I thank the committee for the opportunity to engage in this public consultation. I am speaking on behalf of my colleagues, Professor Farrell and Dr. Suiter, but also on behalf of a wider group of political scientists who work on elections and referendum research in most of our universities.
Ireland has a long and proud democratic tradition. Citizens have quite high levels of trust in the electoral process, and participation in elections and referendums has been stable, although at a relatively modest level, over recent decades. Audits of Ireland's electoral processes conducted by the Electoral Integrity Project confirm there are high levels of integrity and trust in the process among citizens but they highlight a number of problematic areas that are sometimes obscured by the overall trust levels. These include the electoral registration process, party financing and access to the electoral process for women and minorities.
Irish democracy is resilient and it emerged more diverse from the economic crisis, but this has not been the experience everywhere. The rise of radical-right populist parties and violent-protest social movements in a number of states points to high levels of voter dissatisfaction and clear points of weakness in democratic politics. Democracy is not an inevitable political outcome. We have seen considerable democratic backsliding around the world in recent decades, which highlights the need to nurture and invest in the democratic process.
Elections and referendums are the cornerstone of our democracy. In recognition of this, we are here today to argue for the creation of a permanent democratic audit process, which would be a study of each referendum and election. In most democracies funding is provided, usually to the political science community, to carry out elections and referendum research. This research generates evidence that is usually used to inform public debates, shape policy-making and enhance political campaigns. It can be used not just by political scientists but also by members of parliament, the policy-making community, political parties, and civil and voluntary organisations. The evidence is used widely.
A funded election study was put in place between 2002 and 2007 and operated through the Irish Research Council but since then political scientists have been unable to secure consolidated funding for election or referendum research. In 2011 and again in 2016, political scientists scraped together funding to study the elections in those years but the resources were hardly sufficient to produce the type of study required for a proper democratic audit. Referendum voting has never been studied systematically. Any research that has been carried out has been ad hoc and the objectives are shaped by the priorities of the funding agency or commissioning agency, which is often a newspaper, RTÉ or a Department. Departments are usually interested when a referendum fails. We know a great deal about why people do not vote for things but a lot less about why they do vote for them. This is an unusual position to be in.
A national election and referendum study would provide an in-depth understanding of the way representative democracy functions in Ireland. It would deliver unique insights into Irish public opinion, political participation, attitudes towards politics and explanations of electoral outcomes. The data from 2002 to 2007, and the partial studies in 2011 and 2016, have been used by Oireachtas committees, broadcasters, political parties and civil and voluntary organisations. The evidence collected has informed debates and public policy in areas including voter registration, political education, reform of political institutions and populist political communication. Ireland is an old democracy, celebrating its centenary this week. It has much to offer in terms of its democratisation and consolidation experience, and it is frequently included in international studies. Although the election and referendum research conducted in Ireland has often been imperfect due to the lack of funding, the Irish experience of democracy has been central in informing policy debates internationally on political institutions, electoral reform and electoral integrity.
The form and scale of election and referendum studies vary around the world but the research is usually conducted in the pre and post-vote stages and involves questionnaires administered by professional polling companies. Most of the questions included in the surveys are tailored to the political environment in Ireland but there are some questions from cross-national studies, and that facilitates international comparison and the location of Ireland in a wider experience of democracy. It also enhances the quality and usefulness of the data generated. The topics covered are diverse but in recent election research in Ireland, questions have been asked on attitudes about the following: political institutions; the role and performance of public representatives; populist political views; and reasons for voting and non-voting, which are important because there is much interest in these. Those questions were possible in the period 2002 to 2007, when there was better funding. We have had questions on political reform and political values.
Between 2002 and 2007, the funding for the election study came from a combination of the Programme for Research in Third-Level Institutions and the Irish Research Council. Owing to changes in the funding environment due to the economic crisis, it has not been possible to secure a regular funding source for election and referendum research, and only very limited studies were possible on the elections in 2011 and 2016, using ad hoc arrangements. No funding has ever been provided on a permanent footing for referendum research. Small amounts of funding have been secured from RTÉ, Google and sometimes the Houses of the Oireachtas to put together the smaller studies but they have been very imperfect.
I highlight in particular the marriage and abortion referendums, in which there has been huge international interest. Despite this interest, there has been very limited research conducted in Ireland on those referendums.
Since 2007, political scientists have engaged with the Irish Research Council, the Central Statistics Office, politicians and civil servants in an effort to secure permanent stable funding for this type of research. While there is wide support for the research owing to its extensive use and dissemination, funding efforts have been unsuccessful. Part of the reason for this is that elections and referendums often happen at short notice, as the members know, and on an irregular schedule. The research required is time sensitive, which means it must be carried out immediately before and after the electoral event, usually within a number of weeks. These are the unusual features of the work involved and are among the main stumbling blocks to establishing a permanent funding stream.
As is the case in other democracies, a dedicated and flexible budget line needs to be established. This could be managed from a Government Department or an electoral commission or channelled through the Irish Research Council. We are asking the committee to make a recommendation to support funding for election and referendum research in Ireland. We believe this research is vital to inform public debate, public policy and political campaigns.
