I thank the Chairman and members for inviting me to come before the joint committee. It is an honour for me, both personally and on behalf of the European Court of Auditors, to formally present the annual report of the court. Last year was the first occasion on which a member of the court came to the national Parliament of Ireland to present the court's work on a formal basis. I am delighted to be in a position to perform that exercise on this occasion, listen to the views of members and reply to any questions they may wish to pose.
Co-operation between national parliaments and the European Court of Auditors is important. Almost 100% of the money the European Union spends comes from member states which spend over 80% of the Union's money. I propose, therefore, to outline from where the Union obtains its money and how it spends it. The European Union's budget is approximately €125 billion per year. This is due to increase to €129 billion in 2012. The Union is financed almost entirely by member states. A total of one eighth of the money comes from customs duties. When someone imports goods into the European Union, a tax is collected by the revenue commissioners in each member state. A total of 75% of this tax is transferred into the Union's budget, with the remaining 25% being retained to cover collection costs. A further one eighth of EU funding comes from value added tax, VAT. Each member state submits a small proportion of its VAT returns to the European Exchequer.
The remainder of the European Union's funding - over 70% - comes via a balancing mechanism. The Union must balance its income with its expenditure every year and the 70% plus to which I refer is provided by member states in proportion to their national incomes. For example, a country with a national income twice that of Ireland's contributes double the amount Ireland contributes under this heading. There are proposals to change this mechanism in the next financial framework and the European Commission has proposed a financial transactions tax in this regard. The Commission made other proposals last year in respect of a European VAT rate or a gasoline tax. However, it has now chosen to propose a financial transactions tax in the next seven year framework.
Any proposals for change would require an alteration of the European Union's own resources directive. Any such amendment would have to be carried unanimously. Members will be aware that as a number of member states have made their reservations known on that, therefore, it remains to be seen whether the funding structure of the European Union will change appreciably over the next seven years.
With regard to the spending of European Union money, just under half of it relates to agriculture and fisheries and about one third relates to cohesion. Ireland does not receive a significant amount under cohesion because the bulk of that funding goes to member states which have less then 90% of the average income of the European Union. Another 7% goes to research, 5% goes to external aid and 8% is spent on administration which runs all the institutions and all the programmes. There has been very little change in that respect during the past year and from the proposals the Commission has put forward for the next multi-annual financial framework, there does not seem to be much change in the spending mix proposed. The new framework for 2014 to 2021 caps the budget at 2013 levels and there is not a significant change in the spending proportions.
With regard to how the European Court of Auditors fits into this, we are the European Union's external auditor. We produce an audit opinion on the European Union's accounts, just like any auditor of a private company or the Comptroller and Auditor General, but we also produce special reports on how the European Union's money is spent and how effective European Union policies have been. For example, last year we produced a report on the reform of the European Union sugar market, which had a particular relevance to Ireland at the time. In terms of work into the future, we expect to begin work on a formal opinion on the Commission's proposals in regard to the Common Agricultural Policy, spending in respect of which relates to approximately half of the European Union's budget. The proposals the Commission has put forward stretch to 650 pages of regulations and it is important that the European Court of Auditors brings its experience of auditing European agricultural funds during the past 35 years to bear on the discussions and the deliberations that will take place on the CAP in the next number of years.
Our real role institutionally is to reassure the European taxpayer that his or her money is being controlled properly The European Union is a unique entity, with some members being net recipients and some being net contributors. France and Germany combined are net contributors to the tune of €18 billion. Members will realise that public confidence in that system is important and the European Union has an institution that it places at a high level to ensure confidence is maintained and built.
Last year Ireland was a net beneficiary in the amount of €676 million. That is not the sole criterion or the sole reason for Ireland's involvement in the European Union. There are many other benefits which translate into financial terms for Ireland, including the benefit of being in the Single Market, which does not appear in any of those figures. There is a good deal of work the European Union performs centrally that would have to be replicated in each member state at a cost to the taxpayer in each member state if that work was not done centrally. I am talking in terms of the licensing of medicines, airplanes, chemicals, food additives, etc.
The indications are that Ireland's position as a net beneficiary will continue. The next financial framework does not put forward an appreciative growth in the European Union budget. Therefore, Ireland's contribution would not be expected to rise significantly and on the receipts side in regard to agriculture, which accounts for 83% of Ireland's receipts from the European Union, the indications are that matters will continue at least an equivalent level, taking into account all the proposals that have been put forward and recognising that there is still a long way to go before the final CAP proposals are put in place.
I believe that this year Ireland has overcome a threat to its position as a net beneficiary. When Ireland applied for funding under the EU-IMF programme this time last year, part of that money - some €22.5 million - was coming directly from the European Union Initially the proposal was that the European Union would borrow and then lend on to Ireland at a marginal rate. The European Union was borrowing at 3% and lending on to Ireland at 6%. That would have produced a net additional contribution from Ireland directly to the European exchequer in the amount of €675 million or just under €5 billion over the seven and half years of the programme. The 21 July deal that was arranged and has been implemented knocked off the margin in that respect and extended the deal to 12 and half years. That will mean a benefit to Ireland from the European Union, compared with the initial plans, of about €8.22 billion over the next 12 and a half years.
In terms of the European Court of Auditors annual report and Ireland, it is again a very good situation for Ireland. We have listed many examples of inappropriate spending. None of those examples relates to Ireland. Ireland was audited this year in regard to agriculture on the normal sampling basis. Last year, the court had some negative comments on the revenue side related to Ireland's customs regime, but those comments do not appear again this year. The matter last year needed a fix on a computer system and I understand that is now working and performing adequately.
Ireland has a very good reputation for financial control in agriculture and I am very proud of that in my current position. There is a long control system in place in the European Union. For example, the controls in agriculture start with the Department of Agriculture, Food and the Marine which has its own external auditor and a audit committee and which is controlled by the Comptroller and Auditor General and the Committee of Public Accounts in Ireland and, at European level, by the European Commission, the European Court of Auditors and, ultimately, the Committee on Budgetary Control of the European Parliament.
The Irish agriculture error rates are close to zero. In some countries they are over 10%. Because of the system we apply in Ireland, it is fair to say that agriculture funds go to real farmers farming real land. That is not the case in other countries which operate a different system and we have seen cases where football fields, parklands and dumps have been declared for the purposes of the receipt of agricultural subsidies.
In regard to the accounts, the European Court of Auditors produces two opinions. One is an opinion on the reliability of the accounts, which is the same kind of opinion any auditor gives to millions of companies across the European Union. On the question of whether the books, accounts and records make sense, we have found that in this case they do and they have done consistently for the last four years. The second opinion we give is on the legality and regularity of the transactions underlying the accounts. On the question of whether the spending rules were kept, we have found that 3.7% of the money was not spent according to the European rules in terms of value. That is up slightly on last year when it was 3.3%. As to how that breaks down across the spending areas, 7.7% of the Cohesion budget in terms of quantity was affected by error, 2.3% of agriculture was affected by error but in Ireland it is close to zero, and the rest of the expenditure is below the materiality level of 2%. Overall, there is adverse opinion on the legality and regularity side of things.
In terms of what happens to our report, it goes to the Committee on Budgetary Control of the European Parliament, which is equivalent to the Committee of Public Accounts. It calls in individually all the Commissioners responsible for the spending areas, there is extensive written and oral questioning and the committee may have one meeting, a follow-up meeting and another follow-up meeting. It may grant what it calls a discharge straight away or it may postpone that or even deny that. Discharge is a political process the Parliament goes through to indicate its support or assent for the work of the Commission in managing the money that is given by European taxpayers.