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JOINT COMMITTEE ON EUROPEAN AFFAIRS debate -
Wednesday, 24 Sep 2003

Vol. 1 No. 40

EU General Affairs and External Relations Council: Ministerial Presentation.

In relation to the preparation for the General Affairs and External Relations Council, I commence by thanking the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Kitt, for attending this morning. In accordance with normal procedure for these meetings, I ask the Minister of State to make his presentation. We will then have a question and answer session on external relations followed by one on general affairs.

The joint committee met the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, and the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Roche, on 9 September and had a wide ranging discussion on Ireland's Presidency programme. During his speech Deputy Cowen informed us that the Minister of State, Deputy Kitt, was at Cancún for the WTO talks and might be in a position to deal with development aid issues when he came before the committee today. The Minister of State is aware of the Begg report and perhaps we might get an indication of how you intend dealing with the priorities.

I will be more than happy to deal with the Presidency priorities, particularly in relation to the Begg report. I am in your hands, Chairman, as to when we should do that.

I am pleased to have the opportunity to meet with the committee today in the absence of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, who is attending the General Assembly of the United Nations in New York and to speak to you about the agenda for the General Affairs and External Relations Council, which takes place next Monday. I propose to begin with some introductory remarks on the agenda of the general affairs session and then turn to the session on external relations.

At the General Affairs Council, Ministers will take the formal decision to launch the intergovernmental conference on 4 October, as is required by Article 48 of the treaty establishing the European Community. It is not anticipated that there will be a substantive discussion of Intergovernmental Conference issues, which will, after all, be discussed at the end of the week by Heads of State, Heads of Government and Foreign Ministers. As the Minister made clear here earlier this month, Ireland is strongly supportive of the Italian Presidency and of its approach to the Intergovernmental Conference while standing ready to carry forward the work, if need be. Moreover, we remain broadly happy with the outcome of the convention and are not seeking or expecting fundamental revision. That said, the Intergovernmental Conference cannot be a rubber-stamp and we, like others, have a small number of key concerns which we will be pressing. We will also play a constructive role in debate generally, including debate on the items with which the Presidency has indicated it wishes to begin. These are the question of a single legislative council and how the Presidency of council formations should be organised.

In accordance with the Seville European Council conclusions, the General Affairs and External Relations Council, acting on a Presidency proposal, shall draw up an annotated draft agenda at least four weeks before the meeting of the European Council. The European Council is due to meet in Brussels on 16 and 17 October and is expected to consider the following issues: relaunching growth and competitiveness of the European economy, managing migratory flows in the interest of security and freedom and external relations issues. Heads of State and Government will also consider the Intergovernmental Conference. These issues are due to be elaborated upon in the course of the coming weeks, in advance of the European Council itself. Ministers will consider the annotated draft agenda of the European Council at their meeting on 29 and 30 September and again at the meeting of the Council on 13 and 14 October.

I now turn now to external relations and will first deal with the western Balkans. The Council will review recent developments in the western Balkans, focusing in particular this month on Kosovo. Considerable progress has been made under UN Security Council Resolution 1244 in the transfer of powers to the democratically elected provisional institutions of self-government in Kosovo. However, it is clear that further work is needed across a range of issues to create the conditions for a multi-ethnic, democratic and stable Kosovo.

There is broad agreement that it would be premature at this point to open up the question of the final status of Kosovo. However, it is clear to all sides that the eventual resolution of this question, and the guarantee for the future of all the people of Kosovo, will be provided in the context of the EU perspective of the western Balkans region. This was confirmed by the EU-western Balkans summit in Thessaloniki in June, which was attended by democratically elected representatives of the ethnic Albanian and ethnic Serb communities, as part of the UNMIK delegation.

The former Prime Minister of Finland, Mr. Harri Holkeri has just taken up the position of new special representative of the UN Secretary General in Kosovo and head of UNMIK. I know that Mr. Holkeri will bring to this demanding job the qualities of determination and patience which served us all so well in his role as co-chairman of the multi-party talks leading the Good Friday Agreement. His immediate priority is the launching as soon as possible of a direct dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina on practical issues of mutual concern. Mr. Holkeri is consulting widely on the arrangements for direct dialogue which involve difficult and complex issues. I hope the details can be agreed in the very near future. The EU will play an important role supporting and facilitating this process, which is aimed at achieving practical results and building much needed confidence between the two sides.

Foreign Ministers will discuss Iraq at the Council. The primary focus of those discussions will be on developments at the UN and we will maintain our position of support for a central UN role. While negotiations in New York will be of primary interest, we believe it is important that the EU should agree a united position in support of the UN role in Iraq. Commissioner Patten is also expected to report on his visit to Iraq.

A major donor conference is being convened in Madrid for 24 October. The purpose of this conference is to discuss the reconstruction needs of Iraq and to pledge funding towards the reconstruction costs. I expect either to be present at that conference or to be represented by a senior official from my Department. A decision regarding Irish funding for reconstruction in Iraq has not yet been taken. Funding requests for recovery and reconstruction will be carefully examined in the light of developments within Iraq, the role of the UN and the use of oil revenues.

I strongly condemn the further attack on the UN in Baghdad. Such attacks can serve no purpose other than to delay the time when the Iraqi people can go about their lives in peace and security. The international community will not be deterred from playing its role in the political and physical reconstruction of Iraq. This attack highlights once again the importance of the international community working together in Iraq. Hence the Government welcomes the decision of President Bush to return to the Security Council to seek the assistance of the UN in Iraq. It has always been our view that a central role for the UN in the reconstruction of Iraq is essential. We look to the Security Council to ensure that the United Nations is seen to maintain its proper role as acting on behalf of the entire international community. This is essential in relation both to the UN's ability to contribute to defusing the situation in Iraq and to the UN's future credibility. Efforts continue in the Security Council to agree a resolution. The draft resolution that has been put forward by the US Administration contains a number of useful points, but it needs to go further in providing a UN role and in giving an impetus to the restoration of Iraqi sovereignty.

Foreign Ministers will consider recent developments in Iran at the Council. There are a number of issues that have arisen in recent months which are a cause of concern for us and our EU partners. We remain deeply disturbed at the failure to see any significant progress in human rights in Iran. We are further disappointed with the lack of progress in the EU-Iran dialogue on human rights. In the absence of adequate progress in Iran, we have not ruled out the possibility that we would support other measures, such as a resolution at the General Assembly on human rights in Iran. We believe the reality on the ground should be reflected at the UN.

