I thank the Acting Chair and committee members for the invitation to brief them on developments at the European Union Foreign Affairs Council and at the United Nations since I last briefed them on those issues in October, as well as our relationship with NATO. As might be expected, discussions and decisions in all of these formats have been heavily focused on the crises in Ukraine and the Middle East. I will address those today, but I also wish to take the opportunity to highlight a select number of other issues that would be of interest to the committee.
I wish at the outset to address the situation in Ukraine, which I think is of grave concern to us all. Russia continues to expend enormous resources, political will and human life in pursuit of its imperial war in Ukraine. Its tactics are devastatingly cynical. This is a challenge to the security of our Continent, the likes of which none of us has witnessed in our lifetimes. As might be expected in these extraordinarily grave circumstances, the European Foreign Affairs Council has been heavily focused on mobilising substantive and multifaceted support for our Ukrainian neighbours and friends who continue to fight for their lives and their freedom. It is critical that they are successful. Next month, Switzerland will host a summit on peace in Ukraine.
We are focused and determined to support Ukraine in delivering a successful first summit. This will be an important moment in the path towards restoring peace on our Continent. It will be critical that peace, when it arrives, occurs on the terms we aspire to for the future of our Continent, that is, respect for international law, for human rights, and for the sovereignty of nations.
We cannot have a peace borne of conquest and war. Such a thing would be inherently unjust and could never last. We need to ensure that as many voices as possible from across the globe, deliver a riposte to Russia by clearly and unambiguously endorsing the principles of the Ukrainian peace plan at the summit next month. This would set us on the road to achieving a peace in Ukraine that is both just and sustainable. I, together with my Department of Foreign Affairs team, will be engaging with other states on this and I encourage the committee, which I know has a wide range of international contacts, to do the same. The Taoiseach will also be reaching out to key contacts at Head of Government level. This is about the future world we wish to inhabit. Our response to Russian aggression will have profound implications for the future of global peace and security.
Of course, the European Union has not just been focused on lobbying others. We have been working intensively on delivering several complex and important decisions on the nature and scale of the European Union's support for Ukraine in recent months. We have successfully restructured the mechanisms through which we deliver macrofinancial and military support to Ukraine to put it on a more stable and predictable footing.
We have also taken important steps forward in advancing Ukraine’s European Union membership; in further sanctioning the Russian military industrial complex and the businesses that finance it; and in utilising the profits from frozen Russian assets for the support of Ukraine. The decisions to open the €50 billion Ukraine Facility and the €5 billion Ukraine Assistance Fund, to open accession talks with Ukraine, to agree a 13th and soon 14th package of sanctions and to seize profits from frozen Russian assets have all been preceded by lengthy and at times difficult discussions. These instruments and mechanisms are, by necessity, complex, not least because they are designed to ensure that all member states, including ones such as ours, where we have specified that our contributions to the military effort should be in respect of non-lethal means only, are facilitated. However, vitally, and each and every time, the EU has emerged with agreement. We cannot underestimate the value of this as a clear signal to Russia that it cannot simply wait it out and that it cannot assume that a war of attrition will diminish support in the European Union for Ukraine, and thereby deliver it victory. That will not happen and we will not allow it to happen. While Russia thinks of new ways to cause more destruction, we think of new ways to support our neighbours.
Earlier this month, we celebrated a number of important milestones in European history, in commemorating both Europe Day on 9 May and the origin of what today is the European Union, and on 1 May, the 20th anniversary of the Union’s biggest single enlargement, in 2004. Those decisions all precipitated periods of unprecedented levels of co-operation and peaceful co-existence in Europe. The recent decisions to open accession negotiations with Ukraine, Moldova and Bosnia-Herzegovina and to grant conditional candidate status to Georgia are of immense, generational significance. I expect intergovernmental conferences to be held with Ukraine and Moldova before the end of the current Belgian European Union Presidency, marking the official commencement of accession negotiations with both countries.
The European Union is doing its part to make European Union membership a reality for candidate countries, using new tools such as the new growth plan for the western Balkans, which provides €6 billion of investment to bring the region closer to the European Union, accelerate accession reforms, and boost the regional economy. We are also increasing our own direct engagement with future EU member states. In March, the Government announced the opening of new embassies in Belgrade, Sarajevo and Chisinu. Under budget 2024, we have established a new fund to support candidate countries with their reform agendas.
It is important that I also address the situation in Georgia. The scenes we are witnessing on the streets of Tbilisi are shocking. Let us be crystal clear – these are not consistent with the behaviour of an EU member state. To the Government of Georgia, with which we have enjoyed frank and open engagement in recent years, I want to say that this is a very important moment in its journey towards accession to the European Union. Together with 11 of my European Union counterparts, I have written to the European Commission, asking it to urgently publicly report on what the implications might be on Georgia’s EU accession, should its government proceed with the current foreign agents legislation it is proposing. I know that its parliament is considering that Bill this week and I want to urge all parliamentarians who are genuinely committed to Georgia’s European Union vocation to vote against it. I would also urge this committee to use its links with Georgia’s parliamentarians to have the same discussions. Most importantly, I just want to say to the people of Georgia that we are listening to them and we hear their demands. We support them. We support a future for them that is characterised by democracy, freedom and dignity.
