This is a meeting with representatives of the Oromo Liberation Front, OLF, to discuss the human rights and political situation in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. I welcome Dr. Shigut Gelata, the OLF's foreign relations officer for the European regional zone; Dr. Trevor Trueman, human rights advocator; and Mr. Sebastien Vandershaeve, journalist, who are here to discuss their ongoing work and activities, including their efforts to find peace in Ethiopia. This matter was referred to us following a meeting of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs on 10 October. We note that the OLF is one of the strongest opposition movements against the Ethiopian Government. We are pleased to have an opportunity to hear from our visitors. I draw attention to the fact that while members of the sub-committee have absolute privilege, the same privilege does not apply to witnesses appearing before the sub-committee. I ask our visitors to make their presentation. Members will then have questions for them.
Human Rights and Political Situation in Ethiopia: Presentation.
Dr. Shigut Gelata
Esteemed defenders of human rights, I am extremely honoured to have this opportunity to address the sub-committee on the plight of the Oromo people, the policy of the Oromo Liberation Front and the general human rights and security situation in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.
By way of introduction, the Oromo people account for close to 50% of the population of Ethiopia. Prior to being incorporated into the modern Ethiopian state in the last quarter of the 19th century, the Oromo people lived in freedom under a uniquely democratic and indigenous institution, the Gada system. Under such a system, a replica of the evolving theory of deliberative democracy, the Oromo people democratically administered their own affairs, elected their leaders and enacted laws through their representatives. After the occupation, such Oromo institutions were dismantled and replaced with a hierarchical and dehumanising system. Ever since successive regimes subjected the Oromo people to domination, subjugation and exploitation. This is how a majority came to be marginalised.
I am narrating this, not to dwell on the past but to show the genesis and birth of the Oromo Liberation Front, OLF, over 30 years ago to bring to an end this misery and injustice. With the fall of the imperial regime, we hoped the hierarchical structures rooted in a history of conquest and domination would be levelled and that our people's existence as second class citizens would come to an end but it did not. Under the Dergue, domination and the hierarchical ordering of communities continued in the form of socialism and totalitarianism. The OLF had to continue its struggle through other means.
In 1991 the collective efforts of the liberation forces ended the era of the Dergue. We stepped forward to reconfigure Ethiopia as the common homeland for all its diverse nations and nationalities. We took a risk to usher in a new era of democracy and freedom but once again our optimism was quickly dashed as the ruling party failed to live up to its promises. It violated our agreement to introduce genuine democracy, install the superiority of the rule of law and restructure the centralised state administration by devolving power to the grassroots to ensure each nation and nationality was able to administer its affairs. Instead it pursued the policy of monopolising power and domination continued in the name of pseudo democracy and federalism. As a result, we were forced once again to go underground and resort to armed struggle, at a hefty price.
We, however, continued to explore opportunities for just peace even after the abortion of the transitional arrangement. We participated in different bilateral and multilateral talks with different stakeholders to peacefully resolve all outstanding issues. Our good faith participation in the many attempts to broker a just settlement with the assistance of the US, Germany and Norway, attests to our ceaseless search for peace.
The peoples of Ethiopia had dreamed of and were promised that the post-Mengistu era would be an era of equality, peace and civil liberty. Instead, torture, extra-judicial killings, disappearances, detention without warrants, overruling the decisions of courts, snatching democratically won elections and the harassment of the free press and civil society have reigned.
The May 2005 elections were a landmark. Oromos did not have much choice. Despite this shortcoming, it demonstrated that EPRDF cannot rule as in the past without resorting to ever-increasing draconian measures. Resorting to draconian measures is what it has done. The overwhelming majority of our population has rejected the ruling party. However, the regime continues to trample upon their yearnings for freedom and democracy using its military and security apparatus. With impunity, it kills, displaces, detains and tortures anyone who dissents. The judiciary is turned into a kangaroo court. Opponents are detained on trumped up charges and denied their day in court. The rubber-stamp parliament is simply a facade to create an appearance of representation.