We continue to be concerned about minorities in Iran, in particular women and the treatment of the Baha'i. We wish to see greater institutional and legal safeguards for their protection, in particular an end to the harsh penalties imposed on the Baha'i. The rights of the Baha'i, including access to education and right of assembly, must be respected. We also want a moratorium on the death penalty and amputations. Our hope is that our continuing dialogue will lead to a genuine and sustained change in human rights in Iran.

Ireland considers that there are a number of questions still outstanding over the Iranian nuclear programme which give cause for serious concern. We call on Iran to provide continued and accelerated co-operation and full transparency on all aspects of its nuclear programme. We are also concerned that this issue could seriously affect Iran's international relations, something we do not wish to see happen. Ireland wishes instead to see Iran engaged in a constructive developing relationship with the rest of the world. We also wish to see a reduction of tensions in the region.

Ireland and our EU partners are strongly committed to progress in the continuing negotiations on the trade and co-operation agreement. It is the EU's stated view that progress in economic and political relations with Iran should be evaluated in parallel. Iran is resisting the conclusion of agreements on the political sphere, especially on human rights, non-proliferation, terrorism and the Middle East peace process. At its meeting on 21 July 2003, the Council expressed serious concern over developments in Iran in relation to these issues and decided to review future steps in the co-operation between the EU and Iran in September. The forthcoming Council will consider this.

The Middle East peace process will be discussed by ministers over lunch during the Council. Frankly, the situation on the ground is now as grave as it has been at any time this year. There has been an almost complete breakdown in communications between the Israeli and Palestinian leaderships. The ceasefire announced on 29 June by Palestinian militant groups has collapsed. There has been a resurgence in both terrorist attacks against Israeli targets and targeted assassinations of leaders of Palestinian militant groups by the Israeli defence forces.

The discussions at the Council will be informed by the contacts which Ministers are having during the General Assembly session taking place in New York this week. The Minister, Deputy Cowen, is meeting his counterparts from Israel and Egypt. He is also taking the opportunity to meet other major players in the peace process both bilaterally and as a member of the European Union Troika. A meeting of the Quartet at ministerial level is also scheduled. This should give a clearer picture of prospects for a renewal of the roadmap for a comprehensive settlement.

The question of the Middle East will, as always, be one of the major items considered by the General Assembly during the current session. Last Friday, 19 September, the Assembly, meeting in emergency special session, passed a resolution demanding that Israel cease any threats to the safety of the Palestinian President, reiterating the support of the international community for the work of the Quartet and demanding that the two sides fully implement their obligations under the roadmap. This followed the vetoing of a very similar resolution in the Security Council by the United States.

The Council is also expected to consider EU-Canada relations. The EU and Canada enjoy a close and productive working relationship based on shared values including respect for human rights, democracy, free trade among nations and a firm attachment to the UN and the multilateral system. The next EU-Canada summit, scheduled to take place in Ottawa in December, will review the overall EU-Canada relationship. This comprehensive review process was initiated at the EU-Canada summit in December 2002 and is set to be concluded at the Ottawa Summit this year. Ministers are expected to adopt conclusions, which will set out the EU approach to this review ahead of an EU-Canada meeting at foreign ministerial level on 6 October. An EU-Canada summit is also scheduled to take place under the Irish Presidency.

It is not yet clear if the EU-Ukraine summit in Yalta on 7 October will be discussed by ministers at the Council as preparations for the summit may be agreed in advance at COREPER. However, it is clear that the summit will be an important meeting, not least because there is only one EU-Ukraine summit every year. The October meeting will set out the direction of EU-Ukraine policies through the period of the Irish Presidency.

In addition to discussion of a number of important issues in the area of economic co-operation, the Union will be stressing to Ukraine the importance of the fight against organised crime and the need to conclude negotiations on a readmission agreement. We will also wish to reach an understanding with Ukraine on the creation of an action plan under the "Wider Europe" initiative as well as to encourage Ukraine to make significant progress on the path to reform. This would include progress where media freedoms are concerned. September 16 marked the third anniversary of the murder of the journalist, Georgy Gongadze. I believe it is especially important that our interest in media freedom in Ukraine should be strongly registered at the Yalta meeting.

The European security and defence policy agenda item will be focused on modalities for a proposed EU police mission in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, FYROM. This will be the second civilian operation under ESDP, the first being the EU police mission currently under way in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The mission will be unarmed and advisory in nature. Its overall aims will be to help ensure fair and multi-ethnic policing and to contribute to a stable and secure environment in FYROM. The mission is deploying at the request of the FYROM authorities. Specific tasks will include support for the consolidation of law and order, reform of the Ministry of the Interior and the creation of a border police force.

The police mission is expected to commence on 15 December, the date on which Operation Concordia, the current EU military operation in FYROM, is due to terminate. Ireland fully supports the proposed EU police mission as part of a comprehensive EU approach to promoting security and stability in FYROM. The mission is a good example of ESDP being put to useful practical effect. Irish participation in the force remains under consideration by the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform and the Garda authorities. A Garda officer is expected to participate in the mission planning team where he will contribute to drawing up the operation plan and developing the technical instruments necessary to execute the mission.

I also draw attention to the fact that today, in New York, a joint declaration will be signed by the UN Secretary General and the EU Presidency which recognises the progress achieved in co-operation between the EU and UN in crisis management and commits both organisations to further practical steps for a strengthened partnership. The declaration provides for the establishment of a joint consultative mechanism at working level which will examine means of enhancing mutual co-ordination and compatibility in the areas of planning, training, communications and best practices.

The EU initiative on weapons of mass destruction is an important step in demonstrating the high priority which the EU affords to meeting the serious challenges posed by the proliferation of such weapons. The basic principles document gives proper recognition to the importance of disarmament and disarmament instruments in the context of non-proliferation efforts. As it makes clear, disarmament measures can lead to a vicious circle, just as weapons programmes can lead to an arms race. Disarmament and non-proliferation are mutually reinforcing and it is appropriate that the EU reaffirms this principle as well as its commitment to multilateralism. We hope the work under way will provide us with a rich and comprehensive basis for the elaboration of a coherent EU strategy which will enable us to better address a growing threat to international peace and security.

In relation to the World Trade Organisation, Ministers will also consider the ministerial meeting of the Doha development round, which I attended in Cancún Mexico on 10-14 September, together with the Minister for Agriculture and Food, Deputy Joe Walsh, and the Minister of State at the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment, Deputy Michael Ahern. Members will be aware that the meeting failed to reach agreement on a framework for the continuation of negotiations under the Doha development agenda. Instead, it concluded with a ministerial declaration which instructed officials to continue work on the outstanding issues and to convene a meeting in Geneva on 15 December "to take the action necessary to enable us to move towards a successful and timely conclusion to the negotiations".

