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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 20 Feb 1929

Vol. 11 No. 5

PUBLIC BUSINESS. - APPOINTMENT OF COMMITTEES.

I move:—

"That it is expedient that the Seanad should appoint from amongst its members a number of Standing Committees to which may be referred proposals for legislation or Bills, or other matters within its jurisdiction, for examination, and, where necessary, report; and with this object that a Special Committee consisting of ten Senators (to be selected by the Committee of Selection) be appointed to consider and report upon the number of such Standing Committees that should be appointed, their powers, duties and composition."

The intention is to follow the example of every Parliament in the world, I think, as to the efficient conduct of the business of the legislature. So far as I can find out, it is becoming universal in Parliaments that very much more of the work should be done in Committee than is done in the Parliament of which this Seanad is one House, and my object is that there should be established a number of committees consisting of members who would apply themselves to the special consideration of work that would be put before them and to whom Ministers, or Deputies, or Senators, as the case might be, might refer matters for advice and special consideration. There are two classes of committee which one might have in mind, a committee which might have special powers, the powers of a Select Committee, to call for persons, papers and records and to take evidence, and an Advisory or Consultative Committee. What I have in mind is rather committees which would combine these two functions, a committee which would be advisory and consultative, or when specially empowered, which would act as a Select Committee to deal with special questions. I do not think that anybody dissents from the proposition that there is need for special consideration to be given to special subjects by people who have an interest in those subjects and have a more definite responsibility in respect of matters than the general responsibility of members of the Seanad. For instance, I referred casually a moment or two ago to an important feature of our procedure. In a very large number of Acts of Parliament, both old and new, powers have been given to Departments to make orders which have the effect of law. In some cases these orders may go a considerable distance in altering the statute, and these become effective law, provided that they are laid upon the Table for twenty-one days and no action is taken by the Dáil or Seanad in respect of them.

There has been a good deal of light thrown within the last two or three weeks on the growth and power and the development of this power of the bureaucracy in effect to legislate, and to alter statutes by order, and there is a real responsibility thrown upon the Dáil and Seanad by the fact that these orders are laid upon the Table and become law, provided that there is no adverse resolutions passed in respect of them. I think it is a responsibility that the Seanad at any rate ought to have in mind, and one of the committees that I think should certainly be set up is a committee to which would be deputed the responsibility of examining these new laws, as that is in effect what they are, and where they think it is necessary, to report upon the effects of them to the Seanad, so that if the Seanad desires definite action should be taken to disapprove of them by resolution. In this respect it is interesting to read a notice that has been put forward by Senator Milroy in regard to a particular decision in respect of a certain letting or leasing of property that has been laid on the Table. In that case some interested person has thought that a grievance exists, or that something untoward has been decided upon, and therefore the attention of the House is to be brought to it. But in the absence of any grievance in respect of a particular person, if we are only dealing with general questions of law that affect no individual present but that do affect the general body of individuals, surely it is incumbent upon somebody to have the responsibility of examining the effect of these Orders in Council, as they may be, or Executive Council Orders, as they are now called. I would say that such a committee as that should certainly be set up to have the duty of examining such orders and of reporting to the House as to their effect.

I think another committee of very great importance would be one which would have special care in regard to matters of external affairs. I believe that it would be approved of. In fact a similar proposition was put forward several years ago and approval was given to the idea that a committee, whose special care would be external affairs, would be welcomed by the Minister, because it would be a body with which he might consult, knowing that it would have knowledge and discretion and would give him support in actions that he would be taking. As it is at present, unfortunately, I think, neither the Seanad, the Dáil nor the public are at all familiar with the business of the Department of External Affairs. Such a committee as I suggest would take upon itself the responsibility of keeping itself informed as to matters that arise from time to time. It would be a body which the Minister might consult when he desired and which he might keep informed, so that the House indirectly would be kept well aware of what was happening.

