to the Government that she did not have the necessary resources or staff to carry out the obligations that were given to her in what she called a timely fashion.

I accept that the Minister, Deputy Dempsey, was not the Minister for Education and Science at the time, but he was a Minister. The Government as a whole failed to respond to the concerns that Ms Justice Laffoy expressed on a number of occasions from that time onwards in terms of the resources she needed for the operation of the commission. She made a specific proposal in relation to parallel hearings in four divisions which she estimated would ensure that all of the complaints would be dealt with over the three years. At that stage there were 1,730 complaints. She did not receive any response from Government. I would like the Minister to explain why this was the case. It appears that the request was totally ignored. What was the response of the Minister and the Government to that request? A review was promised soon after that request and in December 2003 correspondence was entered into with Ms Justice Laffoy and the commission. That review was to be completed in February of last year. It was not published and we still do not know what was in it. The Government subsequently made it clear to Ms Justice Laffoy that the resources she requested to carry out her work would depend on the outcome of the review. The review, however, was never published and the resources were never made available. I support Deputy Enright's call for the Minister to publish the review.

What became of the heads of a Bill that were apparently presented to Government subsequent to that February review? Will the Minister publish the heads of that Bill? Why was there no meaningful response from Government or the Department of Education and Science each time Ms Justice Laffoy raised the issue of the inability of the commission to carry out its duty because of a lack of resources and obstacles within the Department with regard to information necessary for the commission to carry out its work?

When the second review was announced, Ms Justice Laffoy saw that there was no option for her but to resign. Throughout the process when she brought the attention of Government to the problems the commission was having, there was no meaningful response to enable her and the commission to carry out the work. She made it clear that she brought these issues to the attention of Government in the interests of victims of abuse and those who were accused. She saw it as her duty to carry out her obligations in a timely manner. She explained that she could not do so unless she was given the necessary resources. The blame has to fall on the Government, of which the Minister is a part, although I admit he was not the Minister for Education and Science throughout that period. However, it is the responsibility of Government to explain why it did not respond to the concerns of Ms Justice Laffoy.

I reiterate a point made by Deputy Enright - what is the actual response of Government? The Taoiseach appeared to indicate that he accepted Ms Justice Laffoy's criticisms when she resigned but subsequently there has been a turnabout on that. Does the Government accept that Ms Justice Laffoy was right?

In regard to the legal advice that was given to the Government in setting up the commission, the impression is given that the adversarial system that developed came as a surprise to the Government. Surely legal advice was obtained before the commission was set up in relation to what would be likely to happen. That legal advice must have addressed whether the adversarial developments that arose were likely to happen. Was it not the duty of the then Attorney General to advise the Government as to the likely outcome?

The same applies to the indemnity deal which was signed on behalf of the Government by the then Minister for Education and Science, Deputy Woods, in June 2002, just before going out of office. Did the State's legal advisers peruse the document that was to be signed? Did they peruse the legal indemnity that would be given to the religious institutions, whereby only €128 million would be payable by the religious institutions, after which it would be entirely the responsibility of the State? It is a disastrous deal which the Comptroller and Auditor General has suggested will cost the taxpayer up to €1 billion, if we can believe what we read in the papers. Did the Government's legal advice not foresee what would be likely to happen, particularly the legal indemnity on the religious institutions, whereby outside of the €128 million, regardless of what occurs in the courts or the redress board, it is entirely the financial responsibility of the State and the taxpayer? The legal advice in relation to that deal and the setting up of the commission are interlinked and it is the responsibility of Government to tell the public what the legal advice was. Will the Minister publish the legal advice in relation to both of those issues and explain why the apparent judgment of Government at the time did not seem to be correct in relation to the outcome, both as regards the commission and the indemnity deal with the religious orders.

Ms Justice Laffoy invested a considerable amount of work in the commission. She has been most upfront in relation to the obstacles she saw in her path - which were not addressed by Government. Will the Minister discuss her work with Ms Justice Laffoy? What is the Government's position in regard to her report on the section of the investigation which she has carried out? The excellent work she has done should be put on record.

What are the mandate, resources and timeframe in relation to the proposals of Seán Ryan? Victims are entitled to know whether he will be given the appropriate resources and if the concerns of Ms Justice Laffoy will be taken on board in regard to financing the Seán Ryan section of the commission.

Will there be a timeframe? The Minister said today that it will probably be spring 2004 before the work is up and running. That will be five years after the apology to the victims. Is it not realistic for people to demand a greater sense of urgency on the part of the Government in view of the original decision to set up the commission and, as I said earlier, of the Government commitment that the committee would have available to it all of the resources and legal powers and protection it needed? Today the Minister appears to indicate that money is very much a factor and that the resources will not be available. Will the Minister clarify if the commission will be given every resource it needs in order to carry out, in a timely fashion, the job that the original commission was given?

Can the Minister assure us that all victims who wish to come before the commission will be able to do so; that it will not be a sampling, as was suggested in his initial response to Ms JusticeLaffoy's resignation? Can he clarify what changes he intends to make to the mandate for the commission? Will it, for example, involve a reduction in the number of organisations that will be questioned or will there be an extension, as he has already promised, particularly in regard to the redress board, to other institutions where it is deemed to be appropriate?

Deputy Enright asked a number of detailed questions and I do not wish to repeat them, but I do wish to focus on the role of the Department of Education and Science. Should it maintain a greater distance from an inquiry which, in some ways, will be looking into past operations of the Department itself? There is too close a tie between the Department responsible for the investigation and the Department which is primarily being investigated by the work of the commission. Is there any rethinking in this regard? There is a sense that this is not right, that there needs to be more of a distance, more of an objective separation between the Department with overall responsibility and the investigation, which clearly has implications for the Department.

My main concern is that when the commission was set up, Ms Justice Laffoy was given the job to carry out investigations in a timely manner. I refer specifically to the investigation committee, not the confidential committee. She clearly stated the problems she was having over a long period without any apparent response from the Government. Is that correct in the view of the Minister? Will the Minister address the problem of the investigation committee? The confidential committee has a different remit. From talking to victims, I do not believe they feel it can carry out the functions that were intended for the investigation committee.

I urge that something be done, in the interests of people who were put into institutions by the State and for which an apology was given more than four years ago, but for whom there has been very little, if any, meaningful addressing of their problems, understanding of what they have gone through or practical response from the State. Can the Minister assure us, particularly the victims, that their concerns are being addressed and that there will be a speedy response to the various issues that arise?

As we know, Wednesday is the time for statements so I will not make any today. Most of my questions are slightly different to the two previous speakers, but I apologise for where there may be an overlap.

Will the Minister give a commitment that, in future, the commission, in whatever guise it presents itself, will allow survivors to give their account and face their alleged attackers under absolute privilege without recourse to legal teams? If that is not the case, I urge the Minister to make a proposal to the Taoiseach that Oireachtas Members would read out victims stories under privilege. Either way, the story has to be told and this needs to be done as soon as possible.

Does the Minister acknowledge that, in hindsight, the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse Act 2000 is flawed and needs to be amended in light of the hold-up that has taken place in getting to the truth of what happened in various institutions?

Does the Minister acknowledge that he did not realise the numbers of cases involving institutional abuse, as reported in the media? Can he also confirm, as reported in the media, that the Taoiseach did not realise the numbers of cases involving institutional abuse? If the Minister or the Taoiseach answers in the affirmative, would the Minister acknowledge that one or both of them acted either untruthfully or incompetently given that the former Minister for Education and Science, Deputy Woods, on the introduction of the redress bill into the Dáil, stated that there were at least 3,000 people whose time in an institution was traumatic?

Will the Minister outline what real evidence has emerged in relation to the vaccine trials issue? When will such evidence be put into the public domain? Does he envisage that criminal prosecutions will arise in this regard?

Does the Minister intend to carry out an investigation into how moneys given to victim support groups under the terms of the €12.7 million identified to be used for educational programmes for former residents of institutions and their families has been spent, particularly by NOVA and Right of Place? Can he confirm that complaints have been made regarding the inappropriate spending of such moneys by some of the individuals involved?

In relation to the indemnity deal, does the Minister acknowledge that his predecessor made a grave and fundamental error in signing the €128 million deal with the church when it transpires that a large proportion of the property included in the deal cannot be sold commercially to raise funds to compensate victims? Does the Minister acknowledge that the reason the Government agreed its suspect deal with the church was that it was running scared of going down the court route because the church would try and tie the Department of Education and Science and other Departments in as co-defendants, thus potentially costing the State far more in compensation than the current situation vis-à-vis the redress board and Laffoy?

In relation to the redress board, who advised Seán Ryan of the weightings that currently apply? Who ultimately made the decision to allow such weightings to be used? Does the Minister acknowledge that, in hindsight, the redress board is not working and that the weightings are inadequate? Does he agree that the provision to fine survivors who reveal the amounts settled at the redress board is in contempt of the European Convention on Human Rights? Justice, in being done, must also be seen to be done. Why are some key recommendations of Seán Ryan, SC, in relation to the redress board, not being implemented, particularly the need to match compensation payments from the board in line with those of the High Court? Can the Minister confirm that average compensation awarded via the redress board route are averaging just 10% of comparable awards made via the High Court? What is the Minister's figure in relation to the average compensation award? Can he provide public evidence as to how such a figure was arrived at? Does the Minister believe that payments of between €10,000 and €25,000 from the redress board to victims are sufficient? Can he confirm that the highest amount awarded under the redress board is just over €200,000 and that the survivor in question was subjected to further abuse in that he was used as part of an experiment? Does the Minister acknowledge that this last figure and, indeed, the lower figures mentioned when compared with the hundreds of thousands paid out by the High Court for abuse in residential institutions, and indeed for abuse not even deemed to be of the severest level, are paltry, insulting sums that need to be rectified?