The failure to reach agreement at Cancún is, in my view, very regrettable. We in Ireland believe firmly in a multilateral, rules based trading system. We will continue to work with our EU partners to support that and achieve a positive outcome to the Doha round of negotiations. Ireland has benefited greatly from a liberalised global trade regime and we believe that developing countries would also stand to gain from further trade liberalisation and tariff reduction. In particular, we believe the interests of the least developed countries have not been served by this outcome as they would have been substantial beneficiaries of any improved market access for agricultural goods as well as reductions in agricultural subsidies by, for example, the EU and the US.

On the agenda item "Funding for the Special Court of Sierra Leone", the UK will appeal to member states to provide additional voluntary funding for the work of the court in bringing to justice those most responsible for human rights atrocities in Sierra Leone since 1996. There is concern that progress by the court is being threatened due to a shortfall in voluntary contributions of $15 million for this year. Ireland fully supports the appeal by the UK. We see the work of the court as being a vital part of the healing process in Sierra Leone and an important challenge to the culture of impunity which exists in conflict situations in Africa. Ireland has made a voluntary contribution of $500,000 to the special court and we will urge other member states to also make contributions.

I am happy to take questions from members of the committee on any of the items due for discussion at the forthcoming Council.

I thank the Minister of State for his address. There are four speakers offering - Senator Mooney and Deputies O'Keeffe, Quinn and Mulcahy. First, however, since the Minister of State was unable to attend the last meeting of this committee in relation to Ireland's EU Presidency priorities, does he wish to comment on that, having regard to the David Begg report on HIV-AIDS, the debt burden, food shortages and international trade arrangements? Arising from Cancún, how best can this be made a Presidency priority? The committee had indicated its intention to raise this matter with the Minister of State today, following which I will open the discussion on external relations.

I had planned to make a broader contribution on the issues in relation to the Presidency. However, as the Chairman has referred specifically to HIV/AIDS, does he wish me to deal with that now?

Perhaps you will just deal with the David Begg report which, I understand, he proposes to treat as a priority during the Irish Presidency. I appreciate that he was unable to attend the previous meeting of this committee in that regard.

I will deal with that as quickly as I can - I realise I am taking up a great deal of the committee's time. We certainly need to address the concerns of the developing world seriously in the aftermath of the fallout from the WTO meeting in Cancún. Since then, I have visited Kenya as part of the EU Troika with the Italian Minister of State for Foreign Affairs. I believe it is generally agreed that we need to support Kenya at this particular time. That visit gave me some insight into the developing world's assessment of what happened in Cancún. We went to Cancún having made progress on the mid-term review of the Common Agricultural Policy, a new framework agreement with the United States and development on the TRIPPS agreement towards a much better position on access to medicines.

However, among the matters which caused the break-up of the Cancún meeting were some aspects of the Singapore issues. These relate to trade facilitation, investment, public procurement and competition. In Kenya, I put the question to many people, including that country's President, as to how we should now proceed. The common response from all those whom I met in Kenya was that the western world is moving too quickly on many of those issues - the Singapore issues, as they are described. I believe we should take that message on board.

As I said in my opening address, Commissioner Lamy will now report back to the European Union and I hope the EU will take a strong role in moving forward with the developing countries, which are big losers from this situation. If, in Cancún, we had succeeded in pinning down the agricultural issues, that would have been a good way forward. I note that Commissioners Lamy and Fischler have made comments in relation to the structure of the WTO. With 148 countries now involved, it is a very large and cumbersome system. The two key areas, as I see it, are the structure of the WTO and the Singapore issues.

With regard to the Irish Presidency of the EU, we will certainly be very much involved in moving those issues forward. We will also work closely with the Netherlands Presidency and have already had meetings to agree on common ground as between our respective agendas. With regard to the advisory group, there are several relevant matters. There will be an annual reorientation debate on the EU's external actions - this will take place on 26 January. In its report to this committee, the advisory group recommended that Ireland take steps to ensure that EU development spending remains focused on poverty eradication. It also raised questions relating to the administrative effectiveness of EU development funding.

We intend to use the vehicle of the orientation debate to advance these matters and, in particular, to ensure that the poverty eradication focus of EU development assistance is maintained. It is intended to circulate a Presidency paper in due course as a focus for discussion by Foreign Ministers for this orientation debate. I was pleased that the Convention on the Future of Europe reinforced the poverty reduction aspect of development co-operation.

Next month a Commission communication is to be brought forward outlining the advantages and disadvantages of the possible integration of the European Development Fund into the Community budget. A certain urgency attends this matter as the ACP states will have to be advised early in 2004 whether it is proposed to take this budgetisation approach or to embark upon the negotiations of the tenth EDF. I understand the Commission will seek a political decision from the Council during the current Italian Presidency as to which direction member states would favour. As a result of such a decision the Commission will prepare either a more detailed communication dealing with the nuts and bolts of budgetisation or on the negotiation mandate for the tenth EDF.

Next year, Ireland will host an international conference on HIV-AIDS in Europe and central Asia. The conference corresponds to one of the advisory board's main recommendations in relation to HIV-AIDS and attendance is expected to be at ministerial level. The conference is being organised by Development Cooperation Ireland together with the Department of Health and Children and in conjunction with UNAIDS and UNICEF. HIV-AIDS is spreading at an alarming rate in many of the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States and in central Asia. Many of the countries involved will be close neighbours of an enlarged EU. The conference will help to put the issue of HIV-AIDS on the European continent further up the political agenda while fostering closer co-operation among European neighbours in response to the HIV-AIDS epidemic across Europe and in central Asia.

We also seek to advance the idea of mainstreaming HIV-AIDS in the relevant EU working group as an issue which pervades all aspects of development rather than simply health. From discussions with the Commission it is anticipated that an initiative may also be possible in the field of vaccines. On 25 and 26 March, an informal meeting of the Humanitarian Assistance Committee will be held in Dublin at which it is expected that HIV-AIDS in the context of emergencies will be a central theme. HIV-AIDS will be a major priority during our Presidency. I also plan to host a meeting of EU development ministers at Dublin Castle on 1 June. This meeting will be the first post-enlargement occasion for discussion among development ministers of the enlarged EU. In this regard I very much welcome the recommendation of the advisory group on the need for a development education initiative to smooth the transition of the new member states to EU development policy. Such an initiative would provide the opportunity to promote our own policy approach. We are currently exploring themes for the meetings. Development Cooperation Ireland gave active support to a conference in Bratislava last July which sought to promote the objectives of EU development policy among political and civil society and the wider public.