There are other proposals that might be considered in regard to the necessity for committees. There might be a committee whose special duty it would be to deal with transport or local government, or agriculture. I have in my hand a copy of what is the Official Report of the New Zealand Parliament, and I find that there are Select Committees of the Legislative Council—which is equivalent to the Seanad—for agriculture and pastoral questions, education, gold fields and mines, labour Bills, local Bills, native affairs, public petitions, statute revision, and so on. I have a list of standing committees of the Reichstag, and I find that there are special committees there in connection with foreign affairs, national economy, social affairs, housing, education, transport, population, and various other minor committees, and also committees dealing specially with matters that affect the taxation chamber, such as taxation, civil service accounts and redemptions. Most of us are aware of the fact that under the Constitution of the United States of America, and also under that of France, a great deal of the work of these Parliaments is done by committees, but these committees are not the kind I am thinking of. I am thinking of committees which would have a clear liability to take special care of certain classes of subjects, which might be matters of legislation, to which the House might well refer Bills for closer examination than they would otherwise receive, and also which Ministers of various Departments could approach to consult with in respect of matters on which they desired to have consultations.

I am not seeking at this stage to go very far into this committee system. I prefer that the proposition should be dealt with tentatively, that a small number of committees—I have mentioned two, but perhaps one or two others might be decided upon by the House eventually—should be appointed. It seems to me a very desirable thing that Senators should feel that there is a clear responsibility lying upon them in respect of legislation and in respect of the general system of government. Immediately after this motion was put on the Order Paper two or three months ago, it happened that in the House of Lords a motion in these terms was tabled: "That it is desirable that a Standing Joint Committee on Indian affairs of both Houses of Parliament be appointed to examine and report on any Bill or matters referred to them specifically by either House of Parliament, and to consider, with a view to reporting, if necessary, thereon, any matter relating to Indian affairs brought to the notice of the Committee by the Secretary of State for India." I refer to that specially, because I know that there are a good many members who have thought of this Chamber as one rather commensurate with the House of Lords, and who would not like to go very far away from the procedure of that august chamber, and I bring that forward to show that even in that very conservative institution the system of special committees to deal with special subjects is in vogue. They have, of course, as most of us know, a number of other standing committees, but here you have a committee specially appointed, not only to deal with Bills or matters that might be referred to them, but which the Minister might approach and consult in respect of the affairs of his Department.

The question that I have raised was raised in this House in the early stages of its career, and from the reports of the discussions that took place I think the principle was thought well of, but it was decided not to do anything until more experience had been gained; it was felt that there was not sufficient experience as to what would be required and that it might be dealt with at a later stage in the history of the Seanad when more experience had been obtained. That experience has now been gained, and I think that it shows that there is need for the adoption of a committee system more or less extensively. Therefore, I move the motion, in the hope that the Seanad will consider it and will approve of it, subject to a later decision as to the number of such committees that might be appointed. Personally, I would be quite satisfied if the committee that I have suggested, which is to report upon the number of such standing committees, their powers, duties and composition, would advise that not more than two or three such committees should be set up in the early stages, and I would urge that there would not be more than two such as I have suggested, one to deal with legislation by the Departments, and the other to deal with external affairs. At least those two committees are required, and I think it would probably appear in the course of the discussion on Senator Kenny's motion that there is need for a committee to have regard specially to matters of external affairs.

I beg formally to second the motion.

I rise to speak against the motion. I seem to recognise in it a great deal of what was considered by this House not very long ago and decisively decided against. But however that may be, I am against it now, because it seems to me to be founded upon an entire misconception of what the main functions of this House are and the part which it is intended to play. One of the first things which it is proposed to refer to such a committee is proposals for legislation or Bills. Now, the Senate is a second chamber and its main function is to put aside general legislation and not to originate it. I contend that it can do that perfectly well, as we have done with a great measure of success in the past, without subordinating ourselves to committees which would only be replicas of this House. We can do it just as well and just as efficiently when we are all here together and with a great deal less waste of time.

I would remind Senators that we are not directly elected by the people, as are the members of the Dáil. That very fact disqualifies us from taking the same part in politics that members of the Dáil take. It also qualifies us better than the other House, I believe, for reviewing legislation in a calm, judicial spirit. I reckon that this House would make a great mistake if it took steps in the direction of setting up committees as a sort of imitation of the Dáil. In my humble opinion the utility of this House is very largely commensurate with the extent of its removal from the forefront of party politics. Those of us who are allied in the matter of politics have more sympathy with one party than with another if we think about things at all. Nevertheless, I think it is a very healthy sign in this House to see that there is a great deal of cross-voting, because it shows that people here are using their own independent minds on things, and that they are not binding themselves up with the policy of a particular party.