The Minister stated in meetings with groups representing victims that sampling would not be looked at for the moment. Can he give a commitment to this committee, or to the Dáil, that sampling will not be introduced and that getting to the truth of what happened in each individual case will remain fundamental? Can he give a commitment that the terms of reference given to Seán Ryan will rule out sampling as an option? Can he guarantee that the appointment of Seán Ryan to carry out an independent review is not a way of introducing sampling by virtue of the Minister washing his hands of the matter in the future by saying that he will not intervene on sampling in an independent review? This matter needs to be clarified.

I will not repeat the issues raised by other speakers in relation to the fallout from the Laffoy commission. Will the Minister give a commitment that in any new review, people who have suffered institutional abuse will not be forced to submit sworn statements? Making a sworn statement should be at the discretion of the survivor and dependent on guarantees in regard to the result of the investigation, the naming and shaming of the institution in question and a commitment that the entire process will be transparent so as to prevent sworn statements ending up in a bin?

Will the Minister give a commitment that the Government will publish all documents relating to the proposed changes to Laffoy in advance for public scrutiny? Why has the Government so far refused or failed to publish any of the internal Government documents surrounding the decision of the Minister for Education and Science to commence a second review of the Laffoy commission in April of last year, only one week after concluding the first one? Does the Minister acknowledge that the public has a right to examine the case put by him with a view to determining the motivation behind the Government's decision?

Was cost the primary factor in the Government decision to commence a second review? If not, can the Minister provide documentation that proves that this was not the case? Will he outline the reasons the Government never responded adequately to Ms Justice Laffoy's proposals in June 2002, which arose from her concerns about costs and timescale, and proposed that the commission would operate on the basis of four divisions whereby the commission would have concluded its work by July 2005? What recommendation did the Minister or his predecessor make to the Government regarding the need for a response or the need to implement such proposals? What proposal came from the Department of Education and Science?

Does the Minister acknowledge that in the wake of the resignation letter from Ms Justice Laffoy, among other events, the Department of Education and Science, and indeed the Ministers on watch during the last number of years, including the Minister for Health and Children, Deputy Martin, and the former Minister for Education and Science, Deputy Woods, have lost all credibility and that responsibility for all matters relating to dealings with the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse or any successor inquiry should be transferred to other Departments, aside, that is, from the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform?

Does the Minister accept that his announcement of the appointment of Seán Ryan, notwithstanding Mr. Ryan's excellent credentials, is premature and that any new appointment or so-called independent investigation should await the interim report of the Laffoy commission, not to mention a full explanation of the Laffoy issue at this meeting and the Dáil statements scheduled for Wednesday? Does he acknowledge that the early appointment when the issue was on the agenda this week shows nothing but contempt for the Houses of the Oireachtas and typifies the Government's handling of the abuse issue so far?

The Minister will be aware of the importance of maintaining the independence of the commission. Does he agree that it is unacceptable that a large number of the commission's staff is seconded from the Department? Another factor is the reliance of the commission on the Department for funding given that the commission is investigating the Department of Education and Science, among others. Does he have any proposals to change the staffing arrangements?

Will the Minister explain the contradiction between the Department's concern over the cost of proceeding with the inquiry and its complete lack of concern, to the point of ignoring advice from the Department of Finance, in signing up to the sweetheart deal with the religious orders where the State has no limit to its liability in return for as little as €60 million worth of land and property? Is the Minister aware that the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, who was Attorney General at the time of the signing of the deal, admitted yesterday that the merits of the deal were questionable? Does he agree with that statement? The Minister appears to be fond of reviews, according to the material presented to the committee on this matter. Does he not agree that this deal should be reviewed, particularly in light of the estimated cost of €1 billion to the taxpayer?

Does the Minister intend to proceed with the proposal in regard to sampling, which may result in hundreds of victims being deprived of their right to face their abusers? Is he considering a limited use of sampling or has he withdrawn the idea in its entirety? I am aware that the question has already been asked and I would be grateful if he would clarify this matter.

Is the Minister aware that, at a meeting yesterday, the Irish Survivors of Child Abuse condemned the fact that it is not involved in the consultation process referred to in the Government response? Will he explain this omission? In response to Ms Justice Laffoy's letter, the Government inferred that an 11 month delay from publication of the Bill and the setting up of a compensation scheme was in no way unreasonable. The delay was, in fact, closer to 18 months since the Government approved the scheme, in principle, in October 2002. The Government has shown great determination in forcing legislation through the Oireachtas in a matter of days. An 18 month delay is completely unacceptable and demonstrates the low priority given this issue by the Department and the Government.

The Government refuses to accept that the commission was not provided with adequate resources. Despite this, the Government approved in principle a request for extra staff. Is this not an admission that the commission lacked the necessary staff to fulfil its mandate? How can one claim the commission had sufficient resources and then decide in December last that it needed more staff? Why did it take six months, from June 2002 to December 2002, for the Department to process the requests for additional staff? Ms Justice Laffoy stated earlier this month that since its establishment, the commission has never been properly enabled by the Government to satisfactorily fulfil the functions conferred on it by the Oireachtas. Does the Minister believe the Government's response refutes this allegation?

Will the Minister comment on the proposal from Ms Justice Laffoy to deal with 1,730 cases before the commission through parallel hearings in four divisions? What is the view in the Department as to the merits of this idea in processing the cases more swiftly?

Is the commission still awaiting resources? Previously, the Taoiseach and the Minister commented that they were surprised by the number of people coming forward in regard to this issue. When the Laffoy commission was set up, 1,000 people were preparing to take court action. Has the Minister met with victims groups? If so, I find it hard to understand his surprise at the number of people who want to become involved in this process. From knowing such victims and watching programmes about this issue, it is clear that, while in some cases individuals were at fault, beatings and violent behaviour were endemic in the system. The fist, strap and cane were part of the set up.

In ordering the second review, the Government made it clear that, at some stage, the commission would be given a different mandate to that which it currently holds. The judge says there is now a risk, albeit a slight one, that others in the commission may have to be replaced as they may have come across information or have formed impressions while implementing their current mandate that would hamper their ability to carry out a new mandate with an open mind. I ask the Minister to comment on that.

I welcome the Minister and his officials. The interest of every public representative is to ensure that the commission works effectively and achieves the desired result, mainly on behalf of the victims. We should not lose sight of where we are going.

I am somewhat astonished at how people have played politics with such a sensitive and emotive issue. I question the motivation of such people. My motivation - for which I make no apologies - is the interests of the victims. That is the motivation of the Government.

That is everyone's moti-vation.

Senator Minihan, without interruption, please.

I certainly have no intention of playing politics with the misfortunes that some people in this country had to endure through their lives and of which we are all deeply ashamed. I ask the Minister to state how big an impediment to the workings of the commission was the agreement on the legal fees and the method of their calculation. I wish to comment on the remarks made by many people about the delay on the part of the Government in publishing Ms Justice Laffoy's letter. Does the Minister agree that Ms Justice Laffoy herself answered that question when she stated in her letter of 2 September that she intended posting her intention to resign on the commission's website that day? Quite interestingly, in a letter of 10 July, her final paragraph stated that the commission recognised the urgency of implementing necessary action and nonetheless would appreciate receiving prior notice of any statement which it was intended to issue in relation to the commission and that the commission would be anxious to adequately prepare for reactions both from the public and its own personnel. Ms Justice Laffoy sought a period to be allowed to respond adequately to something. I have no difficulties whatsoever with the Government seeking that same privilege and I think that point should be made.

The commission has been a work in progress. There was no template and no previous experience and it was unique in its nature. From the outset there were complex legal issues and issues arose during the workings, resulting in reviews to ensure a successful and speedy outcome. No one can deny that and no one had the master plan on how this should operate. Issues arose and there was an onus on everyone to act responsibly to address those issues. I have no difficulty with reviews taking place if at the end of the day those reviews lead to the outcome which we all wished for when this commission was established.

Is the Minister confident that with the appointment of Mr. Ryan, the work of the commission to date, the reviews in progress and new legislation will enable the commission to get back on track and bring about a speedy and effective outcome to its deliberations?

I welcome the Minister's statement which is a useful clarification. I have one query to raise at the end of my contribution. I thank the Minister for making this statement to the committee. There are two things we all want to achieve: first, the public want full information on what happened and they want that information within a reasonable timescale; second, the victims want compensation and they are entitled to compensation.

I was not aware, Chairman, that the committee intended having a discussion today on the Residential Institutions Redress Board issue. Many of the questions seem to be focused on that issue. I thought that was a conversation or discussion which the committee has had and, quite frankly, we have had quite a few of them. I thought that issue was more or less, I will not say settled, but I thought that today the committee was inquiring primarily into the resignation of Ms. Justice Laffoy.

That is correct, Deputy. The Minister explained in his opening remarks that the redress board continues and this has no implications for it but there are some questions I consider to be reasonable in the context of what the committee is dealing with.

I am not saying they are unreasonable. Nobody has complained to me that they have not had a fair hearing or proper compensation from the Residential Institutions Redress Board. As far as I am aware, its work is ongoing and people are satisfied. If there are questions to the contrary and if there are groups or individuals who are unhappy with those levels of compensation, when the Bill was going through this committee we discussed the levels of compensation - I cannot recall them now but I remember thinking at the time that it was to be an informal and non-adversarial form of compensation and the levels of compensation in that context seemed reasonable to me - and I do not recall a lot of objections to those levels of compensation as they were being discussed by this committee. That is all I wish to say about that.

