We meet to-day under the shadow of a great national catastrophe. We mourn the loss, under cruel and tragic circumstances, of one who was, perhaps, the great outstanding Irishman of his day and generation, a man who in his duties as a Minister of the State, with an unparalleled fearlessness and lion-hearted courage acting up to a conscientious sense of duty, left himself without a moment of leisure, to devote himself exclusively to the work of the regeneration of his country. In these efforts he had succeeded beyond, I think, perhaps even his own hopes or expectations, and beyond the expectations of most of us. In the course of his work he had commanded the confidence and gained the affection of all his colleagues and of all his countrymen. He had asserted the position of our Free State with a dignity, ability and efficiency in the councils of the Empire and the councils of Europe, where his transparent honesty, unselfish patriotism and devotion to duty had earned him a reputation in a few brief years, that few others in a life-time have succeeded in gaining. We are each and all of us the poorer for his death, but, on the other hand, his country is rich, enriched by the example he has set each of us, of devotion to duty and of unselfish and loyal work for his country. I do not think there could be any more noble epitaph placed upon the grave of any one of us than what he himself recorded in his dying words, when he said, "We have done good work, continue on the same lines." That should be an inspiration to each and all of us, and I am sure that I was only acting in accordance with the sentiments of Senators in asking each and every one of you to assemble here to-day, for the purpose of considering how best you could pay your tribute to the memory of this great man at his funeral obsequies to-morrow.
ASSASSINATION OF THE VICE-PRESIDENT.
CATHAOIRLEACH
As the Cathaoirleach has said, this meeting of the Seanad has been called in consequence of the murder last Sunday of the Vice-President of the Executive Council. Kevin O'Higgins showed, in the hours when he lay wounded, a spirit of heroic fortitude and saint-like resignation which was worthy, and no more than worthy, of the life which he had lived. Those of us who knew him well, know that he was a man in whom there was no selfishness, no bitterness and no fear. If he was ever hard it was with the noble and holy hardness which resists wrong and injustice. Even as in the end he made the great sacrifice without faltering, so throughout his public career he shrank from no personal sacrifice, when that sacrifice was necessary for the liberty, welfare or security of this country and its people—and he had many sacrifices to make.
While some members of the Seanad may not have known him well enough to appreciate fully the fine and lovable qualities of his character, no one who has been, even a short time, in this House can have failed to appreciate the strength and clarity of his intellect. Other countries have had statesmen whose names were more widely known throughout the world, but I do not believe that any nation has ever had a servant who, in purity of purpose or powers of mind, excelled this man who is now dead in his 35th year. He was struck down by assassins, not because of anything he had done in the past, but because of the work they knew him to be capable of doing in the future, because he was the strongest pillar of the State. The best tribute we can pay to his memory is, solemnly to resolve that we shall preserve and strengthen the fabric of this State, which he laboured to build up and for which he died, and that we shall guard it against all enemies within and without. Let us to-day pledge ourselves to ensure, with God's help, that Kevin O'Higgins's work shall never be undone, and that this country will go forward in freedom, in justice, and in honour as he would have wished it to go forward.
As one who can claim the honour of personal friendship not only with Kevin O'Higgins, but with his grandfather, the patriot poet, T.D. Sullivan, and other kinsmen of that family that rendered such signal service to the cause of Ireland, I desire to associate myself with the vote of condolence, though I find it hard to speak with the restraint which such a solemn occasion demands. It is, indeed, a melancholy reflection for Irishmen that a family that gave such distinguished men to the public life of this country should be stricken twice within the short space of four years by the murder of two of its members.