It is suggested by the mover of the amendment that we do not take, as a House, a sufficiently serious view of our responsibilities in the matter of legislation. Personally, I entirely disassociate myself from that, and I think that most people would. It is not necessary for us to divide ourselves up into a number of committees to take matters seriously. Everybody has an opportunity of reading the Bills that come before us, and of making up his mind as to whether they are desirable, or whether they should be altered in certain respects, and I do not think that the utility of this House would be improved by a great deal of committee work of this kind, while I do say that it would occupy a great deal more time and would mean a waste of time.

It will be remembered that when the Seanad first assembled this matter was brought before it—I think it was by myself. A committee sat on the question, which was discussed a good deal, and not unfavourably, but as Senator Johnson has said, it was disposed of finally because we were not at that time fully cognisant as to how matters would work out. There were other reasons given, but I think that was the one which most impressed Senators. The last Senator who spoke took the view of Ministers, who want to stamp us as being nothing but just a registering department. I do not take that view at all, and I do not think that many other Senators do so. Certainly they have not hitherto taken that view. As has been said, they have acted with a certain amount of independence, and they have, as far as they were able, criticised different Bills and different matters that came before the House as best they could. But they were very much handicapped by not being able to consult together, and to avoid that difficulty certain associations were formed in the Seanad almost immediately for the purpose of considering Bills and motions, and for reviewing them before they came to the Seanad, because it was found that it was impossible for a man to come up from the country, walk into the Seanad, and proceed to discuss very difficult questions without knowing anything, or without knowing what the friends or opponents of the matter thought about it. That put them into a great deal of difficulty. Those who lived in Dublin and were very much in touch with matters were, to a certain extent, able to carry out their duties effectively, but those coming from the country were not able to do so, and associations were formed for the purpose of enlightening them. These things have changed a good deal.

Since the last Seanad election people have formed themselves into rather close corporations—closer than I think is wise. In any case, that has removed us somewhat from the position we were in before. I think we would certainly be very much improved if we could form committees or groups on certain subjects in which certain people had particularly taken an interest. As a matter of fact, there was a Farmers' Party—I do not know how active it is at present; not very, I think—but if those farmers were formed into a committee to consider questions of farming they could do a great deal of very useful work, and so on throughout the whole list of things. Of course, anything done by such bodies would not mean very much more than consideration; they would have all to come before the Seanad for final decision. But I certainly think that this proposal is very desirable and very necessary. We cannot blind ourselves to the fact that the Seanad has been accused of inactivity, and so on, and it was probably inactive because there were no such committees. I hope it will be less inactive in future, and certainly it would be much less inactive if committees were set up, consisting of people who were particularly interested in certain matters, to discuss various questions beforehand. Senator Johnson has elaborated this matter very much, and I do not think it is necessary for me to say any more on it, but I certainly propose to vote in favour of the motion.

There is too much haziness about this proposal. I am afraid that the motion is not a very practical one. I cannot see, if a subject arises on which the House considers a committee should be appointed, why that committee could not be appointed, as we have often had committees appointed to deal with certain subjects. But Senator Johnson seems to wish to have committees appointed about hazy subjects. If he is anxious to have a committee appointed, let him take a specific case. He has mentioned two. Let him bring a motion before the House asking it to appoint a committee to examine every one of those Orders in Council, or whatever they are called, and report to the House on the matter. The House would consider the matter, and if it wanted to, it would appoint a committee.

I do not know whether Senator Johnson meant that we should take an interest in Indian affairs. I do not suppose that the Senator intended that we should follow the House of Lords in that respect. It would be very difficult for us to do what is suggested. There are very few Senators who believe that, even if they did spend a great deal of time at it, they could do very much in foreign affairs that would pay them for the time they had spent at the matter, and I doubt if there are many Senators who, if appointed to such a committee, would think it worth while attending. But in a particular case, if a Senator brings a proposal before the House to appoint a committee to deal with it, that has always been done if the House considers that it should be done. But to pass a resolution to say that certain committees should be appointed to deal with certain unspecified things, to establish talking shops, is a different matter. I agree with Senator Bagwell that if we come here and wish to speak sensibly on any Bill, we have got to study that Bill, and I believe that we do so. Some Senators seem to think that we do not do any work, but I think that we do good work. I think the speeches delivered in the Seanad show that members consider matters, and they will do that whether there are committees or not. These committees would be little replicas of the whole House, and with them we would not get our business put through at all. If the Senator would bring up a proposal for any specific committee, the House would decide, and if it thought fit, would appoint the committee, but do not let us waste our time with committees to deal with matters of a general character about which we will probably not know very much.