With regard to the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse, I am horrified to hear it was going to take eight to 11 years. I do not think that would be acceptable to the public. We have seen in other contexts how many members of the public and pundits are braying for quick results from inquiries. They are looking at the Iraq inquiry in Britain and saying, "My God, they have had a result within a few weeks". If one said in England that an inquiry result would take eight to 11 years, one would be laughed at. Without going into the detailed circumstances surrounding the resignation of Ms Justice Laffoy, it seems to me, as a member of this committee and as a Member of the Oireachtas, a period of eight to 11 years would be completely unacceptable. I have read the terms of reference of the review committee being headed now by Séan Ryan. He is an excellent choice. I am glad that within those terms of reference there are two points with which I am fully in agreement - the completion of the commission's work within a reasonable period and in a manner consistent with a proper investigation and to achieve those objectives without incurring exorbitant costs. To my mind, that is eminently reasonable. We do not have unlimited time or unlimited money. It behoves those who are asking 101 questions to be reasonable.

There should be no interruptions from the Visitors Gallery; I shall have to ask you to leave if you continue to interrupt. You are not entitled to interrupt from the Visitors Gallery.

Sitting suspended at 4.08 p.m. and resumed at 4.18 p.m.

The thrust of what I wanted to say is that the public want and are entitled to full information and all the victims are entitled to be heard and all the victims should be compensated properly. In that regard I have two specific questions for the Minister. In his statement, the Minister said that concern about the progress of the commission was shared by survivors' support groups who urged his Department to take action to ensure that the report of the commission be delivered as soon as possible. Will the Minister give the committee some details about that?

I am concerned about the timescale for new legislation. The Minister states it will be in the spring of 2004. I note that he has asked Mr. Ryan to report within eight weeks or so. Does it need to be that long before the legislation is introduced? New legislation should be given priority. There is absolute agreement within the Oireachtas that this issue has to be fully investigated and that every victim of abuse has a right to be heard fully and properly. That is not to say that we should support any tribunal that would go on for eight or 11 years or any tribunal that would be borne down by exorbitant legal costs. We must be practical in every aspect of our work. I hope none of my colleagues on the Opposition benches is suggesting that we should not be practical. With new legislation and a new chairperson at the helm, we can and must have a practical inquiry into this matter. Hopefully the full result of the commission of inquiry will be available in one or two years and not in eight to 11 years, which I do not believe anybody would support.

I welcome the Minister and his officials. In response to Senator Minihan, I do not think anybody wants to, as he calls it, play politics with this issue and I certainly do not wish to do so. I do not think any colleague from either side of the House wants to or should play politics with this issue but we have a right and a duty to ask questions.

When the former Minister for Education and Science, Deputy Woods, spoke in the Dáil on Second Stage of the Bill, he stressed the importance of the therapeutic aspect of people being enabled to tell their story. Does the present Minister share that view? How does the Minister reconcile sampling with the therapeutic role of the investigation committee? The former Minister for Education and Science, Deputy Woods, said that everything else would be subordinate to this because in his view it was of paramount importance. According to the Minister's statement today, the commission indicated in July 2000 that the total number of applications to the investigation committee was 1,957. Does the Minister agree that all those applications should be heard individually in order to fulfil the therapeutic role which was stressed at the time by the Minister, Deputy Woods?

The other issue is that of resources. Many colleagues on both sides of the House have noted that in June 2002, the then chairperson of the commission indicated that she wanted additional resources. These resources were not forthcoming. I contend she knew at that time that she would need those resources because the numbers of applications were fairly high. Based on the resources of the commission, the envisaged timeframe would not be met and it could take eight to 11 years and I agree that is too long. The only solution would be to increase the resources but that did not happen. Will the Minister tell the committee why that did not happen and what were his reasons for not increasing resources at that time? One of the important aspects of this commission and all other such commissions established by the Oireachtas is that they must be totally independent and free from all kinds of interference by Ministers, Government, committees such as this or anybody else. Does the Minister agree that by not providing resources, the Government interfered with the workings of the commission which is a very grave matter? The resources were requested by the chairperson who is a High Court judge.

The third issue has been raised already and it is the unfairness of putting the Department of Education and Science in the position of being regarded as investigating itself. Will the Minister agree it is unfair on the Department? Nobody should be a judge in his or her own case. The Department was supplying the resources and some of the personnel overseeing the legislation and the work. Will the Minister agree that it is perhaps time to remove that burden from the Department and remove any hint of the Department being a judge in its own case? I am not implying that the Department interfered in any way. The Department is the subject of investigation by the commission because the State was involved over the years.

The Minister stated that there were possible legal problems regarding the publication of the report. He stated that there was a delay due to resources and costs were involved and that is why he instituted the review. Should these problems not have been flagged long before now? When the commission was established, was there any discussion in Cabinet or any advice from the Attorney General regarding those three issues?

I attended a meeting yesterday in Liberty Hall along with representatives and Deputies from other political parties but none from either of the governing parties, unfortunately. Some of my questions to the Minister arise from that meeting.

In relation to the Minister's rather limited and in some ways rather lame opening statement to the committee, I find it surprising he should express surprise about the resignation of Ms Justice Laffoy when, as has been pointed in some detail by my colleagues, Ms Justice Laffoy regarded herself as seriously hampered in her work by the lack of resources and to some extent, by possibly a lack of a fruitful co-operation with the Department. Why was the Minister so surprised?

Mr. Ryan seems to have earned universal esteem as shown by the comments on his appointment. Nonetheless, Ms Justice Laffoy has indicated that she will have her report ready some time in early November. This is a very complicated situation which has not been managed very well by the Department both under the present Minister and his predecessor. In the context of the short timescale before Ms Justice Laffoy's report, it seems very odd from a professional point of view to appoint someone else before a very esteemed judge has had an opportunity to make her report and to make an input of more than has already been revealed in her letters and correspondence arising from her resignation. Why was Mr. Ryan's appointment brought forward? I understand the technical argument, but I would like to know if his appointment is likely to hamper and prejudice his ultimate role before he, as a legal professional, has an opportunity to hear what the learned judge has to say in some detail some time early in November.

My second question relates to the Minister's statement that when the commission was established in 2000, it was the Government's intention to carry out its work free of the adversarial environment and legal formality of the courts. That is like children talking about Christmas. Deputy Mulcahy and other members with legal expertise know how the hepatitis C tribunal worked out in the long run. It worked out well for the people who went before it. It is not as if the country is without experience of compensation tribunals. We also had the experience of the Army deafness cases. I am astonished at the Minister's statement. There were many reasons, but the main issue is that far from being a relatively informal forum, the investigation committee assumed the formality of the High Court complete with teams of lawyers. God bless the innocence of some people in the Government.

The Minister's predecessor, Deputy Woods, negotiated in great secrecy a deal with the religious orders. From evidence given to the Committee on Finance and the Public Service, it seems that deal was largely bereft at critical junctures of the input and expertise of the Department of Finance and of the Office of the Attorney General. When such a deal was being made and the Department of Finance had given a relatively generous overview, it was not unreasonable in the historical context of what happened in the institutions to expect a 50:50 assumption of responsibility between the State and the religious orders in charge of the institutions. It was perhaps generous compared to the experience in other countries. Although the Department of Finance took that viewpoint, the Minister's predecessor went on a solo run for a long number of months and negotiated a deal.

In negotiating that deal, why were compliance sections not included in relation to the behaviour of the religious orders? I know they could not speak for the behaviour of their members or past members in terms of their co-operation with any commission of inquiry. The religious orders welcomed and, in many cases, gave individual apologies, which all of us would like to believe were sincere and well meaning. Yet, as the Minister said, the forum, which his predecessor agreed with the religious orders, did not have the informality which the Minister's officials expected, but instead assumed the formality of the High Court complete with teams of lawyers. That was the problem for Ms Justice Laffoy and her inquiry. That was why she made proposals how to get around these issues. However, the question remains why the Department, the Minister and his predecessor did not avail of the expertise of the Department of Finance, except at the beginning and at the end, or the experienced lawyers in the Office of the Attorney General and the experienced lawyer, the then Attorney General, who is an expert on everything in this country.

As regards our experience of commissions and tribunals, such as those relating to the Army deafness and haemophiliac cases, I have had some contact with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa and with the war crimes tribunal in Rwanda. There are libraries full of how these difficult and sensitive issues can be dealt with in a fair, honest and honourable way in so far as it is possible to deal with such incredibly difficult human issues properly.

As the person in charge of a spending Department, the Minister is understandably and correctly concerned about the estimated legal spend of €200 million. In the context of the indemnity which his Department and his predecessor created, why is he not concerned about the €500 million to €1 billion bill to which the State is exposed? He should bear in mind that the horrendous legal costs are only at most one-fifth to one-tenth of the estimated total cost. The Comptroller and Auditor General will have more to say about that.

In the interests of helping everyone involved to move forward, will the Minister, as the person in charge of the Department, release all the correspondence, including the briefings, the documents and the initial briefing papers which were drawn up by the officials in his Department, which set the tenor for how this deal would be negotiated and which, presumably, had a significant influence on the behaviour of the then Minister, Deputy Woods. There seem to be three conflicting views and interests, all of which are important. What weight has the Minister given to the viewpoints and interests of the people resident in the institutions and of the Department of Education and Science which was responsible for such an oversight? It was not responsible for looking into the bedrooms of orphanages and institutions 20 or 30 years ago, but it was responsible for a general inspectorate. It was not responsible for the detailed supervision of the behaviour of individual members of religious orders. The behaviour of individual members of religious orders was and is initially supervised by religious orders. Nonetheless, the Department had an interest. That is why a number of colleagues said that the continued close involvement of the Department as a critical force in this procedure is inappropriate since it may amount to the Department running an investigation in which its own action or lack thereof is seriously questioned.

I ask the Deputy to conclude or the Minister will not have an opportunity to reply.

In the context of the meeting yesterday, does the Minister appreciate that the commission process and the Taoiseach's welcome and genuine apology to the people who were resident in institutions and had suffered there reopened extremely sad, unhappy and dreadful periods in their lives which many of them had dealt with in their own way? This debacle - money has nothing to do with it - has made the situation far worse for them and their families. The Minister said the redress board is working well. However, because people are subject to potential criminal sanction if they talk about the redress board in detail in public, it is not working as well as has been claimed.