The advisory board recommended that the Irish Presidency should provide moral leadership to member states to make progress towards the commitments made at Monterey in respect of the target of 0.7% of GNP for official development assistance. In this regard, it is intended to hold a discussion on a cluster of development co-operation matters at the next General Affairs Council on 26 April 2004 to include the follow up to the Barcelona-Monterey commitment. To give a concrete focus to discussions by Ministers, Ireland will invite the Commission to provide a comprehensive report most probably based on the answers to a questionnaire on the progress achieved by member states and accession states towards meeting the Monterey commitments. Other topics likely to be considered are the need to establish a coherent EU position on international fora, including international financial institutions and consideration of a progress report on the EU commitments made at Johannesburg during the world summit on sustainable development.

An international conference is being organised to take place in Ireland from 31 March to 2 April on the theme of the role of NGOs and civil society in conflict prevention. The conference will constitute one element of a broader conflict prevention focus of the Irish Presidency straddling the CFSP and development areas. When I have further details with regard to this conference I will revert to the joint committee. The Chairman will agree that Ireland has a particular expertise in this area.

In 2004, Ireland will lead the EU at a number of important UN conferences outside Europe. The question of debt and developing countries was raised during the appearance by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, before this joint committee. I must frankly state that I am in agreement with the views expressed by the advisory group. While we will use what opportunities arise during the EU Presidency to promote our national debt relief strategy, there is no common EU position on the policy related to debt relief. There is no scope at present for securing such a common position which would go beyond the heavily indebted poorer countries initiative or HIPIC initiative. Rather than pursue the objective of an EU common position on debt cancellation it would be better to focus our energies on pursuing issues which have a good chance of securing real progress, such as HIV-AIDS and conflict prevention. I would be interested to hear the views of the Chairman and the members of the joint committee on the matter. It is my view that during our Presidency we should push issues that will make a real difference to marginalised people's lives in the developing world as well as in Europe.

We will revert to the joint committee with more information. I thank the members for the work of the advisory group in respect of the issues which I have outlined.

The members wish to raise a matter. The joint committee established a high powered and balanced group under David Begg which made realistic proposals. There are serious issues involved. In keeping with the will of Parliament, the Department should do everything possible to make debt relief a priority during Ireland's Presidency. I welcome the announcement by Diageo that it will supply retroviral drugs for life to its employees in developing countries. It shows that where there is a will things can be done. If we keep hammering away at an issue we can make advances. The first speaker on external relations is Senator Mooney.

The Chairman can be assured that I will not ask about the establishment of country music stations in the developing world which we were discussing yesterday. Can the Minister of State clarify an issue relating to HIV? I understood that an agreement was hammered out with the pharmaceutical companies at Doha whereby they would allow the distribution of generic drugs to fight HIV in developing countries on the condition that they could not be imported. People would have to manufacture the drugs in their own countries, however many of the economies in question are in no position to undertake such a process. India, one of the largest manufacturers of generic drugs, would be prepared to supply drugs to many of central African states but is prevented from doing so because the pharmaceutical companies are so strong. My understanding is that following Doha this matter was to be put to bed at Cancún, but I do not believe it was. The position adopted by the pharmaceutical companies is shameful. They are giving with one hand while taking away with the other. How can the underdeveloped countries we have been discussing establish manufacturing facilities to provide the drugs in question? Things can be achieved where there is a proactive and supportive approach as in Uganda, a country from which we have met parliamentarians and ministers. They provide an example of what can be done. I would like the Minister of State to clarify the position in regard to this matter following Cancún.

I wish to compliment the Minister of State for the manner in which he has highlighted and advanced Ireland's well established role in defending the developing countries. The Minister went to Cancún with a strong credibility based on our overseas contributions. I compliment him for having maintained that view of us. Perhaps the Minister of State will address the fallout in relation to the WTO. The signals were somewhat confusing. While the farming organisations were saying that everything was fine and that the EU was providing more than was required to facilitate access, Mary Robinson, Deputy Kitt and others were saying that more needed to be done and that the whole thing was inconclusive.

I am very pleased the Minister of State has included the freedom of the press in his discussion of General Affairs. I was privileged to have been appointed by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe last June to be the general rapporteur on the media. I have been reading myself into that position over the summer. I hope the Minister of State will continue to highlight issues such as the murder of journalist Georgy Gongadze in the Ukraine; this murder is only the tip of the iceberg. According to the freedom of the press division of the OSCE, not only is the situation in the emerging democracies of central and eastern Europe bad, it is in free fall. Many of the countries in question have introduced repressive legislation and have reverted to the policies of the communist era. They say they want to be part of the European family but their actions suggest otherwise. In Russia the only independent television station was shut down in the lead up to the elections which will take place at the end of this year. The people of Russia will not be exposed to a non-partisan dialogue. In Belarus two of the major newspapers have been shut down. The same things are happening in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and the other countries which emerged in the wake of the Soviet collapse. I hope the Minister of State continues to address this fundamental issue. The people of the emerging democracies of central and eastern Europe must be given a legally structured free press. At issue is the violation of the human rights of citizens rather than just the defence of the rights of journalists and politicians. It is about the citizens of the countries concerned having a free press.

On a lighter note, the paper in Belarus was shut down - it commanded the same respect as The Irish Times and the Irish Independent here - because it was said it broke the law. What it did was publish a story alleging that the president had corruptly used an aeroplane for personal use. I made the point to the Council of Europe that we had a similar case two years ago concerning our Deputy Prime Minister who came to my constituency to open a wine bar courtesy of a State helicopter, but that the newspapers, radio stations and television stations were not shut down, despite the fact that it was deeply embarrassing at the time. That is the distinctive difference between western democracies and what one will be dealing with in central and eastern Europe. I hope I am not over-emphasising the issue but freedom of the press is vital in the countries which are attempting to convince us that they should be part of the family of the European Union.

I wish to touch on the Minister of State's comments on developing countries and Third World debt. There is a huge fund of goodwill in Ireland in terms of the Government taking a lead, particularly during the Presidency, on those issues. The issues are quite complex and I accept many of the points made by the Minister. We should have a separate full meeting to debate the issues and to take on board the complexities from the point of view of trying to adopt a very coherent, concerted approach as far as the Presidency is concerned. We cannot do it en marge of our discussions on the next meeting of the General Affairs Council. I am largely reserving my comments on that issue because it is too serious to treat it as a by-product of this general discussion on the General Affairs Council.