Human rights violations are prevalent in Oromia and have been so during the past 15 years. In the Qalitti prison, where senior Coalition for Unity and Democracy, CUD, leaders are unjustly held, there are more than 300 Oromo prisoners. They have been rotting in there for years without due process of law and in the absence of any international scrutiny. Upwards of 30,000 Oromo prisoners of conscience are detained throughout Oromia. Leaders of Matcha and Tulama, the longest surviving Oromo non-governmental organisation and a symbol of our tortuous struggle for freedom and democracy, have also been detained for years. They did not commit any offence and are held in prison in utter disregard of court orders. Several Oromo students have been killed, detained, and arbitrarily suspended or dismissed from universities and schools.
The repression is not limited to the Oromo alone, although I must admit it is where the most horrific violations take place and mostly away from the spotlight. No population group in Ethiopia is spared this ordeal. In fact as the regime gets more insecure, paranoid about its slipping grip on power, repression has become a knee-jerk reaction.
The Oromo and the other people in Ethiopia believed in western pronouncements about respect for human rights, democracy, good governance and accountability. However, the silence as these ideals are flagrantly violated is regrettably testing this belief. We are informed that the West does not have the leverage. How does this square with the truth when the regime survives with western money? After last year's broad daylight killings, we had hoped the West would review the policy of not looking tyranny in the eye but rather of rewarding it. We are encouraged by recent criticism of the violations of human rights and the deficit of freedom and democracy in Ethiopia by the Irish Government. I hope this hearing will mark a watershed.
I will now briefly elaborate on my organisation's guiding principles. Until recently, OLF has restricted itself to advocating the democratic rights of the Oromo people. We have done this to allay the suspicions of those who might think we are aspiring to dominate Ethiopia on the back of our huge constituency. We are still committed to enabling our people to exercise its inalienable right to self-government and to ending its subject status. However, given its huge democracy and central location, the Oromo bears great and special responsibility in creating the conditions for democracy and stability. It is in our self-interest to champion democracy and freedom for all.
Oromo nationalism has reached a new stage in its phenomenal development. As a majority population, while the Oromo cannot expect freedom and democracy as a gift from others, it must work with others to usher in a new era of not only freedom and democracy but also stability. It is in this spirit that OLF took a key role in the formation of the Alliance for Freedom and Democracy, AFD, which brings together the major Ethiopian opposition parties and liberation organisations. Its birth has created hope that a new beginning is possible. By bringing together the cross-section of the society across the divides, AFD and its inclusive vision have offered a real alternative to the regime on power.
Given the extraordinary situation, only the convening of an all-inclusive conference can remove the underlying causes of the crisis in Ethiopia. AFD has called for such a dialogue, which the ruling party is rejecting. Instead it is taking ill-conceived military adventures. The declaration of war on Somalia is meant to deflect attention from the deteriorating situation at home. In an unprecedented step, it has declared war on the opposition. This will only make the situation worse, cause regional instability and sour relations between religious groups.
Ethiopia is again at a dangerous turning point. Sensing insecurity and instability, senior commanders, diplomats, high officials and judges are defecting. The political space is more restricted than ever before. There are thousands of political prisoners. Repression and severe restriction on civil liberties is creating an explosive situation. The crisis will get worse unless the regime heeds the call for dialogue. For this to happen, however, Europe and the US must stop handling the ruling party and the Prime Minister with kid gloves. I hope this hearing will be a catalyst for the start of a process that will culminate in a change of policy on Ethiopia.
I thank Dr. Gelata.
Dr. Trevor Trueman
Most of what I have to say is summarised in the document, Moving On but Getting Nowhere, which has been circulated to members. The document states that it is fully referenced on the website but I am afraid that the latter is not functioning at present. However, the other paper I presented to the Association of Genocide Scholars, at its meeting in Galway in 2003, and the African Studies Association on genocide and the risk of it occurring in Ethiopia does contain references. There are, as outlined in that paper, worrying risk factors in respect of genocide taking place in Ethiopia. I have also provided a number of press releases and annual reports that provide summaries of the abuses taking place. In addition, there is also information relating to previous years and a couple of well written and accurate papers from Human Rights Watch, published in 2003 and 2004, which can be downloaded for its website.
The standard human rights abuses should be well known at this stage. They involve tens of thousands being detained without trial and the commonplace use of torture in detention. It is usual for detainees to be tortured. The Oromia Support Group has reported almost 1,000 disappearances of people who were in detention and nearly 4,000 extra-judicial killings by the Government in Ethiopia. Included in the latter are killings of prisoners in detention, as practised by the previous communist military dictatorship. Information relating to this matter is outlined in Moving On but Getting Nowhere.