I thank Deputy Burton. Everyone who indicated a wish to ask questions has now done so. On behalf of the committee, I apologise to you, Minister, and to your officials who came here in response to a request from us and should not have been subjected to the attacks from the Visitors Gallery.

I have two brief questions. Does the decision in the Meenan case and the decision pending in the other case mean that a meaningful investigation committee mandate is impossible? Should the State consider a criminal investigation along the lines of the CAB model? I suspect that if €200 million was available, it might be a more successful means of dealing with it. As an Oireachtas Member, I am alarmed that the decision of the Oireachtas has not been discharged and probably cannot be discharged in relation to the investigation element. Does the redress board have access to the confidential or investigative findings of the commission and its committees? Perhaps the Minister could answers questions only on Laffoy and the redress board in so far as it is relevant to Laffoy. That will rule out one element of the final question by Deputy Burton.

I will try to be as concise as I can, but I want to give members the maximum information. I do not want anyone to accuse me of not answering their questions. However, the Chairman can tell me if I am out of order.

Deputy Enright asked a number of questions, particularly about the judge's criticism and providing adequate resources. She wanted to know on what basis we started the review and why it was not finished by mid-February. The judge made a request for additional resources in June. As is normal for any Department, particularly in terms of protecting taxpayers' money and ensuring that everything is in order, discussions took place between the Department and the commission between June and November. When we were satisfied that the resources requested were needed by the commission and that it would help to speed up the process, I put together a memorandum for Government which was sent to the Government. It was decided by the Government on the day it appeared on the Government agenda in December. There was no unreasonable delay. However, when it was discussed at Government it was felt that extra resources or extra bodies in the commission was not the only thing that was needed because of the approach being adopted by a number of people, particularly the representatives of the religious orders. It was felt that we needed to review the operation of the investigation committee to see if we could put in place any procedures that would help the committee to fully discharge its mandate.

On that basis, we started a review which we said would be finished by mid-February. We missed that date by approximately ten days. It was finished at the end of February. As a consequence of that review, we were given authority to draft legislation which, as was pointed out, came to Government on 8 April. That Government meeting dealt with the drafting the heads of the Bill. There was a discussion, which was carried over to the following week. It was stated that a decision was made one week and then we came in the following week and decided something totally different. However, this item ran from one meeting to the other. The second decision was made about the further review being necessary.

Some 40 cases have been dealt with by the investigation committee from December to June and the present. Even if the staff was doubled and divided into four it would take a long time to carry out 1,700 investigations. The extra resources would have increased its effectiveness, but even if it had been reduced by a factor of three or four, it would still be a long time before the work was completed. We were talking originally about a rate of 20 cases per year or 80 cases per year if that was multiplied by four. It was clear that the adversarial attitude adopted by a few people would cause the commission difficulty and it was our desire to try to remove as many of those difficulties as we could.

We responded to the request for staff to be increased from 38 to 79. We agreed that in principle. The Secretary General of the Department informed the commission of that and of the fact that we were doing a review. On many occasions the judge said she did not want to waste taxpayers' money. In that context, we suggested that she might employ the people on short-term contracts or roll out the increase in staff over a period while the review was being done.

A question was asked about my statement on 9 September and the Taoiseach's statement on 10 September. In both cases we accepted that Ms Justice Laffoy had valid criticisms about delays. No one in the Government is contesting the fact that there were delays. However, we contest that these were all the fault of the Government and that they were part of a deliberate plot to undermine the independence of the commission.

As regards my agenda and the statement that cost was at the heart of this matter, that is not true. I met the victim support groups. As far as I am concerned, the agenda is to get a resolution to their difficulties and pain as quickly as possible. That would not happen in the timescale they, I, the Government or other members of the committee wanted. That was the reason we decided it was necessary to go ahead with the review. I have been asked by a number of Deputies and Senators whether the review will be published. It is our intention that when Mr. Ryan's review is completed and the Bill is published his review and our review will be published at the same time.

What about Ms JusticeLaffoy's review?

That is a matter for Ms Justice Laffoy. I presume she will publish it. It is not within our remit to decide whether it will be published. Ms Justice Laffoy must make that decision. I presume it will be published. There would not be any point in her doing a review if it was not published. It is an interim report and it will be made public.

If the two reviews by Mr. Ryan and the Government are published together, will there be a confrontation in terms of why the reviews are being carried out? Which review will take precedence in the event of a conflict or different decisions being reached?

If Mr. Ryan wants to seek advice, assistance, information or the views of the Department, we will respond positively as we would to Ms Justice Laffoy or any other commission. However, we will not direct Mr. Ryan in his review or interfere in any way in his review. That would not be right.

Will the Minister await the publication of Ms Justice Laffoy's report before the reports by the Government or Mr. Ryan are published?

We do not have any say or control over when Ms Justice Laffoy will make her report. We are not making any arrangements with Ms Justice Laffoy about the timing of her report. She will do it when she is ready. She said it will be some time before November. The other two reports will be published with the legislation whenever it is published.

May I ask a question?

If the question is pertinent and clarifies whatever is bothering the Deputy, I will allow it.

As long as I get enough time to answer all the other questions.

I am sure that what Ms Justice Laffoy has to say about her portion of the work will be pertinent to the Government's report.

As I am not privy to what Ms Justice Laffoy will say, I do not know if it will or will not be pertinent. As regards the timescales I and Ms Justice Laffoy have given, Ms Justice Laffoy says she will publish it early in November. Unless the Christian Brothers' case is settled earlier than that, we do not anticipate that our report will be published before the report by Ms Justice Laffoy. We and Mr. Seán Ryan, in his capacity as chairperson of the commission, will take that into account before our reports are finalised.

A number of people mentioned Ms JusticeLaffoy's criticisms of the Department and the fact that she resigned because of the Department. There is nothing about that in her letter of resignation. I reject the notion that officials in my Department did not co-operate with the commission. I have accepted in the past and on the record of the House that there were difficulties and delays, particularly in relation to the first couple of discovery orders for Goldenbridge and Newtownforbes. The discovery order in relation to Newtownforbes gave a month for the Department to provide all types of records. The Department was not able to respond to that in the time allocated. It took approximately four months at most - I can be corrected if I am wrong - to do that. The second one was in relation to Goldenbridge. The Department was approximately two months slow in its response because of the difficulties getting records.

A major discovery order was then made against the Department because the commission felt that once it was making discovery orders against everyone else it should make them against the Department. Originally we were given until April 2003, one month, to compile that. We went back to the commission and explained our difficulty and the commission gave us until 27 June 2003. In that period every one of the 20,000 pages of documents was discovered and delivered to the commission. The commission praised the Department for the way it responded to the discovery order. It was not the Department's intention to deliberately hinder the work of the commission. I strongly reject any criticism levelled at civil servants in the Department that they deliberately did that. They all accept that because of the difficulties they did not meet certain deadlines, but that was not deliberate.

I was asked if I had made any changes in the Department, if I had spoken to Department officials or if any civil servants working in this section of the Department had been involved in abuse or in any of the allegations. To the best of my knowledge, the answer is no. There has been a fairly consistent level of change in the Department, mainly as a result of an increase in staff numbers. There are approximately 25 staff in this section who meet the needs of the commission and deal with freedom of information requests. I am not aware of any official who works in this area of the Department who has or had any alleged involvement in this matter. The officials in my Department are only compiling documents and bringing them forward. They are not working in the commission and they are not involved in the investigation per se except to provide as much information as possible to the commission.

Could the Minister clarify if any officials from the Department have been seconded to work in the commission?

There are people seconded to the commission, but they are now employees of the commission. They are not employees of the Department. There are 41 in the commission at present, some of whom have been seconded from the Department of Education and Science. I know it was not anyone's intention to suggest and I would not like the impression to be given that because they are from the Department of Education and Science they are involved in a conspiracy to undermine the commission.

The question was whether any of those currently working in the commission had any involvement in this matter when they worked in the Department. It was a simple question, not an accusation. That is the issue I want resolved.

Is the Deputy talking about people in the residential institutions section of the Department?

No. I am talking about people who have been seconded from the Department to the commission. I want to know if they had any role in dealing with allegations of abuse or inspecting institutions when they were in the Department.

Not in relation to inspecting institutions or anything else like that. The answer is no.

I have been quoted extensively by a number of people as having said I was surprised at the number of victims. I did not make that statement. I am sorry if that renders null and void a range of questions asked about my surprise. I was a little surprised by the adversarial attitude adopted by congregations on behalf of their members. Those were the same congregations which publicly apologised for the abuse which they accepted took place in the institutions. I was also surprised by the fact that when this legislation went through the House, nobody, as far as I can recall, made any type of strong statement that this would all turn adversarial because the legislation specifically states that it should be as informal as possible. Everybody made an assumption, because of the Taoiseach's apology, the apology from the congregations and various statements made by spokespersons, that there would be a much more informal set-up and that people would not be as adversarial as they turned out to be. That is the only surprise I had. That made things extremely slow. It means we have a trial within a trial for everybody who makes an accusation because people are entitled to defend themselves.

What about the relevant part of Deputy Burton's question? Why did the Minister not tie the institutions into the redress agreement? Maybe it would have been illegal and unenforceable?

The answer is I do not know. I doubt if it would have been legally permissible; I might come back to that.

I thank the Chairman for allowing me to ask a supplementary question. The Minister said that parties on all sides of the House welcomed what the Taoiseach did. Of course they did, and they still do. However, the point is that the deal signed by the former Minister, Deputy Woods, and the religious orders was unknown to everybody in the House and, most importantly, nobody knew - except perhaps some people in Departments, the former Minister, Deputy Woods, and the Taoiseach - that an indemnity had been given to the religious orders. As the Minister says, it is the knowledge of that indemnity and the fact that within that secret deal no conditions of compliance or co-operation were included, as would be normal in any kind of commercial deal——

The Minister says he does not know the answer.