I wish to raise two issues with the Minister of State in respect of the upcoming Council, the first of which concerns Iraq. It is quite unseemly and unhelpful that the European Union has been all over the place about Iraq. It has not been any help to Iraq and certainly has been no help to world peace. The Minister of State touched on the view that the EU should agree on a united position in support of the UN role in Iraq. I fully agree. Is there any prospect of this being achieved? Can Ireland have any role in this regard? I liked the careful drafting of the Minister of State's speech which refers to the US resolution having a number of useful points but needing to go further in providing a UN role and giving an impetus to the restoration of Iraqi sovereignty. I agree with this. Will the Minister of State suggest what points we can make in terms of achieving those desired objectives? Is there anything specific we can do or any mediator role we can play? I do not want to over-emphasise our relevance or importance in international affairs, but people might take more notice of us given our upcoming Presidency.

There has been great caution in the Minister of State's remarks about Irish funding for reconstruction in Iraq. I suggest that we be more forthcoming in that regard and more prepared to commit ourselves.

On the question of Irish participation in peacekeeping in Iraq, will the Minister of State state what possible role we might have? I appreciate that when the Taoiseach seemed to be thinking out loud in the United States, he did so in the context of an agreement on a UN resolution. Therefore, the issue does not arise in that context until there is agreement. Is the Minister of State party to any further information he might impart to the committee on what sort of role might be envisaged if there is a UN resolution? Will it be of a front line, back line, support, administrative or medical nature? Has there been any discussion on this? The committee would be interested in having its observations taken on board before the issue reaches the Dáil, when there will have to be a resolution.

I would like Ireland to take a forward position on the issue of the Ukraine and the upcoming summit. Senator Mooney touched on the broad issue of press freedom. However, I want to be more specific because, as mentioned in the Minister of State's speech, this month marks the third anniversary of the beheading of the journalist Georgy Gongadze in the Ukraine. It was not just an ordinary killing. The man was involved in exposing corruption. He was an investigative journalist. A more sinister development was that, after his death, a tape was discovered which implicated the man the EU will be meeting on 7 October, President Kuchma. On the tape he was discussing with his senior officials how to get rid of Gongadze. The tape was brought to the United States by a bodyguard who defected. In some ways it reminds me of Henry II, who said, "Who will rid me of this troublesome priest?" The transcription of the tape in question was along the same lines. Subsequently, a week after the recording was made, the unfortunate journalist was killed in gruesome circumstances - he was beheaded. There has not been a proper investigation and there has been absolutely no resolution of the case.

I was in Kiev with the Council of Europe mission last May and we met President Kuchma. I raised the issue directly with him. I escaped.

The Skibbereen Eagle is alive and well.

You would need a lot more of the Skibbereen Eagle, particularly in this case. I want to see the case raised specifically with President Kuchma at the summit. The National Union of Journalists has adopted this case as being one that requires renewed pressure on the Ukrainian authorities until it is resolved. The message must be loud and clear that it will not go away. The monitoring committee of the Council of Europe will be reporting to the parliamentary assembly in Strasbourg on Monday and there will be highly critical comments, not least from myself, on that issue during the course of the debate.

I will try to be as brief as possible and I hope my brevity is not confused with superficiality as a result. I have two questions to put to the Minister of State. In respect of the Intergovernmental Conference, as one of the 15 member states, what action will Ireland be taking to ensure there is a formalised system of communication with national parliaments and the European Parliament, not to the same level of transparency that exists in respect of the convention but certainly to a degree much higher than that which was characterised by previous Intergovernmental Conferences? What form of interaction will there be?

I could ask many questions on external affairs but my second question relates specifically to the position Ireland, as incoming President of the European Union, is taking on the issue of the transfer of sovereignty to the Iraqi people and the Iraqi State. What is the Government's position on the timescale for setting a date for announcing that sovereignty will transfer to the Iraqi people? No doubt the Minister of State received a transcript of the speech of his retired former colleague, Mr. Noel Dorr, on the radio programme two days ago. He elaborated on this subject at length and I support his view. Is it desirable that a date five or ten months from now should be set when the formalities of sovereignty would be transferred to the Iraqi people, but that the continuation of the international effort, such that it is, with a UN mandate would continue after that date? Does the Government have a view on the desirability of a date being set for the transfer of sovereignty? If so, is it sooner rather than later and does the Department intend making it a priority in the forthcoming Presidency?

I thank the Minister of State for his comments on Iraq. In his presentation he referred to the proposed new resolution that needs to go further in giving the UN a role and giving an impetus to the restoration of Iraqi sovereignty. I think we would all agree with that. There seems to be two views on the issue of Iraqi sovereignty. The US view seems to be that it should stay in charge, other countries should contribute money. In it there is a vague role for UN consultation but no timetable for the handover of sovereignty in the short-term. The French view is that there should be a handover of sovereignty in a matter of months. The American response to that is it is too quick to be possible or practical given the security circumstances.

What is the EU position between those poles? The Minister of State said that we support a central UN role. What is a central UN role? I do not think a central UN role currently exists. There appears to be a role of consultation. There have been serious bombing incidents and the UN is talking about downscaling its involvement in Iraq. The Irish people would support the reconstruction of Iraq, but only under the umbrella of UN authority and integrity. If there is a conference in Madrid on 24 October taking place on the basis of a US led reconstruction of Iraq, then it is doomed to failure. I do not think anybody in Ireland would support a US led reconstruction of Iraq. There must be a primary role for the UN.

I think the US may be right and there cannot be a handover of sovereignty in the short-term; we are probably talking about a year or maybe two. Such structures cannot be put into place overnight. People are genuinely concerned about this. How can we arrive at a common EU position on this when there is such divergence, particularly from the British? Does the Minister of State agree that the American speech to the UN seemed to be out of sync with the international community on this issue? America does not seem to be getting the message that the international community wants a greater role for the UN in Iraq.

I read a report yesterday outlining that the European Parliament has already had an exchange between the Italian Presidency, the President of the Commission and MEPs on how the Parliament will be kept up to speed on the Intergovernmental Conference. What proposals does Ireland have as an incoming Presidency for keeping the Oireachtas up to date? We do not expect to be involved in the day-to-day detailed negotiations. If we are to reflect the aspirations of the working group on national parliaments and the principles of subsidiarity which are central to the draft constitutional treaty, it is important that national parliamentarians in Ireland, the EU and applicant countries, be kept informed.

Like the Chairman, I was somewhat taken aback by the comments of the Minister of State on debt reduction. I know he has not come to his conclusion lightly. It may well be that we need further opportunity to tease this out. As a small country, Ireland has huge moral authority in this area from having a long history of contribution to, and involvement in, development aid issues. We have a unique opportunity during our Presidency to strike home - even against the wishes of multinational corporations and maybe those of the World Bank and IMF - the issue of development aid. How did the Minister of State come to his conclusion? It does not run with what I understand to be the views I have often heard him articulate.