To-day a great man has fallen, and the assassins' bullet has inflicted on this State a loss that is well-nigh irreparable, for O'Higgins had qualities which stamped him as one of the greatest statesmen this island ever saw. His reputation for sound judgment was not only notorious at home but statesmen of other countries have paid tribute to it. His courage was superb, as all recognised. Even in the last few painful days we have seen and been thrilled by the heroic fortitude with which he almost laughed in the face of death. This was not surprising to those who knew him, as it was always in times of trial and danger that his lion-hearted character shone out best. We all remember how in the dark shadow of his father's murder he was not in the least deflected from his public duty. He never flinched—he never complained. He never sought capital from his bereavement. He held his opinions modestly and without arrogance, and "neither was guile found in this mouth." He was absolutely impartial in his administration of justice, and he allowed neither friend nor foe to escape the law.
He underwent the daily toil of Ministerial office while shouldering the requirements of public criticism and platform debate. We have seen how, after a month of strenuous electioneering, instead of finding rest he suddenly had to go to Geneva to take up the duties of the Ministry of External Affairs—where he ornamented the position of this Gaelic State amidst the keenest politicians and the best-trained negotiators of the world. Yet, two days after his return—on last Sunday morning—when unattended he seeks to obey the command of God—"Remember thou keep holy the Sabbath day"—he is slain. Every circumstance of horror attended this outrage. He was on his way to Mass. His assailants fired into his prostrate body. That such a dastardly outrage was possible in this country should make every Irishman hang his head in shame, and I venture to say that such an outrage would not be possible if the waters of public life had not been muddied, and if public opinion had not been vitiated and destroyed by the wholesale denunciation of him and his colleagues in our first native Government.
These men have been held up to public odium as traitors and tyrannical enemies of the people. Irresponsible youths were taught that it was a patriotic duty to do away with them. Now, after five years of outrage and infamous propaganda, we have this murder condemned by the man who said that in order to achieve freedom it would be necessary for the Volunteers to wade through the blood of Irishmen —even through the blood of Ministers. The man who sowed the dragon's teeth by such utterances is now surprised that young assassins should spring up. To-day, scared by the spectre born of the anarchy he has created, he desires to retreat. He now says he is confident no Republican organisation was responsible for the murder or would countenance it. When he wanted to disclaim responsibility previously he told us he saw things as through a wall of glass. That wall of glass is stained by the blood of Michael Collins, Kevin O'Higgins and many a good Irishman. We cannot forget that no apology was made for the murder of O'Higgins's father: the murderers of the son are the same party, animated by the same inspiration. The tract of time between 1923 and 1927 is short; it is only a few years, but centuries from now the name of Kevin O'Higgins will be remembered while those of his slayers will be recalled with horror and amazement.
May I, in conclusion, express the hope that when the Government take steps, as I hope they will, to prevent in future the recurrence of these black deeds and to protect the lives of public men, they will have the wholehearted support of the Oireachtas, and that there will be no tendency to treat assassins and those who incite them as erring children instead of the pests and enemies of the State and society that they are. Only last week I read where advocates of economy in the other House were objecting to the cost of the Army and to the expenditure of money to enable these murder plots to be detected and prevented in advance. While the preaching of economy may be necessary and acceptable in certain quarters I trust that the tomb of Kevin O'Higgins will be the sepulchre of uninformed attacks on the precautions of responsible Ministers.