The only thing I do know - and I will double check this - is that all those things were discussed in the House in January of that year, including the indemnity and the deal that was being concluded. I will check, but I am told that is the case.

Is it not the case that the Opposition spokespersons would not have known about the deal and the indemnity when the commission legislation was going through?

Not at the time of this——

The Minister has told us as much as he knows and he will check what he does not know.

Deputy Enright asked why we withheld the letter before we replied to it. As I have explained a number of times, it was because the judge, taking her time, had written a letter which was in effect a very serious accusation against the Government and it deserved to be answered fully. I felt that the judge deserved the courtesy of a reply and that both the accusation and the response should be published at the same time. It is wonderful to have instant answers to everything, but sometimes things are a little more complicated. The public's curiosity did not wane in the week in which it had to wait for it and we had a much more balanced debate as a result. The Deputy also asked whether I or my officials had met with Mr. Ryan. I met him obviously to ask him whether he would take on the job. Do I agree with the Comptroller and Auditor General and with his figure? I do not answer questions on the basis of what appear in newspapers to be the words of the Comptroller and Auditor General. When I see his report, I will be delighted to answer questions.

Deputy O'Sullivan said that four years on, there is very little response to the problem of child abuse: I beg to differ. I will not go through the details but we have a redress board paying compensation to victims, a confidential committee which gives victims the opportunity to tell their stories in a warm, compassionate environment and counselling services around the country, operated by the health boards. A scheme of repatriation has been put in place in Cork and we support various victim support groups as represented by NOVA. A huge amount is being done. The investigation committee is the one area in which we have difficulty and we are determined to remove the difficulty and get on with things. I answered the questions about how Ms Justice Laffoy's request for resources in June 2002 was dealt with and the proposal she made for dividing things into four sections. I have also mentioned the question of a meaningful response to requests for resources. It is not the Government's practice to publish the legal advice it receives from the Attorney General and I do not intend to breach that. I was asked whether I would be discussing Ms Justice Laffoy's work or her report with her; I do not expect to. I would not like to be accused of trying to influence her report or interfere in any way. If she indicates that she wants to talk to me I will have no difficulty responding positively.

I was asked about the mandate, resources and timescale for the commission under Mr. Ryan. I do not want to be pernickety, but I must clarify that at no stage did the Government decide to change the mandate of the commission and the investigation committee. The mandate, which is outlined in the legislation, is to investigate allegations of abuse, including who was responsible and when, where, how and why it took place. What we have been talking about all along is reconsidering the remit of the commission and how the commission carries out its mandate. We will continue to do that with our review. It is to be hoped the appointment of Mr. Ryan will ensure that the timescale for the work of the commission will be more like what was originally envisaged - a couple of years. In relation to resources, we will wait for Mr. Ryan's report and whatever the resource implications I will bring them to Government at that point.

Deputy Gogarty and a number of others asked whether all the victims would get to tell their stories. The results of the Meenan case, which was referred to earlier, and the Christian Brothers case may have a bearing on who can be heard and how they can be heard, particularly in the investigation committee. If the effect of these judgments is to limit those who have opted to go to the investigation committee rather than the confidential committee, we will have to consider allowing people to opt back in to the committee so they can tell their stories. The victims' groups have submitted proposals to us for setting up a subdivision of the confidential committee, or a confidential committee Mark II, in which victims would be allowed to confront their abusers. This might run into legal and constitutional difficulties, but we have undertaken to consider it.

A question was asked about sampling. The groups have put forward a suggestion that we should ask the commission to write to all the victims outlining all the procedures for redress, including the confidential committee and the investigation committee, and ask them to reaffirm which committee they wish to avail of - or indeed, if they wish to avail of the confidential committee Mark II, as I outlined. The groups are of the opinion - and I do not disagree - that a number of people may exercise an option other than the investigation committee and the numbers of those who want to go to the investigation committee may be reduced, so we may be able to finish within the planned timetable after all. We have agreed to park the question of a selection of representative numbers of victims for the investigation committee until this is sorted out and until we find out whether the investigation committee will consider the proposal. Of course, the investigation committee and the commission itself will have their own views and we will have to take those into account.

In response to Deputy Gogarty's questions, if I thought the current situation was satisfactory we would not be reviewing it. We are reviewing it in the context of the investigation committee and the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse Act 2000. That is the only area in which there have been major difficulties. I have answered the Deputy's questions about my surprise. In relation to the vaccine trials, that is a matter for the Minister for Health and Children. I am not in a position to predict what might happen. There was a High Court decision about this recently, but it is not in my remit. The Deputy also asked about carrying out investigations and how money is given to victim support groups under the terms of the €12.7 million which is to be used for educational programmes and so on. All the groups have to provide audited accounts; one of the groups has been audited by the Comptroller and Auditor General.

Mention was made of the deal under which the religious congregations are liable for €128 million. Every red cent of that will be collected, either in property or cash. If we cannot get it in property, we will get it in cash. A myth is being perpetuated, no matter how many times we state to the contrary, that somehow the congregations will get away without paying because their property is in trust and so on. This is nothing but a myth. They have made a commitment to provide all the money and we intend to collect on that.

If the State has invested anything in the properties being signed over by the religious orders - for example, if the property was previously a school - will the amount of the investment, which has obviously increased in value, be deducted to make up the final figure?

That is an issue for the redress board, and I have already ruled out some of Deputy Burton's questions on that account.

It relates to the deal.

May I ask a question about this?

Yes, but we are only dealing with the redress board in so far as it impinges directly——

It is to do with the CORI deal rather than the redress board.

The Department may get all the property, but if it cannot sell it off for development use and realise its cash value for spending, the moneys cannot be used for the victims. The State may own the property but it may end up having to be used for educational purposes. Is there not a block on using some of the property? Is it not true that it is in trust for certain purposes and cannot be used outside those purposes?

The Minister can answer both questions. I will accept an answer to Deputy Enright's question but I do not want to hear any more about that part of the business.

Any properties we receive must be for the benefit of the State. If that means a direct transfer to the State, it must be unencumbered. We have not agreed on any properties in one category - those which have been transferred since the date of the apology in 1999. If they are in any way encumbered or not of direct benefit to the State we will not accept them. Some of the properties are being used for educational purposes and that is of benefit to the State. I do not really get the thrust of the Deputy's question.

I am talking about the benefit to the victims rather than to the State.

The Deputy is saying that the value of the property is clearly diminished if it is restricted in terms of use.

It will not be - we will not accept any property of that type.

Is it the real value or the putative value of the property that is being considered?

To be used for the victims.

It is the real value.

What about any investment that the Department has put into the property?

Any State investment is discounted. Did the Chairman say he wanted me to answer questions on the indemnity deal?

Only in so far as they relate directly to this. The Minister has answered three questions on this issue. He did not know the answer to one, but he dealt with the others.

Questions were asked about the redress board. A report was completed independently by Mr. Seán Ryan and it would be worthwhile for members of the committee to read that so that they can see exactly what was being proposed. It is not a long report. We are talking about a High Court level of compensation. The redress board is generally regarded as working well.

What is the average compensation figure at the moment?

I will take Deputy Burton's question first as it is possibly relevant.

I must point out to the Minister, with due respect, that along with many other people I have been at meetings - as recently as yesterday - at which it has been clear that there are people who have been to the redress board and are not happy. In fact, Mr. Ryan's recommendations about High Court levels of compensation are not being used at the redress board. There is in attendance here a senior member of the Minister's own party who has a lot of experience of the hepatitis C tribunal. I do not think the Minister should state that the redress board is working well when nobody in the Dáil has any evidence that this is true. He said this several times.

I did and I stand over it. The redress board is working well.

Others are of a different view.

The Deputy should let me answer. I am making a statement that the board is working well because people are being heard there and are being offered compensation, and there is an appeals system. That is not to say that people are happy with the awards. They can appeal their awards to a completely separate section of the redress board if they are not happy, and if they are still not happy they can go to the courts. To say people are not happy with the awards is not to say that they are not happy with the working of the redress board.

Just to clarify, according to what I have heard so far——

I do not want to start interfering with the work of the redress board.

That is not all people are not happy with. More information will come into the public domain about it, even though people face penalties, including terms of imprisonment, if they speak out. This is a difficulty for people who have been there, and an element of the difficulty with the whole structure.

I am allowing these questions because this is part of the framework of the issue.

I know the Minister cannot go through every question I listed, but I gave him a copy of my questions so perhaps he could respond in more detail in writing.

I will go through them.

What is the Minister's view of the average compensation award?

That is not relevant.

The Minister says the redress board is working well. How can it be that the highest payment - just over €200,000, unless the Minister wants to query that - was paid to someone who was subjected to extreme forms of abuse and experimentation, yet in the O'Gorman case the award was more than €300,000? I know we are not comparing like with like but, in general, can the redress board be seen to be working when the compensation is nowhere near what Mr. Ryan originally suggested?

To be fair, Deputy, this committee has not heard all the evidence in either case. Neither the Minister nor the committee is really in a position to make a judgment.

What is the average payment?

Having been ballyragged for allegedly interfering with the Laffoy commission, am I now being told by the members here that I should interfere with the redress board? The members would want to be very careful. It is great to hear that people in the Opposition are now meeting victims of abuse but there were not too many of them meeting the victims when they wanted somebody to listen to them and wanted a Government to open the door to the kind of mechanisms this and the previous Government have put in place. The redress board is independent and I will not be drawn into making any statements about what it is or is not doing.

The Minister says the board is working well. Can he back up that statement?

