The production of the report was supported by Aer Lingus, Aer Rianta as it was known when we commenced work, the Irish Hotels Federation, Shannon Development and the South West Regional Authority. The content of the report is entirely the responsibility of Mr. Frederik Sørensen and me. The other bodies to which I referred were interested in commissioning the report.
Although our terms of reference were restricted, in the summary of conclusions on page 51 we point to a number of issues which need to be examined to round out consideration of the report. The joint committee should regard quantified forecasts of what would be the effect of an open skies agreement on Shannon, Dublin or any other airport with the greatest of suspicion because such forecasts would be entirely spurious. While nobody knows what will happen, our best guess is that, as a result of an open skies agreement, we would experience growth in the volume of transatlantic traffic in excess of 10%. To break it down further than that would be entirely false. During one discussion on aviation I attended last week, the audience was assured that five years is a long time in the life of an airline. With so many factors open to change, forecasts are of limited value.
We are not suggesting that other airports should engage in large-scale investment to participate in transatlantic traffic. Rather, we argue that if other airports were disposed to getting involved in transatlantic traffic, a number of them would have to make substantial investments. We were asked specifically if we would examine the positions of Cork and Kerry airports and they are addressed in the report. For example, we note that Kerry would need to make a substantial investment in runway lighting and instrument landing systems to be in a position to bid for transatlantic business. We do not recommend that the airport makes such investment but state simply that if it wants to participate in this area it must take a number of measures.
I can see the starting point of Deputy Shortall's question regarding Shannon Airport. However, if the airport's long-term survival were to depend on the maintenance of a bilateral arrangement and an obligation of the type we are discussing, it would amount to an acceptance that it does not really have a positive economic role. If one puts forward the proposition that an economic unit cannot survive without permanent economic support, as is the case here, one is arguing for maintaining an extra cost to the Exchequer or the travelling public. In this context, Shannon Airport would be an uneconomic operation.
Looking at the other elements adduced, namely, the need, as Deputy Shortall noted, to maintain Shannon Airport so that US multinational executives and freight can have access to transatlantic flights, while this matter is not addressed in detail in the report, there is no evidence to suggest that either the bulk or even a large proportion of these kinds of movements of people or goods go through Shannon Airport. There is no evidence that business originating from local multinationals forms a significant part of the airport's operations. Undoubtedly, it is an element of the airport's business but it is also an element of business originating in Dublin. This does not appear to be an adequate base on which to posit the future development of Shannon Airport. On the other hand, the advantages available under an open skies agreement appear to be able to generate sufficient additional business to make it worthwhile for Shannon Airport to try to participate in such business. However, we have not quantified its volume and any attempt to do so would be largely spurious. Mr. Sørensen is a planner by profession, while I am an economist by training and we are both sceptical of each other's professions. Nevertheless, neither of us would accept predictions of this nature.
In terms of the proposition that there would be no major objection to a continuing small bilateral agreement between Ireland and the United States, that may be the case. The current position is that a small bilateral agreement between Ireland and the United States will continue for as long as the two countries do not have an open aviation agreement. There is no great disposition on the part of the United States authorities to do anything about this in the sense of improving the terms for Ireland for as long as it continues to be the case. My reading — Mr.Sørensen shares my view — is that the United States authorities want an open aviation agreement between the European Union and the United States. I do not know how to read the reactions of various groups which have come back from Brussels with the impressions as reported by members. The continuation of a small bilateral agreement between Ireland and the United States is stasis. In that situation we will always experience the difficulties we currently have and there will be uncertainty for Shannon and Dublin Airports. For as long as we do not have an open aviation agreement, the bilateral agreement will continue. I do not see any disposition to change it substantially because the two main actors want to bring about the other situation.
The reason the Commission proposal to the Council failed last year was — this is my view — that some member states which had entered an open agreement with the United States did not feel obliged to create a situation where the benefit of such an agreement was extended to other member states. The United States takes the view which I think is reasonable that it does not want to negotiate a series of one-to-one agreements with EU member states but an open agreement with the European Union. That would be more efficient all round.