As well as the standard markers of human rights abuses, greater crimes are being committed against the peoples of Ethiopia. The environment is being aggressively degraded. The rate of deforestation is running at approximately 100,000 hectares per year. This means that the remaining forests will disappear in approximately 20 years. This has a devastating effect on local rainfall and the micro-climate. People report that streams which flowed when they were children have dried up. In addition, flooding is more likely to occur in places such as the Awash and Lower Shebele valleys, as was the case in recent years. What is not generally known is that the Government of Ethiopia set fire to 600,000 hectares of forest in the year 2000 to impoverish the population — not only the Oromo but also the Sidama, the Benishangul and the Ogaden — that was supporting the liberation front.
Very few Oromo gain access to Addis Ababa University. One reason so little is known about the Oromo outside Ethiopia is that they do not have the jobs, etc., that might bring them into contact with western people. Even fewer students are able to qualify from the university because once they become involved in demonstrations, they are expelled. This is a serious problem in the context of the future development of Ethiopia and Oromia, in particular. If the people are not educated, development is difficult. The 2005 Human Rights Watch report refers to a tight, intrusive security network, where every household is under surveillance, extending back in a web to the capital, Addis Ababa. This hinders farming, in addition to the one or two days spent every week attending political meetings. This is significant when people are living on the edge of food security.
Not only have the TPLF, the governing body, its friends and families cornered all the markets and commercial enterprises in Ethiopia, important resources were diverted away from development for the war with the Eritrea between 1998 and 2000, during which between 60,000 and 120,000 people were killed, and, recently, for the declared war against the Islamic courts union in Somalia and all the liberation groups in Ethiopia.
With regard to the issue of stability, at the behest of and with the support of the United States, thousands of Ethiopian troops are in Somalia. The combination of the standard human rights abuses, the effects on the environment and education, security control over the peasantry, lack of development and lack of stability throughout Africa will only improve if there is a shift in direction in the Ethiopian Government.
Mr. Sebastien Vanderschaeve
To prepare for the elections in May 2005 which ended in a bloodbath, an administrative subdivision was created, the specific purpose of which was to detect supporters of and stifle support for the opposition. Any person who expresses sympathy for the opposition is systematically accused of having OLF sympathies and becomes a military target, following which he or she is subjected to harassment, arbitrary arrest and so on. In addition, the Government looks to provoke tensions between communities to prevent unification of the opposition, justify further reparations and provoke mass arrests, the purpose of which is to target specific persons such as high profile opponents and leaders of the community. I refer to the official conclusion of the European Parliament commission charged with investigating the bloodbath following the elections. It stated that following the 193 deaths and more than 700 wounded resulting from the riots, the Ethiopians denied that the police had used excessive force and that the riots had occurred because the people had not perceived the new concept of democratisation.
The turnout in the 2005 elections was high. An international observation mission was in place during and after the elections. How fair were the elections? The governing party was the clear winner in elections in which, apparently, 90% of the people had voted. What is Mr. Trueman's assessment of the conduct of the elections and the counting of votes?
Dr. Trueman
In most areas the only candidates available were government or government organisation candidates. For instance, in Oromia, apart from small pockets of support for the OFDO and the Oromo National Congress in areas where the main protagonists live, the only candidates were from the Oromo People's Democratic Organization, a government sponsored group. In those areas where there was an effective voice to the opposition, overwhelmingly the people voted for the opposition. The strength of this support surprised the opposition, as well as the government. The results were then carefully doctored. It took several weeks for them to come out and nobody reckons the counting of results was free and fair. They were doctored to give the TPLF or the EPRDF, the umbrella organisation, overall control of the House of Representatives.
Why did so many people vote? Was voting compulsory?
Dr. Trueman
If one is not seen to vote for the government, one is less likely to receive help with seed and fertiliser and more likely to be put in prison and mistreated.
I very much appreciate the presentations, particularly on the violations of human rights. Dr. Trueman referred to a meeting in Galway, to which I will return.