Yes. Victims are being heard, their cases are being dealt with and appeals are taking place. That is the job of the redress board.

What is the average payment?

I do not know.

These questions are not really relevant to today's business.

There is a lot of information available on the redress board's website if people want to read it. I will not comment on individual cases that come before it or the amounts of awards. If people go to the bother of reading the Ryan report they will find that the compensation awards are based on High Court levels. After hearing the individuals' stories, it is up to the redress board to make the final decision. We should not be second guessing the board.

I am afraid we are rehashing a discussion we had several weeks ago - if not several months - when we went in detail through the various categories of compensation set out by statutory instrument under the Act. I do not recall Deputy Gogarty objecting to those levels of compensation but if he did, he should say it now. The compensation levels were passed by this committee. Are we to rehash the same arguments endlessly? As Deputy Gogarty knows, all these bodies publish an annual report in which one can find out the average award, the number of appeals and the number of references to the High Court. For God's sake, can we give the board a little time to do its work and stop rehashing old arguments? I find it all a bit tedious.

If the system is seen not to work in the initial stages we should call a halt to it now. There is no point in waiting another two or three years. The feedback we are receiving tells us that the payments are not satisfactory.

That is irrelevant in this discussion, although we may have to return to the issue on another occasion. The Minister has explained how the system works and about the appeals. Deputies are probably reflecting the concerns they have been told about. I did not know about the meeting mentioned by Deputy Burton.

Neither did I, and I would like to know who was invited. Was it Labour Party Dáil Deputies?

Members of the Progressive Democrats and Fianna Fáil were invited to the meeting and did not turn up.

I was not invited.

For the record, I certainly received no invitation.

All party leaders received the invitations.

Deputy Burton seemed to imply that some of us chose not to go to the meeting. We cannot go to meetings to which we are not invited.

I was invited through the office of Deputy Rabbitte because neither DeputyRabbitte nor Deputy O'Sullivan was available. I went as the Labour Party representative. People who spoke at the meeting, which was a very detailed one, regretted that the Government parties had not accepted their invitations. I cannot speak for them——

I thank the Deputy for clarifying that.

I can only say what I heard at the meeting.

The Deputy implied otherwise.

It is important to point out that the Department, and I as Minister for Education and Science, are in constant contact with NOVA and survivor groups. As I have said, it was the previous Government, made up of the same parties as the current one, that listened to these groups after they had had the door slammed in their faces by Deputies who are now very concerned about them.

That is not true.

That is a lie.

It is not a lie.

It is an absolute lie.

I personally produced a Private Members' Bill in 1998, before the Government ever took action.

Can we move on to the next item, please?

In 1995-96 and 1996-97 the parties opposite were in Government, and that is the period to which I am referring. Deputy O'Sullivan would not have been producing Private Members' Bills during that time.

The Minister just made an allegation that doors were slammed in people's faces. What evidence does he have for that? The officials in the Department have been the recipients of most of the inquiries since the first television programmes about this issue, although the Minister was at great pains to defend them earlier.

The Deputy should check with her former party leader.

The Minister should check his history.

We were not at meetings we did not know about. I do not know what doors were slammed on whom, but I know I did not know about the meeting.

The Deputy's former party leader should be able to tell her what she needs to know.

I have answered Deputy Gogarty's questions about the redress board - those which were appropriate - and I have spoken about sampling and about the review and the publication of the reviews. Why did the Government never respond to Ms Justice Laffoy's proposals in June 2002? We did, and I have explained that in detail. I do not accept the question being put by a number of Deputies about whether I think Mr. Ryan's appointment is premature. We were requested by the victims of abuse to appoint a chairman as a matter of urgency after Ms Justice Laffoy indicated that she was leaving. We were also requested by the other members of the Laffoy commission to appoint a chairman and we did that as quickly as we could. I do not accept that contempt was shown for the Oireachtas or for this committee and I would not like people to think that there was. I hope Deputy Gogarty was not serious when he asked about sworn statements being thrown into the bin at the commission; it certainly was not worthy of response.

I have answered a number of questions raised by Deputy Crowe. He asked about the delay in agreeing to extra resources. We did not delay the agreement for extra resources - we agreed it in principle and decided to have a review. The Secretary General of my Department suggested that the commission should stagger those appointments or decide on short contracts so that the taxpayer would not end up having to foot a big bill for people who were not needed after the review. I have dealt with questions about sampling and about the property deal. We do not have contact with every survivors' group as it would be impossible to maintain contact with all of them all the time. We do have direct contact on a regular basis with NOVA, which represents the groups. We try to keep ourselves informed through our dealings with them. Not every group would have access but it is the intention that as regards the one mentioned, there would be a meeting with officials at some future stage.

The general thrust of Senator Minihan's point was that this was set up and was very much work in progress, and that there was no master plan or template by which we could operate. It was very much a case of setting it up, trying to get it as right as possible and if we thought it was not working correctly we might do something about it. That is a reasonably fair assessment of what has happened.

As regards whether I am confident with Mr. Ryan's appointment and whether the review will bring a speedy resolution to all this, I am confident that will happen. We will achieve what the commission - previously under Ms JusticeLaffoy and shortly to be under Mr. Ryan - the victims, ourselves and everybody wants. We will do that.

May I interrupt you for a moment, Minister?

I would not like the impression to go out that the Oireachtas can be considered to be work in progress. The Oireachtas established this commission and the Minister has decided to review it at this point. However, it is wrong to say that it was a work in progress because Ms Justice Laffoy did not consider it to be a work in progress while she was in charge of the commission.

That is semantics.

It is not semantics.

Of course, it is a work in progress. There is a start, a middle and an end to it.

Obviously the operations of the commission are——

There is a start, a middle and an end to the commission. We are into semantics now.

It is an important point. If we are passing legislation in this House I do not consider it to be work in progress. When it is passed and signed into law, I consider it to be actual legislation. It is not a work in progress, it is something that Minister has decided to review now. He has the power to do that and further legislation will have to be passed.

The Deputy is being a bit pedantic——

I do not think so.

——if she does not mind me saying so.

I do mind the Minister saying so because I do not agree with him. Are we to take it that the next Bill will be another work in progress, which can also be reviewed? We have to provide some sort of clarity to Mr. Ryan when he takes this on board so that he will know that he will have to work with whatever is eventually enacted by us and that it will not be changed time and time again on a whim. That is an important point to make.

I dispute the contention that anything is being changed on a whim. The Act was operating over a three year period. Difficulties were highlighted by the commission itself - difficulties we all knew about. The victims' groups could see their members dying almost weekly. They felt that the Act - and the work people had done - was not working the way they wanted it to work, that is, getting them a result very quickly.

Yes because the Government was hampering their work.

We reviewed that and when the Act is passed and the review is finalised, we hope we will be able to say there will not be a need for a futher review. There was no whim involved.

I want to raise a different issue. The Minister gave us new information today that he intends to contact those people who have indicated that they want to go before the investigation committee, to ask them whether they still want to. That is my understanding.

I understood him to say that, yes.

I am sorry if that is the impression the Deputy got. I was asked by the victims' support groups to contact the new chairperson of the commission to put a proposal to him from them, which I outlined. We agreed to do that as a suggestion from the victims and we will do so but not as a direction or anything else.

I want to follow up on that point. There is a danger that people might say that, in view of the delays they have experienced and the problems that have arisen, partly because of lack of resources, there might be a suggestion that they would be waiting for years if they are going to wait for the investigation committee. It is very important this should not be seen as a suggestion that they might be better off going to the other committee. The commitment was given that whoever wanted to go to the investigation committee to tell their story and address the problem with those who are accused, should be free to do so. I would be worried if there was a suggestion that they might be gently guided in another direction. We need clarification on that.

Will you clarify that, Minister, before I call on Deputy Gogarty?

Yes, I want to respond quickly. This is a suggestion that was made by the victims themselves.

The Department has put it to people.

It will not be put to anybody without consultation. We will be in full consultation with the victims' support groups before we put anything out or draft a letter to the commission in this respect. However, they are the people who have suggested that this——

Is it a cross-section of victims' groups?

We approached NOVA, the group with which we have all our discussions. There is a view among victims' groups - and I am sure they can speak for themselves - that quite a number of people decided they were going to the investigation committee because at the time they were under the impression that if they did not go to the investigation committee or the confidential committee they would not go to the redress board. There is more than a suggestion that some people were advised accordingly. I take the point the Deputy is making. There will not be any attempt made to influence people to go in one direction or the other. As I understand it, the victims' support groups told me last week that they want a factual outline of what the investigation committee is and what the confidential committee is. If it is possible to have a confidential Mark II, as I outlined earlier, that should be put in it as well, and it should be made very clear in the letter that not going to the investigation or confidential committees does not preclude them from going to the redress board to claim compensation.

Has the Minister been talking to groups outside NOVA? There are other groups, such as Focus.

We could spend all our time speaking to groups or individuals if we had to but NOVA has been set up as a representative body for the victims' support groups. It is an acronym for the National Organisation of Victims' Associations. That is the representative body with which we operate. People are free to affiliate with it and to make their views known to it.

But the Minister is aware that there are people outside that organisation?

Yes, there are dozens of individuals outside it.

I welcome the idea that, after receiving counselling, some survivors may wish to tell their story and move from investigation. However, is it not true that one of the victims' groups contacted the Minister in December 2002 making a similar request? It also contacted one of the Minister's departmental officials in January 2003 about that and heard nothing back. Why is it only now that the Minister and his Department are acceding to such a request? Is it because of some new background information or because the resignation of Ms Justice Laffoy prompted the Government to manage the crisis? Why did it take nine months for the Minister to come around to doing so when he was asked last December to write to people giving them the option?