Arising from our visit to Croatia, the issue of the western Balkans is going to arise as a probably intractable problem - it is already sensitive. The EU cannot walk away from it. There are serious ethnic issues at play. There are issues that cannot be ignored, such as the external policies of the Union, the protection of the external borders, the application of Croatia to join the EU and the implications that has for the rest of the western Balkans. From our dealings with a range of interest groups in Croatia and Slovenia, it is clear that the issue of the western Balkans is one that needs to be progressed sensitively and expeditiously.

I do not intend to reiterate the points raised by Deputies Quinn and Mulcahy. The Minister of State has said that Ireland agrees it is important that the EU should have a united position in support of the UN role in Iraq. Does he see any difficulties in trying to establish such an agreed position? How would Ireland deal with such difficulties? There should be a timetable for the handover of sovereignty to the Iraqis. The sooner it happens the better. There is continued and escalating violence in Iraq. Only concerted action led and administered by the UN in handing sovereignty to Iraq as soon as possible can even begin to deal with this.

While I did not hear the Minister of State's comments on debt reduction policy, I would be interested in hearing them. As far as I am aware, the Government supports this policy. As Deputy Carey said, the Presidency affords a unique opportunity to Ireland to make this a priority. I understand there are certain difficulties involved in this, but it is working well in many countries. What is the view of the Minister of State on this? That question was put to the Minister for Foreign Affairs on the last occasion but he did not answer it specifically.

According to the documentation, Ireland's participation in the police mission in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is under consideration by the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform and the Garda Síochána. At what stage are those considerations?

If anyone thought my comments in regard to what Deputy O'Keeffe or Senator Mooney said were flippant, they are issues of the gravest importance and I am delighted they were raised today and hope they will be raised again. Other than the Minister of State, there are others who have an opportunity to communicate this back to the Government.

The role of the G21 at Cancún is an interesting one, representing more than half the population of the world. They do not agree on everything and seem to be in conflict with some of the developing countries but it is interesting to see diverse countries such as Brazil, China and India coming together in some form of organised approach to the WTO. Will the Minister of State comment on the role of the G12 organisation? With Deputy Carey and Senator Ormonde, I spent last weekend in Slovenia and Croatia and some of the people we spoke to there were parliamentarians who had just returned from Cancún. We do not have a parliamentary delegation at Cancún although I noticed that the framing organisations had.

I do not know if this is something the Parliament would want to take on, but there was talk of a WTO parliamentary role developing. I do not know at what stage that is; the Minister of State might address this issue.

Senator Mooney kicked off on the Cancún meeting. In regard to the Chairman's comments about parliamentary involvement in the Cancún meeting, I suggest it could be looked at in the context of the need to look at the structures and reform of the system. There were a number of MEPs at the meeting along with NGOs from Ireland and elsewhere. The latter have a strong role there now and I have followed this debate from Seattle to Doha. However, parliamentary involvement is something which could be looked at.

Returning to Senator Mooney's point in regard to Doha, we were there as three Ministers with particular Government positions. The first was to support trade liberalisation which has been good for Ireland in that it is a classic example of an economy which has done well in a global environment. We want to share that success story with others and we worked hard before going to Cancún to get coherence in the Government position. As a development Minister of State, who had been a trade Minister of State, I was particularly anxious to see that. We had a clear mandate to promote trade liberalisation. We support the organisation, although as I have always said, not uncritically since huge improvements are needed is the system.

The second priority was to support the position of the least developed countries, which relates to the Chairman's point in regard to the new emerging group, G21, which has become G22 since Kenya joined while we were there. They have a different agenda to the LDCs in that the latter earn less than 0.5% of world trade and they earn eight times more from trade than they receive in overseas development aid. It is clear to me as a development Minister of State that we must concentrate on that constituency. The Brazils and Indias and so on, while they deserve our support, have a different focus and were very powerful in Cancún and have particular interests in tariffs and quotas and we must have a different strategy for dealing with them. Our focus must primarily be the LDCs and that is what we did in Cancún.

The Chairman invited me to comment briefly on the WTO and I repeat that is the way forward. In regard to the structures, there were reports that Kenya and Uganda walked out. However, talking to the Kenyan and Ugandan parliamentarians, they denied that they walked out. This was an amazing statement from representatives of the country, Kenya in particular, because they said they were checking with their constituency. There is an issue in regard to how the whole thing was organised. It is irresponsible or unsatisfactory that a situation like that develops when 146 countries come together and the procedures allow the meeting to break down. I thought we could have made progress on agriculture and, going back to Deputy Carey's point, the EU and Ireland had moved in decoupling subsidies from production.

As someone who was born in the west, I suggest that the decoupling agenda could help smaller farmers here diversify into organic farming and other interesting things can emerge from the mid-term review. As a development Minister of State, from a coherence point of view I felt that Ireland could go to this meeting with a well organised position. It has not happened but the key is to move forward. I am convinced that the Singapore issues on trade facilitation and competition and investment and public procurement are the emerging issues which are big problems for the LDCs. That is the message I received.

Ireland was a founder of the legal advice centre for these countries in Geneva and as a Minister of State for trade, I was one of the key European ministers to be involved. On one hand we are giving them advice to deal with this complex process of negotiation and on the other we are saying we want them to take on all these new issues. This is an extremely complex area. I am not patronising these countries by saying this because they have said it to me.

One of the common points made by the Kenyan Government was that it is unsure of the consequences of these issues. We must listen to what they are saying. We should have nailed down agriculture, moved on, giving these countries more time on the Singapore issues. We have not done so but we must do so now and continue to be as coherent as possible.

Senator Mooney and Deputy O'Keeffe referred to press freedom in the Ukraine. We agree on the need to promote press freedom in all parts of the world, not only in Eastern Europe, and we will use our Presidency in this regard. I will leave Iraq until the end because that is the big issue on this agenda. I will try to get through some of the other issues.

I am glad a number of members raised the issue of debt cancellation. One of the first things I did as Minister of State was to introduce an initiative on debt cancellation and we will continue to promote it during the European Union Presidency. However, based on the advice of the Deputy's own advisory group, we have had to consider on which issues we can get a common position during the EU Presidency. Those who were involved with the previous Presidency will recognise that Ireland has done well when it has given leadership on issues which can be advanced from a common EU perspective. In analysing this, it is not one of those issues on which we can get common ground because some countries have a different attitude to debt cancellation. We have taken a principled position and will continue to do so. However, from a European perspective we can make progress on HIV-AIDS in particular as well as issues such as conflict resolution and prevention. We are not going to forget about our position on debt cancellation and will continue to promote our policies in this area.