No words any of us could use could possibly express our feelings for the irreparable loss our country has suffered by the death of Mr. Kevin O'Higgins. I happened to be associated with him at the very beginning of the Irish Free State. With some of my colleagues we met him and discussed the conditions under which the Free State was to be started. We formed a great opinion then of Mr. O'Higgins. We saw that his vision of the future was clear and just. We saw his great statesmanship, his great moral bravery, and we recognised above all things that what he said he would do he would do no matter what it cost when it came to the doing. I have had the good fortune because of making his acquaintance at that time to become a great friend of his, and I can speak both as a personal friend and as an ordinary citizen of the Free State as to the great man we have lost. Since those early days we who have worked with him to try and establish our country on a sound political and governmental basis have seen him follow the same line of conduct that he pursued at that time. He has never flinched. He has always acted up to his own high ideal. One and all of us recognise that he set us an example which, if we only follow, will enable us to place our State where he wanted it to be. We can do nothing for our departed friend, but there is one thing we must recognise, and it is this: that his colleagues in the Government have been placed in a terrible position by his death. Whatever we may have suffered by his death both as friends and citizens, to his colleagues in the Government his loss is something awful to contemplate. It is one of the occasions on which it behoves all good citizens to see what they can do individually in helping the State to be carried on. We can assure the Government of our cordial and loyal support in their efforts to carry on the country in good order, with law and security for its citizens. That was Kevin O'Higgins's ideal, and it was because it was his ideal, and because he worked for it, that they killed him. Mr. Blythe said quite truly that they knew the man they had to deal with, and that they knew how he meant to carry on the country. The forces of disruption and disorder feared him, and with good reason. Now, we citizens who are left have to take care to carry on the record, and wherever the Government asks us to support them in their defence of law and order we should act and give them every support. I hope when we go to meet Mr. O'Higgins on the other side of the Great Divide, that we, one and all of us, will be able to look him fearlessly in the face and say: "We have done our best to follow the great standard of conduct you set, and we feel glad and honoured to be in your company once more."
I desire to associate myself with the remarks passed with reference to the lamented death of the Vice-President. It is with feelings of pain and, I must add, of shame, that I have to speak to such a motion to-day. We all deplore the terrible loss that has robbed the country of its Vice-President, that has inflicted such misery and suffering on those who loved him. To his sorely afflicted mother, his suffering wife and poor little children we extend our deepest sympathy. I trust that Almighty God will help them to bear their great affliction, and I trust that each and everyone of us will do everything in our power to help to make our country what the Vice-President hoped to make it. It certainly is a sad day when we meet under such tragic circumstances. I think we all should pray to Almighty God to remove the scourge of Cain that has fallen on our country. I cannot say much more beyond expressing my sincere sympathy to the Minister's colleagues in the Executive Council and to his sorrowing relatives.
When I had the honour of being elected as a member of the Seanad I never dreamed that such a melancholy affair as the murder of our Vice-President would occur and that we would have to speak to this motion to-day regarding his cruel death. I had the pleasure of knowing him since he was a boy. My sons were at college with him, both at Knockbeg and Clongowes, and their friendship with him was accordingly brought home to me. I also knew his father for many years. The farmers of County Kildare regarded his illustrious son with feelings of confidence and security and looked upon him as the proper type of man to carry on the government of the country. They were satisfied that he was one of the main pillars of the Government, and one whose greatest anxiety was directed towards the betterment of our people. It is hard to find words to express our horror, grief, and detestation of such a cruel crime committed on Sunday morning when people were going to church. It was not alone that they shot him, but they shot him on the ground. That savours more of crimes in other countries where there is supposed to be no sense of fair play and justice. It was the limit of cruelty. With you, sir, I hope that the country will rise to the occasion and that everyone will do his duty fearlessly in the future. We hope that the people will all join in a tribute to his memory. We should all try in some remote way to copy his example. The country has suffered an almost irreparable loss, but out of evil good sometime comes. The fact that the people may be brought to such a height of determination by the circumstances of his cruel death may be a good thing. All our sympathy is extended to his widow, his children, and his mother.
CATHAOIRLEACH
I have asked those Senators who have spoken to intervene because I thought they represented the different sections of the House. I do not wish to prevent any other Senator speaking if he thinks right, but the difficulty is to know where to stop, and I would suggest to the House now that Senators should be satisfied by the spokesmen who have addressed the House representing the different interests of which it is composed. If, however, there is any Senator who is desirous that he should add anything to what has been said I cannot preclude him from an audience.
I beg leave, both personally and in the names of nearly 200,000 ex-Servicemen in the Free State, to join in the expression of sympathy to the Vice-President's widow and children, the President and Ministers of the Executive Council, and Ireland in the loss of a great Irishman.