Because the commission was operating last December and I could not interfere with it. We initiated the review on foot of a meeting I had with the victims' groups last December in which they expressed - and this relates to a question Deputy Mulcahy asked - serious concern about the length of time it would take the investigation committee to produce its report. A number of suggestions were made. I outlined in the Government response the fact that I met with those groups. As a result of the meeting I had with them, I became more convinced that we did need to review it and that is what we proceeded to do; that is part of the review. The very specific proposal that is now before us was reactivated at the meeting with officials on 15 September.

That is entirely clear.

The Minister has not drafted the wording yet but what is the general thrust of what will be asked in these letters? Under the terms of the commission, the power is already there for people, once they have not concluded giving their evidence to either committee, to move from one committee to the other. Therefore, I assume the question will not just be "Do you want to go from the investigative committee to the other one?" Will there be more detail in it?

We will outline to the commission what the victims' groups have asked us to outline. I mentioned that just a second ago so I do not want to go through it again. We will say that they have put this proposal to us. Previously, with the Laffoy Commission, we made it clear at all times that we were talking to and in contact with the victims' support groups. When we started the review process we said we would be talking to them. We will convey this to the commission. If they agree to do this, the commission itself will word the letter. I presume that will probably be in consultation with the victims' support groups or with my Department - that is, either directly or through us.

Deputy Mulcahy asked about the timescale for the new legislation and why we are talking in terms of spring 2004. We are talking about that timescale because we need to take the verdict in the Christian Brothers' case, and perhaps if there is an appeal, into account before we finalise the legislation. If we were to get the judgment from the High Court very quickly and from the Supreme Court very quickly after that, the timescale might be shortened but that is our best guestimate at the moment.

A Supreme Court judgment following an appeal from the High Court can take a long time.

It can but in the Meenan case it took less than four weeks. That was because the Supreme Court saw the urgency of the case, which was to do with the Laffoy Commission and the vaccine trials. The court responded very quickly. I would hope it would continue to do so but we have no direct control over that.

Deputy Stanton talked about the therapeutic value of victims telling their stories. Deputy Woods has laid great emphasis on the fact that all the stories should be told. That has to be done within the limits of the law and the Constitution but the confidential committee allows everybody to tell their story. If something happens in the judgment we are expecting that precludes people from telling their story to the investigation committee, we would facilitate them going back to the confidential committee. There is a therapeutic value in telling these stories and I agree with what Deputy Woods has said. Hopefully people will get the opportunity to tell their stories.

I have dealt with the questions of the commission's independence and resources. The point about the unfairness of the Department being seen to investigate itself has been made ad nauseam by various people. I understand where they are coming from but the Department is not carrying out the investigation. It is supplying resources, as Deputy Stanton said, and is supplying some personnel on secondment but the investigation is an independent one by the commission itself.

I can say I was not there at the time but the officials have been with this matter since the very beginning. My predecessors, Deputies Martin and Woods, were there also. I am surprised that the Department of Education and Science is being given so little credit for the fact that it initiated the legislation. This was done on foot of the then Minister and his officials bringing forward documents in response to a number of television programmes, newspaper articles and concerns that were raised by victims. The Department itself took the initiative and the Minister at the time brought the legislation to Government, steered it through the Oireachtas, and established interdepartmental committees. The apology to the victims of abuse led to all of this. I am not referring to the Deputy whose question and statement were about the unfairness of what was being said. However, in the interests of balance, commentators should acknowledge the fact that all this effort to make up for the dreadful things that were done to people in State institutions started with a Minister in the Department of Education and Science.

I have dealt with a number of Deputy Burton's questions. I limited my opening statement - whether it is lame is a matter of opinion - in deference to committee members who wanted as much time as possible to ask their questions.

Why was I surprised by the fact that Ms Justice Laffoy tendered her resignation? I was surprised because I met her - and this is a personal view - on three different occasions and spoke to her for the last time when I met her on 15 July. I had no indication whatsoever of her forthcoming resignation, even though we outlined, generally speaking, and told her about the second review. We gave her a copy of the first review and she asked for notice of when we were going to make the announcement. I had absolutely no indication that the judge had any difficulty with what we were doing. When I heard about the resignation I was surprised. It is as simple and straightforward as that.

I have dealt with the question of appointing the new person as quickly as we did. That was because the victims' groups and other members of the commission wanted it. I have also dealt with the adversarial question and page three of my comments. We are back to the redress deal, Chairman. Have we dealt with all the questions there?

A critical flaw of the redress deal was that there was no element of the religious orders, and/or their members giving an undertaking to comply fully. The Minister has spoken at length about meeting NOVA and going back to various victims' groups. At this late stage, has the Minister gone back to the religious orders to ask them? For instance, by giving general statements of what went on, they could potentially speed up the work of the commission enormously. They may not be able to comment in detail, and constitutionally may not be able to comment in relation to individual members, but they could give an overview picture by releasing their records of what went on in the various institutions. Many decent members and former members of such orders knew about it, saw it and have spoken to public representatives about how horrified and shocked they were at what went on and how unhappy they were. If the Minister has been talking to victim's groups, why does he not talk to the religious and try to get them to change their minds? What we heard at the Committee on Finance and the Public Service made clear the extent to which their strategy was run by Arthur Cox & Company and various other legal eagles.

The Deputy should not make reference to people outside the House.

I am sorry but that arose at the Committee on Finance and the Public Service. If the Minister has been going back to the victims, could he or members of the Government seek a meeting with CORI? CORI often tells us what to do, quite rightly, about other elements of public policy but they might have a rethink of their approach on this matter. We may have party political differences but everybody is interested in seeing some level of justice brought out of this dreadful situation.

It might be useful to deal with that point more fully than I have done. The Laffoy Commission has not yet got to the stage where it is looking at the general context, including the social context, in which the abuse took place in institutions. The broader issue rather than the individuals is phase two of the commission's work. I would hope that when the commission gets to that stage - it can decide to go to it at any time - we might get a lot more co-operation from the congregations than we are getting currently.

From my understanding of the approach adopted by the religious orders, if they believe that a person is being falsely accused they are not prepared to waive constitutional rights for that individual; they are not prepared to allow statements go unchallenged. We all have a constitutional right to our good name and they are going to defend it. In some cases, where people have died, the religious orders feel they have an obligation to the deceaseds' families. That is what I have been told is their general approach to this, whether it is the brothers or the nuns.

The only reason I have not talked to CORI up to now is that I did not want to be accused of doing secret deals behind people's backs. I did not see a need for it because the Laffoy Commission was up and operating and had a job to do. I did not want to talk to CORI because I really did not have a whole lot to say to them. However, I have been requested by the victims' support groups, including NOVA, to talk to CORI. I have been asked to see whether CORI will meet with the victims' support groups. I have indicated that I will request that should happen and, if necessary, I will chair that particular meeting. I have no difficulty doing any of that.

More generally, as regards the questions on the redress deal, it may be useful to recall briefly the history of this matter. The Taoiseach made his apology and after a period of time when the commission was established, it indicated that a redress board should be established to pay compensation to the victims. It was agreed that we should do that. At that stage, the State agreed to establish the redress board and that it would take the full hit for all the compensation that might be awarded by the redress board. That was the starting point of all this.

The religious orders, through CORI, then made approaches to the Department and to the Government and said they wanted to make a contribution towards the cost of that compensation. Eventually, that contribution was finalised at €128 million. One can look at this as a bottle being half empty or half full but if the religious orders had not come forward - whatever the amount of compensation is, and one can see it as €500 million or €1 billion - all of that would have been paid by the taxpayer. As it is——

That is disingenuous.

If the Deputy will let me finish——

The whole thing about the indemnity was that there would be no legal obligation on the church after that.

The Deputy does not listen to it all. Whether the compensation was €1 billion or €2 billion - or €500 million as was estimated by the Government - it is that much less €128.8 million. In return for that, the religious orders have been given an indemnity, which has nothing to do with the compensation being paid. The indemnity is that if somebody who could go to the redress board decides they will go to court instead, the Government will be responsible for the legal costs and for the management of the case. That will be our liability. If the religious orders want to conduct the case, they will be liable for the legal costs. One way or the other, wherever compensation is granted, it will be paid by the taxpayer.

The State has taken on the church's responsibilities with regard to court cases - that is the point - which is a much bigger sum potentially than the €128 million.

I do not agree. This is where people are mistaken. The redress scheme is a scheme where people can go in a non-adversarial forum to make their claims for the abuse they suffered; they will not be subject to a huge amount of cross-examination. Provided they can prove they were in the institution, and whatever they claim happened to them is consistent with the evidence, they will receive a compensation payment. If the same victims go to court they will be subject to the full rigours of an adversarial system, whereby they will have to produce evidence and witnesses, and people will have the right to cross examine them. I do not know how many will actually go to court - there is no way of knowing that. I would wager a fair amount of money, however, that given those two choices, there will be very few going to court when they can go to the redress board.

Nobody is disputing the fact that for many people the redress board is the better option but the point is that they have the court option. At the moment the sum of €128 million is the entire cost to the religious institutions whereas everything else, both in the redress board and in the courts, is now to be borne by the State.

It was always going to be that way. When the Taoiseach made his apology and when the redress board was first announced, the taxpayer was going to pay absolutely everything.

On a matter of historical record, the officials from the Department of Finance, as recently as July, are on record as saying that they gave a recommendation to the Department of Education and Science of a 50:50 basis of settlement, which was generous. They estimated that was roughly €128 million. In other words, they estimated the total likely cost - nobody ever seems to have taken the legal fees into account - as €250 million. However, the Minister has acknowledged frequently in the media that the expected figure is now double that, at €500 million. We understand that the figure in the Comptroller and Auditor General's report tomorrow may well be double that. The key point is that, in the end, the religious orders were not required by that deal to co-operate in a meaningful way, although the Minister has spent a lot of time explaining his surprise at the adversarial nature of the investigation system.