As one reads the literature, it becomes evident this is about the Oromo nation rather than the Oromo people because they extend beyond Ethiopia. What form of state would satisfy the aspirations of the Oromo people's struggle and movement? There is a rejection of the historical experience of federalism to date. The reference to an indigenous form of decision-making is interesting, as that would be preferable to an imposed concept of good governance. What state structure would be acceptable?
I refer to the discounting of the rise of the Islamic faction in Somalia. The Somalian Government based in Baidoa receives more support from the clan system than it appears and the Somalia situation is much worse than the description in newspaper reports.
What practical steps does Dr. Trueman suggest should be taken to vindicate the human rights covenant? I take his point that western interest and efforts in the vindication of human rights under any conventions have been deficient thus far. What is he seeking from European governments?
Dr. Trueman
The International Association of Genocide Scholars has held biennial conferences since 1997. I have been a member since 2001 and I have presented papers at the 2001 conference in Minneapolis, the 2003 conference in Galway and the 2005 conference in Florida. Regarding the Oromo nation and self-determination, the Oromo are nearly all in Ethiopia but one or two million live in northern Kenya. Dr. Shigut Gelata will express this better than me but the OLF is of the opinion that it is up to the Oromo people to decide on what sort of state structure they have. From my reading of people's opinions, if we reinvigorated the transitional arrangement that came into being in 1991 after the fall of the Dergue, where there was regional autonomy to an extent and mutual respect between the different groups, then everybody would be happy. It was an OLF representative in the transitional government who wrote that charter and wrote the constitution that was eventually adopted in 1995.
The Oromo would be happy if they had a degree of self-determination. This does not necessarily mean secession because that would be ridiculous. It would be like having the trunk of a tree secede from the tree. Regarding Islamic fundamentalism, the Oromo would be a good bulwark against Islamic fundamentalism. It would be very un-Oromo to be a fundamentalist Christian or a fundamentalist Muslim. The Oromo regard their own monotheist religion which has respect for the environment and all life, as paramount. One Oromo playwright wrote that the Oromo religion is the flesh and blood and that Islam and Christianity are the clothing. The question about Somalia would be better answered by Dr. Shigut Gelata.
A director of a consortium of Swiss non-governmental organisations who used to be an investigative journalist wrote in 2000 that two thirds of Ethiopia's income was derived from foreign aid. If that does not give us some clout in terms of affecting the policies of the Ethiopian Government, I do not know what does. In terms of practical steps, we could increase the public criticism of the Government and its human rights record. It is in the power of the West to insist that the Oromo Liberation Front should be included safely in the 2010 national elections.
The demand is for a form of regional autonomy. How would Dr. Trueman handle the issue of the distribution of the population, with minorities and majorities distributed? Is he proposing to do that by means of a constitutional change in Ethiopia? Is he referring to the large-scale movement of populations from one region to another?
Dr. Trueman
No, we would be very much against that.
I thought as much.
Dr. Trueman
The smaller groups especially in the southern people's region, would be happy with the charter as it was in 1991, possibly with the exception of the Sedama because they would want more autonomy within the southern people's region. If it was proportionate to the numbers in different populations in the regions, then what would be fairer than that?
I found Dr. Trueman's presentation very interesting. I do not pretend to be as expert as Deputy Michael D. Higgins on the ethnicity of the Oromo people. We both visited Ethiopia since the last elections. We conveyed to both the Prime Minister and Opposition leaders whom we met in prison our concern at the way the outcome of the elections had developed. On a previous visit I expressed concern about the election process and I am still of the view that there are many deficiencies in the election process, from what I saw. I have urged that the Ethiopian Government would take a serious look at how it runs its elections.
On practical matters, is it possible for Dr. Trueman to visit Ethiopia on a regular basis? We read reports from NGOs and from our representatives in Addis Ababa and elsewhere, that post the 2005 elections, the parliament is beginning to function. It may be the artificial nature of the situation in Addis Ababa with an imposed or nominated mayor to carry out the functions of a city administration is unsatisfactory and it is of concern to many of us. Can Dr. Trueman see any positive aspects to the way the situation is developing?
When we met the leaders of the Opposition groupings in prison, it was very clear that many of the charges that had been laid against them did not stand up to even moderate international scrutiny. We all hope that charges will be withdrawn. I believe they are being modified from genocide to attempted genocide, etc. I hold the view that most, if not all, of the people we met ought to have been released long before now. Our Minister for Foreign Affairs has indicated this view both in his role as member of the European Union Council of Ministers and otherwise.