I also want to address the situation in Israel and Palestine. I have had regular exchanges with many members on the situation in the Dáil, and I want to pay tribute to all the members of this committee, from all parties, for their commitment over the last seven months to bring an end to this appalling war and to demand accountability for the terrible violations of international humanitarian law we are seeing on a daily basis. When I last updated the committee in October, it was in the immediate aftermath of the horrific terrorist attacks on 7 October by Hamas. We have since seen an utterly disproportionate response by Israel to these attacks, resulting in unimaginable levels of death, trauma and devastation across the Gaza Strip. I have been clear in my view that this amounts to collective punishment. This must end.
All of the members here already know what Ireland has done over the last 7 months – pushing at European Union level to call for an immediate ceasefire, as well as the unconditional release of hostages and full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access; asking the Commission to carry out an urgent review of the European Union-Israel Association Council; supporting the International Criminal Court, ICC, with additional voluntary contributions for its investigations into the situation in Palestine, as well as for other situations before the court; confirming our intention to intervene in the South Africa v. Israel case at the International Court of Justice under the Genocide Convention; intervening in the written and in oral proceedings in the case before the ICJ on Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territory; led discussions with European Union like-minded on the collective recognition of Palestine by a group of European states; doubled our funding to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, UNRWA, in the face of Israeli disinformation aimed at collapsing it as an institution, and at a time when others were racing for the exit; and hosted Philippe Lazzarini, the UNRWA Commissioner General, in Dublin.
Ireland also ensured the full disbursement of European Commission funding to UNRWA; successfully pushed for political agreement on sanctions on violent settlers in the West Bank, as well as additional sanctions on Hamas; championed the Arab peace plan and worked intensively in particular with Egypt and Jordan to encourage its development and dissemination internationally; encouraged reform within the Palestinian Authority and continued to support its provision of services to the Palestinian population, including in the education sector; ensured the safe passage of more than 100 Irish citizens and their families and dependants out of Gaza to Ireland; worked relentlessly for the release of nine year old Emily Hand, who was held hostage in Gaza for more than 50 days; and co-sponsored and voted in favour of the resolution at the UN General Assembly last Friday on Palestinian membership of the UN, which was approved by a very large majority. I am proud of that work but we need to keep at it.
First and foremost, we need to move on the formal recognition of the Palestinian state. After intensive discussions with European and Arab partners, we will do so before the end of this month. We need to garner more support for the Arab peace plan, which envisages clear, concrete time-bound actions to make the two-state solution a reality.
We will continue to push at European Union level for a much more robust response, focused now on preventing an even more disastrous situation in Rafah and on the need for a massive surge of humanitarian aid. We will continue to support and advocate for the very small number of Irish citizens still in Gaza, along with a larger number of their dependants and family members. We will also continue to work at European Union level and bilaterally on the wider regional implications of the Gaza war.
I remain deeply concerned about the continued hostilities along the Lebanon-Israel border, where any further escalation would have devastating effects on both Israel and Lebanon. This will be a central focus for me when I travel to Lebanon later this week to visit our troops in the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, UNIFIL. Last month, the Government agreed to increase the number of Defence Forces troops deployed with UNIFIL, underlining our continuing support to the UNIFIL mission and the important de-escalatory role that it plays in the south of Lebanon.
This is just a snapshot of the wider foreign and security policy context that the Government of this State finds itself in, characterised by a contested, dynamic and volatile international security environment. This global security context obliges us to take both our own security and our responsibility towards our like-minded partners more seriously than ever. This is the context in which the Government on 30 April approved the drafting of legislation which will govern how we deploy our Defence Forces as part of international peacekeeping or crisis management operations.
The modification to what is known as the triple lock will reinforce our ability to pursue an independent foreign policy by removing the power of UN Security Council permanent members to veto our national sovereign decisions. In addition to the proposed changes to the triple lock, it is also intended to amend provisions relating to the deployment of Defence Forces personnel overseas in other roles such as supporting an urgent crisis management evacuation of Irish citizens. I assure the committee that the proposed amendments to this legislation remain fully consistent with the principles of the United Nations Charter and international law and in no way affect Ireland's policy of military neutrality.