The compensation scheme is a good element of the redress board and should be proceeded with as quickly as possible but for many people involved, the money has nothing to do with it. They want to be able to tell their stories and get some sense of justice. If the Minister does not mind me saying so, he seems to be downgrading the importance of the justice element for victims over the role of money.

I do mind the Deputy saying that because, no more than what was said earlier, she is totally wrong.

I have three questions arising from earlier work. What is the current situation of the investigation committee? The Minister said it is very much in place, complete with a full range of powers and functions. Is it actually functioning at the moment? Is it holding hearings? Is it up and running and, if not, what is the situation? Further on in his speech the Minister said: "As part of the process consideration was given to the issue of what additional powers could be given to the investigation committee to facilitate its operation". Could the Minister tell us what exactly he meant by that and what these additional powers might be? Finally, the Minister said initially that Ms. Justice Laffoy's resignation was a considerable surprise to him, and to the Government, when he received it. At this point, having communicated with Ms. Justice Laffoy and reviewed everything that had occurred, has the Minister got over his surprise and does he now understand why she resigned and, if so, what is that understanding?

It seems to me the religious institutions got away with blue murder. Can we use the Houses of the Oireachtas as a lever or a threat? As I said earlier, if the survivors want to tell their stories and to lay out the facts as they see them - which the church institutions are free to rebut - without any fear of adversarial interference, there is the opportunity for Deputies and Senators to read into the Dáil and Seanad record the statements by the victims - which would then be subject to Dáil privilege and could be refuted in full by the members of the institutions. It may be that this is not the right way to go about it, but experience to date suggests Laffoy could go on for nine, ten or 11 years. Even if Mr. Ryan does come up with something innovative and is supported by the Government via resources and compliance within the Department of Education and Science, it could still take a long time. Many victims want to tell their stories and they want them in the public domain. Would the Minister be amenable to suggesting to the Taoiseach that the Dáil or the Seanad should be open on a Monday or a Friday for an unspecified period so that victims' statements could be read into the Oireachtas record? Would that be one way of speeding up the process for those who wish to have their stories told in full and open discussion? It would then be open to CORI and the various institutions to refute this - and there may be certain terms of reference put on the process, such as not naming certain individuals. However, I believe there is a case for the stories to be told in as inexpensive a manner as possible.

One of the points made at the SOCA meeting yesterday - I attended a number of meetings of victim and survivor groups - is that many victims would appreciate some form of compensation as an interim payment because they are destitute. This would go some way towards enabling them to get counselling and to have a life to which they might be able to contribute fully at a later stage. Could I also raise the issue of a medical card for certain survivors? I ask the Minister, in a spirit of non-politicisation - given that we are the end of the day - to consider what I have suggested, in all seriousness, and see what way the truth may be brought out to allow healing for the victims concerned.

First, I should like to respond to Deputy Gogarty's suggestion. Like all my colleagues here I met with many of the victims and their groups. I do not believe they want me to tell their stories for them. I believe they want me to use my position as a Member of the Oireachtas to ensure they can get justice through other means, be it the redress board, the Laffoy commission or through the courts, in the final instance. I believe that is the appropriate way and my job here is to ensure that the vehicles are in place to do that. The Minister said credit was due to the Department and I do not have any difficulty with that in the sense that it has put much work into this issue since 1999. However, many people were abused by one particular individual in day schools in my county. I have met those people and feel that the Department was in dereliction of its duty on this issue for 40 or 50 years. That is something that has to be clearly stated for the record. Putting things together in the past three years does not and will never make up for what happened. That point needs to be clearly made.

The last point I would like to raise - and this has been referred to - is that Ms Justice Laffoy said she would bring out a report in November. Could the Minister or his advisers clarify whether that will be an internal report of the commission? Is it correct to say that, despite a new judge being appointed to the commission, this will definitely be part of the final report? In other words, will Ms Justice Laffoy's and Mr. Ryan's reports feature in the final version?

Minister, you have answered for an hour and 23 minutes, apart from the charitable interventions that allowed you to draw your breath.

I will continue for another hour and 23 minutes, if you like, Chairman. In relation to the interim report of Ms JusticeLaffoy, that will obviously be in the public record. I do not know what the content of that report will be - whether it is just about the workings of the commission or whatever. In so far as it applies to the victims and the stories told and direct relevance to the terms of reference and so on, all of it will form part of the commission's final report. Perhaps the point the Deputy is worried about is one that was raised by Ms Justice Laffoy earlier - by changing the remit of the commission much of the work done would be lost. No, we will not allow work already done to be lost. We will ensure in legislation that all of the work to date is included.

As to the position of the Department, dereliction of duty and so on, the case the Deputy is referring to - if I am right - is before the commission and will be investigated. I am sure the commission will make its views known on who was in dereliction of duty at that time. I do not want to comment on that directly. On Deputy Gogarty's point, as regards the interim payments, there is a power in the Act and the redress board can make interim payments to victims. That is a matter for the redress board directly. On the question of coming into the Dáil and making statements, I am inclined to agree with Deputy Enright as regards victims wanting to tell their own stories. That is part of this process - and part of the healing process as well. I am inclined to add that there is good reason the separation of powers is contained in the Constitution. It would not be a great day for the Oireachtas if it decided to act as a court as well as a legislative body. We would be in all sorts of difficulties. If one obtained a statement from an alleged victim, for example, who perhaps was not a victim, or whatever, and one read it into the record of the House, it would not do much good to allow the church body or congregations the opportunity to put a statement in the newspapers. We would go down that road at our peril and I would not support such an approach.

I agree with Deputy Enright and the Minister on this. I think Deputy Gogarty's intention is good, but I do not believe it is the right vehicle.

I was asking for feedback on that suggestion, and that names would not be mentioned, as a last resort. I want to put it on record that it would not be the first recourse, but I would ask that it be looked at.

That might be more appropriate, Deputy, for the parliamentary legal adviser who will be here for the next session.

It is in what is happening in the confidential committee in particular where victims can tell their story unchallenged and in the investigation committee, in a more adversarial format. In relation to Deputy Stanton's three points, over a period one may be surprised when something happens, and then the surprise wears off. I was surprised at the time. I am still surprised that it happened. I would have to say I am not over it, even having read Ms Justice Laffoy's letter.

In relation to additional powers, what we were looking at, inter alia, in the first review was the power to require sworn statements which could be submitted to the commission. Basically, if the facts were not challenged directly, that would reduce the need for lengthy adversarial type oral hearings. That is one of the things in the draft legislation. We have also changes in the law of evidence - in the context of this particular commission alone - so that documents can be admitted instead of oral statements. There are also changes in procedures that would shift the cost burden on to parties seen to be conducting themselves unreasonably at the commission. I would caution about that one - one cannot be accused of acting unreasonably if one is defending one's constitutional rights, but if it was subsequently found that someone did act unreasonably, the commission would be in a position to levy costs. We are providing a transitional mechanism to ensure that any information gathered to the date the legislation comes into force, can be used again. I believe these were the major legal changes being proposed. Whatever might arise - or what has arisen - from the Meenan and the Christian Brothers judgments may give rise to other legal issues but these are the major additional powers we sought.

On the other question Deputy Stanton asked, I do not want to be accused again of telling the commission or investigation what it might or might not do. The Deputy asked what could be done by the investigation committee and whether it was in abeyance - if I am paraphrasing his question correctly. It is entirely up to the commission, but I know that half a million pages of documents have been submitted by my Department - 20,000 pages have been submitted under discovery and about 1,900 responding statements, where questions have been raised on individual cases submitted. Therefore quite an amount of work and information is in there. Other discovery orders made by the commission would not be as large as those made on the Department of Education and Science - from the religious congregations and so on - and they could be looked at as well. In one piece of correspondence from the commission it was made clear to us that it had only given this documentation cursory examination. All of that could be pursued. There are smaller institutions where the number of cases before the commission would be very small and it should be possible to conclude the business on those. On the basis of all of the information, it could, perhaps, do a feasibility study on the basis of the material already received to determine how many cases are ready - or almost ready - that could be heard. That could be useful as well. The commission may also take evidence out of sequence from elderly complainants, for example. A number of them - 11 - died in the first six months of this year. The commission could hear such evidence out of sequence if it so wished. We will not allow any of that evidence to be tainted, as someone said at some stage, so that it can be used at a later stage.

Another area of work that I mentioned earlier which the commission has decided will be phase 2 of its review has to do with the context in which all of this took place. It could possibly have a look at the socio-economic circumstances of the times - the budgetary constraints that people worked under, how children, etc., were treated outside institutions - to put it in context. I believe a number of things could be done - and could continue to be done - by the investigating committee, even in the interim period. I have no doubt that probably is being done, or will be done.

It was said that the investigation committee carries out detailed inquiries akin to trials in relation to the allegations of abuse. Has that kind of work now stopped - the hearings on individual cases? The actual court type confrontational situation seemed to cause problems and delays, in the Minister's view. Is that in abeyance until the new legislation has been enforced?

It appears that the current chairperson has decided not to do any of that but the legislation is still in place. I have avoided speaking for the judge at all times, but as I understand the situation and the position she has adopted, she is not going to do any of that work until such time as she produces her interim report. I do not know whether the chairman-designate will adopt the same attitude on taking office. He may have a different view. I will not know that until he takes up his position.

Thanks to you and your officials, Minister, for having answered all the questions so fully. Thanks to the members of the committee too for having stuck it out and for attempting to move the situation forward. Again apologies for the intervention from the Visitors' Gallery. Indeed, I should have apologised to DeputyMulcahy, who was interrupted in that fashion, as well. We have arranged to meet the parliamentary legal adviser at this stage, but that is in private session. The public session is over. Thanks Minister.

The joint committee went into private session at 6.16 p.m. and adjourned at 6.35 p.m. until10 a.m on Thursday, 2 October 2003.

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