I have seen the recommendations in the documentation presented to the committee. How can we practically further the delegation's cause? How can the committee help improve what is clearly an unsatisfactory human rights situation in many parts of Ethiopia? I am not conversant with all of Ethiopia. I visited a number of regions but I am more conversant with the Tigre region and some regions south of Addis Ababa. I do not pretend to have knowledge of every part of Ethiopia. Dr. Trueman seems to be suggesting that financial support for the regime should be withdrawn and that is not a position our Government agrees with although it has been advocated by some NGOs. There is a view this would be counter-productive to the larger population in Ethiopia.
The further monitoring of human rights is an area in which we have a role to play and I wonder how that can be developed further and what arena we might use to try to highlight human rights abuses. Much of our support is directed into the area of governance, both at regional and national level. From reading reports and from personal observation, there are some very positive aspects in how that process is developing. I would not pretend that everything is rosy but there may be something we can build upon. How can the Oromo's aspirations as a people be enhanced and taken account of? Like Deputy Higgins, I find it difficult enough to get my head around the notion of a cross-border type of governance approach that can be reflected in Ethiopia, Somalia and elsewhere. I am open to advice and guidance.
Dr. Trueman
I am unable to visit Ethiopia and even if I was allowed to enter the country, people to whom I spoke would soon be dealt with. Chris Albin-Lackey from Human Rights Watch and Martin Hill from Amnesty International, both of whom have written documents about Ethiopia, have not been given visas to re-enter the country. The positive aspect of the elections is that awareness of the potential of democracy has been greatly enhanced. People want representation in government and believe it is almost within their grasp. This is a positive development.
As regards improving the situation, it would be helpful to limit aid to direct programme assistance, an approach adopted by Canada. Britain also took this approach for a period, although I understand it has since rescinded this arrangement. The embassy group in Addis Ababa could also do more by visiting outlying areas where they are not expected, to see what is going on.
Dr. Gelata
Dr. Trueman has covered most of the issues. On the state structure which would satisfy the Oromo people, our political programme heads in the direction of self-determination but the OLF, as an organisation, has never promoted the idea of secession. It is hoped the Oromo question would be resolved within an Ethiopian framework. It was with this intention that the transitional charter was formulated in 1991 and the OLF was involved in this process. The manner in which the ruling party or TPLF dominated the system pushed the OLF out of the political system. The OLF believes that if all nations and nationalities in Ethiopia work together systematically, it will be possible to eliminate the deep-rooted conflict.
On how to influence Ethiopia, we do not demand that humanitarian aid cease. The international community and democratic governments have strong influence through certain bilateral agreements and specific forms of aid. They can control or monitor these or exert pressure on the government using certain agreements. We do not demand that they stop humanitarian aid.
Have talks taken place between representatives of the Tigre People's Liberation Front in government and the Oromo people's representatives?
Dr. Gelata
Is the Deputy asking whether negotiations have taken place between the OLF and TPLF?
Yes.
Dr. Gelata
In September 2005, when the TPLF was in trouble with the other Opposition party, it called on the OLF to negotiate. We replied that we would negotiate without any pre-conditions but negotiations have not yet taken place.
The report of the International Committee of the Red Cross published in 2001 was mentioned. When did the ICRC last visit the detainees, specifically those held in the notorious prison to which Dr. Trueman referred?
Dr. Trueman
As far as I am aware, the International Committee of the Red Cross has a continuous presence in Ethiopia and constantly monitors its prisons. Its officials are not allowed into the unofficial detention centres in military camps and police stations where people are not supposed to be held. They are allowed into large centres such as Makalawi and Qalitti prisons. As the ICRC does not publish its results, I am not party to information on the frequency of its visits to prisons but I am aware that it has a continuous presence in the country.
I thank the witnesses for their interesting and informative presentation and their responses to the questions members raised. The sub-committee recognises their grave worries and concerns and demands for a political response. I expect parliaments and committees such as this to closely monitor events in Ethiopia. If, during the weeks or months leading up to the next general election, the delegation wishes to communicate further with the sub-committee or seek its assistance, it is free to do so.