Deputies Quinn and Carey asked how we communicate with parliaments in the context of the Intergovernmental Conference. The Government will continue to keep this committee and the Dáil informed of developments on the Intergovernmental Conference. There will be a report to the Dáil by the Taoiseach on this issue after the European Council on 16 and 17 October and the European Parliament is participating in the Intergovernmental Conference as an observer. It is an important issue and we will continue to keep the committee informed of developments.

Deputy Harkin asked about participation by members of the Garda Síochána in FYROM. It is envisaged that the EU mission will deploy from mid-December and this will be done at the request of the Government of FYROM and in the context of the UN Security Council's Resolution 1371. The precise design of the police mission is still in the planning phase and it is intended that a Garda superintendent will participate in the planning team. We will keep the committee informed of developments in this regard.

I am sure most of the members were listening to Kofi Annan's address, so that is where I will start my remarks about Iraq. I am conscious that the Taoiseach will be speaking for the Government and for Ireland tomorrow at the UN and I do not want to steal his thunder, but it is my duty as Minister of State to respond to the points that have been made. Many comments have been made about what Ireland can do now, especially as we are taking up the Presidency of the European Union. I base our position firmly on the statements of Mr. Annan. He has rightly identified a broad perspective and asked very important questions about the UN in relation to world order. I understand from comments in the media this morning that he said we were at a fork in the road. He emphasised the threats to peace that exist; they take all forms, not only in terms of terrorism and weapons but also - and I totally agree with him - the injustice, extreme poverty and disparity among countries on issues such as HIV-AIDS. That is where Ireland can play a very useful role - in shaping the agenda.

During our talks with the Kenyan Government we also had talks with negotiators on the Sudan peace process. A mile outside Nairobi there is a complex of houses, like a residential estate one might see in Dublin, which is a bit out of character with the rural landscape. I discovered that these are houses being built for all the American residents in Nairobi who used to live in the city. Now they are being moved outside Nairobi and a gigantic fence is being erected around the estate so that it looks like a prison. This illustrates the changing environment we must cope with. It is understandable, because Kenya is a vulnerable country - it is a soft target. Security measures such as these illustrate that we are living in a different world now. While we must take very strong decisions on security, we must also ensure that this debate is not purely about security - we must focus on all the other threats to peace. People have made the point that poverty and injustice breed terrorism. That is not an insult to poor people - it is the reality. The day our focus shifts from the poor - as we have talked about in relation to the WTO and so on - will be a sad day for the future of the world. Kofi Annan is coming from a very strong position and Ireland can certainly buy into that agenda.

We will try to bring together the European position. A specific question was asked about the French and the Germans. We broadly support the amendment to the resolution prepared by France and Germany which is concerned with setting out a credible timetable for handing over power to the Iraqis. I stress that it must be a credible timetable. It should clearly set out when the Iraqis can expect to see an end to the occupation and the transfer of sovereignty, and this will give the Iraqi people a clear understanding of the transition which lies ahead and a greater sense of confidence that representative government will be achieved sooner rather than later. It is crucial that the Iraqi people be given a sense of ownership over the political reconstruction process, and it is clear that this can happen only when security and stability have been re-established in the country. That is our position. Deputy O'Keeffe rightly pointed out that many things would have to happen with regard to our involvement in a UN mandate for a multinational force in Iraq. As he said, these are early days.

We have made commitments about Liberia and plans are at an advanced stage - representatives from the Army have already been speaking about this. The Taoiseach has said no more than that we would consider the position if a UN mandate is achieved. The Government and the UN Secretary General have urged that the Security Council members should be united in whatever they do. The bottom line for Ireland, as the members know, is that the "triple-lock" applies to the deployment of any overseas Irish military personnel - we need a UN mandate establishing or, effectively, authorising the operation, a Government decision and, where 12 or more military personnel are involved, approval by Dáil Éireann. The Taoiseach has responded to questions on this by outlining the position. When he addresses the UN General Assembly tomorrow afternoon he will expand on these issues.

We will move on to general affairs.

I appreciate fully what the Minister of State said about needing a common EU position in order to make some item a priority - he mentioned HIV and AIDS. I suggest, however, that perhaps there could be a link between HIV-AIDS and debt reduction or cancellation. For example, at Cancún there was some agreement on drugs to be provided to certain countries, but the logistics of distributing the drugs in these countries is a nightmare. I suggest that perhaps the thought should be put in people's minds that debt reduction or cancellation could be used as a vehicle to help in the fight against HIV and AIDS. Research conducted by Jubilee in the UK showed that in ten out of 27 countries for which there was some debt reduction, health spending had increased by 70%. Inspiring a bit of lateral thinking to link the two could be a way of getting our foot in the door.

I would like a specific commitment from the Minister that the issue of the murdered journalist Georgy Gongadze will be specifically raised at the foreign affairs Council meeting in the context of the preparations for the EU-Ukraine summit on 7 October. I ask that the Irish position be that this should be included in the issues to be raised with President Kuchma with a demand or request for an up-to-date report on the issue and that the investigation be concluded impartially and independently without further delay.

I will convey that to the Minister and I agree with the Deputy that this is an important issue. It is a matter of major concern to us and it has been raised many times by the Minister for Foreign Affairs.

I agree with Deputy Harkin's comments about debt cancellation. We did in fact pursue the approach she outlined in connecting debt cancellation with HIV-AIDS, as has happened in Zambia. This is linked to the HIPIC initiative, under which we as a nation have urged the World Bank, the IMF and so on to take account of social factors in relation to debt cancellation because in olden times these organisations took a strictly economic view. Ireland has already been active in this regard - I mentioned this matter to Mr. Jim Wolfensohn, the president of the World Bank, and others shortly after my appointment. We must broaden the criteria for debt cancellation and we will continue to raise this issue whenever we can during our Presidency. We have a strong position on this issue - although people might say we do not owe too much money, we have put money into the various budgets to help countries that are in this position. We are in a strong position and we will continue this practice.

On the general affairs section of the agenda, are staff regulations developed at arms length? Is it a matter of people at the European Union deciding among themselves about pay regulations or is there transparency and value for money?