In addition, the Government is committed to broadening and maximising Ireland’s international security engagement with the United Nations and other key bilateral as well as multilateral partners, including the European Union and NATO. Ireland's relationship with NATO is conducted through Partnership for Peace, PfP, of which Ireland has been a member since 1999. PfP retains its own separate identity and was founded based on an individual bilateral relationship between NATO and each of the PfP countries. It is a voluntary and co-operative framework between NATO and individual partner countries. Previously, the framework for co-operation between partners and NATO was the Individual Partnership and Cooperation Programme, IPCP, and the Planning and Review Process, PARP. In an effort to streamline the different partnership tools and processes, the Individually Tailored Partnership Programme, ITPP, was developed, to essentially combine the IPCP and PARP. Ireland agreed this with NATO late last year.
The new ITPP presents an opportunity to enhance any partner's co-operation in relevant areas of choice, including cyber, enhancing resilience, improved maritime situational awareness and climate change, as well as in work to address the impact of conflict on women and girls through the women, peace, and security agenda. This arrangement will build on Ireland’s existing engagement with NATO through the Partnership for Peace.
Access to NATO training and standards, through participation in Partnership for Peace, has proved invaluable in the development of the Defence Forces' capabilities for the increasingly complex and challenging crisis management operations we face today. It has improved the quality of our contribution to UN missions and UN-mandated missions, including those led by regional organisations such as the EU and NATO, including in our current engagement in the Irish-Polish battalion in UNIFIL.
The new ITPP will continue to focus on enhancing the interoperability of our Defence Forces, improving our Defence Force capabilities and ensuring that our Defence Forces are interoperable with the forces of other states engaged in UN mandated peace support and crisis management operations. It will also allow us to enhance co-operation in a number of new areas which will benefit Ireland.
The Department of Defence and the Defence Forces will lead on new forms of engagement with NATO in the areas of resilience and civil preparedness and human climate change security, all areas of important national interest to Ireland. Other new commitments include regular political and military dialogue and consultations, which will see engagement in a number of key areas, including on cyber and hybrid threats, maritime security and resilience, including the resilience of critical undersea infrastructure.
The Department of Foreign Affairs will lead on this new area as well as on a new goal on women, peace and security, reflecting Ireland’s national action plan on United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and the Defence Forces' action plan on this agenda. The Department of the Environment, Climate and Communications will lead on a goal relating to cyber defence, with a view to enhancing our co-operation with NATO in this area to raise awareness and address malicious cyber activity. This work is particularly important in the context of the serious risk which cyber threats pose, as we discovered in the cyberattack on the HSE in 2021.
This approach reflects the potential benefits to Ireland from engaging in the networks that NATO provides. It does not affect our military neutrality. We have no plans to join NATO or any other military alliance but it does improve, in a very positive way, our ability to defend our country and our people from threats and to ensure that our Defence Forces meet the highest international capability standards and are fully interoperable with the states they work with day in, day out in peacekeeping and crisis management operations.
The security and defence risks in Europe are very real at this time. Addressing the complex nature of the current security challenges facing Ireland is not something we can do alone. The nature of today’s threats, including in cyber, hybrid and maritime domains, requires us not only to invest in our own defence, but also to work more closely with our international partners. Co-operation with partners, based on mutual respect and benefit, contributes to global security, enhances resilience and upholds the rules based international order, which also contributes to Ireland’s security. This engagement with NATO via PfP will complement the additional investment the Government is making in our national security and defence capabilities. To be clear, as I said earlier, participation in the ITPP does not signal an intent to join NATO, or an erosion of our neutrality. It is a framework for co-operation. It is partner-led and completely voluntary in nature. A number of other PfP partners, including Austria, Malta and Switzerland, are also in the process of agreeing or have already agreed their respective ITPPs with NATO. Finally, the ITPP is an opportunity to enhance engagement in areas of clear strategic interest to Ireland, in a way which helps us face the current nature of the security context facing Europe at this time.
Before I conclude, I will briefly update the committee on a number of issues at the United Nations which may be of interest. We have frequently lamented here - and in the Oireachtas more widely - the shortcomings in the international multilateral system. Therefore, I am pleased that at the UN General Assembly in September this year, the Secretary-General is assembling world leaders for the Summit of the Future. This will be an opportunity to reinvigorate the multilateral system and for us to make our voice heard on the changes we would like to see in the system. We hope that the Pact for the Future that will be adopted and can build on the consensus Ireland brokered in the Sustainable Development Goals Summit Political Declaration last year and contribute to accelerating progress in achieving the SDGs.
In February, Ireland had its fourth periodic review by the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which assesses Ireland's implementation of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The Minister of State, Joe O'Brien, led the delegation, which included officials from nearly all Departments, a strong signal of our commitment and engagement. The committee acknowledged the positive progress that has made since the previous review in 2015 and made recommendations on how we can advance economic, social and cultural rights in Ireland. These recommendations are non-binding but Departments will take them forward and report back to the UN committee at the next review. I encourage this committee to review the UN committee's concluding observations in full. They are publicly available and my officials are happy to provide copies.
I look forward to engaging on any questions the committee might have.