On behalf of the licensed trade in the country I desire to say that nobody in the country viewed the murder of the Vice-President with more horror than they do. They regarded Mr. O'Higgins as a man of outstanding prominence who stood for justice and fair play all round. That is our appreciation of the late Minister, and I am greatly afraid it will be difficult to fill the gap caused by his loss.
It will not be necessary for me to convey my feelings on the tragic occasion on which we have met. The Minister for Justice, Mr. Kevin O'Higgins, was the soul of loyalty and courage. In a few short years he lived a fuller life than we can ever hope to do, even if we live four score or five score years. It is an inspiration to us to feel that it was given to a young man to perform with enthusiasm, insight, and forethought, actions that one would have thought were only capable of fulfilment by men of more mature years. He was a lovable figure in his private life. Sometimes he had to be determined in his public life, but it was for the good of the country which he loved. We should remember the poet's words:
"We live in deeds, not years; in thoughts, not breaths,
In feelings, not in figures on a dial. We should count time by heartthrobs. He most lives
Who thinks most, feels the noblest, acts the best."
Kevin O'Higgins thought, felt, acted and has gone. He has left to us an inspiration: Go ndean aidh Dia trocaire ar a anan. I beg to move:—
That Seanad Eireann attend the funeral ceremonies of the late Vice-President, Minister for Justice and External Affairs, Deputy Kevin O'Higgins, on Wednesday, 13th July, 1927.
I beg to second the motion.
CATHAOIRLEACH
It is hardly necessary for me to put this resolution. It suggests that we should attend in a body at the obsequies of the late Vice-President. Senators who agree to this, and I am sure every Senator present is in agreement, will kindly meet here to-morrow at 10.30 a.m. in this room. It will not be a formal meeting of the Seanad, but we will meet as a body, as comrades, and we will proceed then to the front and obtain our allotted places in the procession, which will make its way to Westland Row Church. After the Funeral Mass the procession will re-form and proceed along the defined route to the cemetery. I think it is right to mention, particularly having regard to the purpose for which this meeting was called, that I received communications from the following Senators, all expressing inability to attend, mainly on account of illness, and each and all wishing to be associated with the object of the meeting, and to be considered as having taken part in whatever action we take:—Senator Bagwell, Senator Barrington, Senator Douglas, Senator Sir Nugent Everard, Senator the Marquess of Headford, Senator Jackson, Senator Linehan, Senator Sir Bryan Mahon, Senator O'Farrell, Senator Parkinson. For the information of Senators I desire to read the following notice:—
Senators will assemble in the Chamber of the Seanad to-morrow (Wednesday) at 10.30 a.m., uncovered, but carrying their hats. When the members of the Dáil have left their Chamber, and are assembled in the courtyard in processional order, an usher will so inform the Seanad, and Senators will then proceed to the courtyard, where they will join the procession. The order will be that indicated in the attached stencilled sheet.
The procession will proceed to St. Andrew's Church, Westland Row, and after the Funeral Mass will follow the cortege, preserving the same order, to Glasnevin Cemetery. Senators desiring to join in the procession to the cemetery, but unable to walk, may proceed by car, but all cars must necessarily be at the tail of the procession, as the authorities will not allow vehicles of any kind to be interspersed with those proceeding on foot. Directions as to the parking of cars during the Mass will be given by the police on duty. Cards of invitation will be distributed to Senators in the office of the Clerk of the Seanad after the meeting this afternoon. These should be preserved for production when required.
There is one other matter to which I should like to get the Senate's authority, and, that is, to authorise me, on their behalf, and in their name to write to His Excellency the Governor-General of the Free State an expression of our sorrow and sympathy with him in his double bereavement.
Agreed.
CATHAOIRLEACH
I shall act accordingly. There is no definite business arranged for our next meeting, which will not be held this week. Senators will receive due notice when we are to meet again.
The Seanad adjourned at 3.40 p.m.