I am interested in the progress of work in other Council configurations. I was taken aback to see earlier this week a Competitiveness Council meeting which dealt with a draft decision on supernumerary embryo research, which is being considered by both the Council and the Parliament. We have in place by law, and we had reason to discuss a directive with the Minister of State within his area of responsibility in the recent past, a sub-committee of this committee that deals with EU scrutiny. We deal with draft regulations and directives. Most decisions come out of those draft regulations or directives. This decision came out of the authority of the treaties themselves. It never came before us for scrutiny because there is no draft regulation or directive. This, however, involves constitutional and human rights and administrative and legal implications and it is being decided upon. I note any final decision has been deferred until the second or third week in November. The Minister of State's Department co-ordinates the co-ordinators so we would like anything of this kind to be communicated to us for scrutiny. I would also like the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment to explain why this was not sent to us and the content of the draft decision at our next EU scrutiny meeting.

Item 3 on the agenda deals with Council of the European Union resolutions, decisions and opinions. It is a minute of a meeting but it not laid out in a helpful manner. I do not want to create additional work for anyone but glancing through them, they make very little sense. What are they about? It would be helpful if we knew.

I agree with Deputy Carey but I notice the first item is the protection of workers from carcinogens or mutagens at work. That is something we are discussing with the smoking ban. What implications will that have for our legislation? Has this decision been made? It states that the European Parliament approves the proposal but asked to be consulted again should it decide to amend it.

Anything that comes from last October onwards in the form of a draft regulation or directive must come before the committee but there are many things, such as those referred to by Deputy Carey. When we get our agenda, the committee can get as much information as it wants on any of those matters but we usually get details of each of them. If there is anything in particular a member would like to be briefed on before a meeting, if he or she contacts the secretariat we will arrange for that to be supplied. Otherwise we would weigh people down with the amount of documentation we send out.

I presume this is available on the website and if the public is viewing it, it would make absolutely no sense. There should be some elaboration.

A paragraph after each heading explaining what it means would be useful in future.

Before we place any more burdens on people by preparing documents, we should know what we are doing. We get a lot documentation from the Department - is it a useful employment of resources to look for synopses of documents that are of no interest? I take the point made by the Chairman that we would look for further documentation on particular issues, that is reasonable, but I caution against automatically seeking further documentation.

I am advised that between the time we get it and the time we circulate to members, there is not much time, usually only three days.

I am not talking about our secretariat, I am talking about the European Council providing the general public with adequate information. The information currently provided is fine for the bureaucrat dealing with it every day but for the general reader, it is not helpful. I am not asking our secretariat to do anything.

The Deputy is right. It does, however, allow us to pick out an item and question the Minister on it because his officials would be briefed on all these items.

I find it extraordinary that the Government should consider providing funding for research which inevitably results in the destruction of human embryos without it being discussed anywhere here. It raises profound constitutional questions and we should look at that before we go any further with it.

As the person who raised the issue when it came first for scrutiny, I am very dissatisfied that we have no role to play and it will cause serious concern in future if we are just seen as a rubber stamp and if the major issues of interest to the public do not come before us.

This is an additional item to the one the Deputy raised.

Yes. It deals with issues of ethics and morals which are of great concern to the public and if we, as parliamentarians, do not have an opportunity to look at them it appears that something is going on behind closed doors.

The real issue is that the Oireachtas, with the assistance of the Government, has provided a scrutiny process and here is something of fundamental importance that is being kept from that process. That is not right. However difficult the issue is, it is for legislators, not anyone else, to make a judgment on that.

I agree that this is an important issue and that the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment should be asked to come before the committee to discuss it.

Deputy Carey mentioned the information in the agenda. Information from the European Parliament has come through the Council secretariat and I agree that most people who see this agenda would rush through it and pass on to the next item because its presentation is very bureaucratic. We have no influence on the presentation of the material. This information is on the European Parliament website as well so we can only note what the Deputy said. I would warn against trying to do anything about it except to say this will be noted at the meeting. I accept the criticism that the EU and its institutions do not do themselves any favours by producing such material.

I omitted to refer to the western Balkans. The western Balkans will remain an important EU foreign policy priority during Ireland's Presidency and the EU western Balkans summit held in Thessaloniki on 21 June 2003 issued a clear political message that the future of the countries of the western Balkans lies in their integration into the European Union structures.

The main document agreed between the EU and the countries of the region at the summit was the Thessaloniki agenda, which sets out clearly the reform paths required for the development of closer relation and progress towards EU integration. It clarifies both the commitment of the EU to the long-term future of the region and the obligation of the individual democratic governments if they are to meet the objective of EU membership and the ambitions of their people. The agenda provides the framework for the development of EU relations with the western Balkans in the period ahead, including during the EU Presidency next year.

The final point is on staff regulations. Work on reaching an agreement on the reform of EU staff regulations is ongoing. Members will recall - and I remember we discussed this before - that Commissioner Kinnock spoke in some detail about this when he met the committee. The General Affairs Council reached agreement on 9 May on a number of key points, including pay, pensionable age and career structure. This is a consultation committee consisting of the member states and the representative institutions have met a number of times since this agreement. This has given the unions an opportunity to raise a number of points of concern they have regarding the agreement.

In summary, this is about modernising the Commission in advance of enlargement. We want to see progress on this during the Italian Presidency so that the matters are resolved before we take over the Presidency in January. These new measures have to be in place by 1 May so we will continue to apply pressure to ensure that these matters are advanced.

I thank the Minister and his officials for attending and for dealing with the matters raised. There are a number of items of correspondence for the committee to deal with. Item No. 1 is the proposal to note the report on the debate in the plenary session of the European Parliament on 3 September 2003 on the draft constitutional treaty.

We would need to take into account the position of the Commission.

Absolutely. Item 2 is a press release from the Slovene press agency in relation to the recent visit to Slovenia by the Joint Committee on European Affairs; it is proposed to note. Item 3 is an invitation to participate in a draft agenda for the interparliamentary conference on reducing the threat of weapons of mass destruction on 20 and 21 November; it is proposed to send two members to the conference if two are interested. Is that agreed? Agreed.

I should have done this much earlier but Dermot O'Mahony has been appointed adviser to the committee and I welcome him. The minutes of the meeting of 9 September 2003 have been circulated. Are they agreed? Agreed.

I remind members that the committee is visiting Darrara College, Clonakilty, on Friday morning, and a number of schools are participating. In fact, we have had a request for more schools to participate. We will be doing a video and things of that kind so any members who are able to attend are very welcome.

I had intended to attend that meeting but due to a change in personal circumstances I am unfortunately not able to go. I record my apologies.

We note the apologies of those who cannot attend.

The joint committee adjourned at 1.40 p.m. until 2 p.m. on Wednesday, 8 October 2003.
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