The Senator who has just spoken agrees, I think, in principle with the motion; he merely disagrees with the procedure suggested in the motion. If carried, the motion will mean that we can approach the question in the way in which Senator Jameson suggested it should be done, but that we will do it in a more scientific way than has been the case in the past. We have set up ad hoc committees to consider particular questions and they have been discharged when their particular task was done. But we have, I think, failed to give committee work to subjects that we might have given that work to because it was nobody's business to take up such questions. If you set up a committee such as that suggested in the motion, it could go into the whole question in a serious way, consider what type of committee was actually necessary, and see in what way that committee might do its work. It might perhaps help us to do our business a little more effectively than we have in the past. We have had numerous private complaints about the manner in which business has been arranged, precedence given to business, and so forth, and it is obviously impossible to please all sections when that sort of business has to be left in the hands of a couple of people, where in the other House they have the Whips of the various Parties and can thereby have the views of all sections. That is only one aspect of the difficulty under which we have been working, due to the fact that there are here no Ministers to initiate business or to direct the House as to a certain mode of procedure. If this committee is set up, I think it could go into these matters. It may come back and suggest that no committees are, in its opinion, necessary, or it may suggest that one or two or more committees should be set up. External affairs is a subject on which, I think, it would be always well to have a committee in existence. It may not be meeting every week or it may not take up much time, but its members will at all events feel that it is their duty to keep themselves fairly well informed in regard to external affairs. The position would be this, that we would always have a number of trained people in the Seanad when any matter in regard to our external relations arose who would be able to speak with authority on them. They would have informed themselves and could state their views in regard to international affairs to the House. It is desirable, I think, that we should encourage members to specialise in matters of that kind as well as in other matters like transport reorganisation which is an important feature in our economic life because of the transport revolution that we are passing through. If we could get a number of people interested in that and in other matters such as education, the new developments in agriculture, the possibility of electrical development and so on, it would I think be a good thing. At present none of these questions is really the particular business of anyone. It may be said that there is no real encouragement for people to study them. There is no responsibility upon the majority to inform themselves in regard to them. I think at least we might explore the possibility of having a more informed House in matters of that kind. It would be of assistance to the Oireachtas and would be a help and a guide to the country on important questions. There is nothing revolutionary about it. It is merely an intelligent business-like method. I hope that no alarms will take possession of Senators or make them think that we are going beyond duties or responsibilities not intended for us. The proposition is a business-like one, and I think it is at least worthy of the favourable consideration of the House.

I do not think that the observations of Senator O'Farrell have clarified the atmosphere or the subject very much. Listening to him one would infer that all that this motion of Senator Johnson's asks for is the setting up of a committee to investigate certain subjects. I do not know whether Senator O'Farrell has read the motion or not, but this is what approval of it would commit the Seanad to: "That it is expedient that the Seanad should appoint from amongst its members a number of standing committees to which may be referred proposals for legislation or Bills or other matters within its jurisdiction." The adoption of the motion would commit the House to the setting up of all these independent committees. You would also be committing the House to the acceptance of very important and comprehensive implications. Senator Johnson referred to a couple of countries that have committees in connection with their legislatures. I have been supplied by a colleague of Senator Johnson's with a list of select committees in the Parliament of New Zealand, and I have found a similar list in the rules of the Senate for Canada. The fact that these Committees are in existence in these countries is not conclusive proof that it would be advantageous for us to follow the practice here. Senator Johnson might have been helpful in this particular matter if he had shown us that the operations of those committees tend to more expeditious and satisfactory legislation, or that similar circumstances which in those countries warranted the constitution of such committees exist here, and that it would be wise for us to follow them. I have not been able to ascertain, and Senator Johnson has not informed us, whether these committees are legislative committees or merely committees like what, say, the Committee of Public Accounts is to the Ministry of Finance. I have tried to ascertain if these committees have any legislative functions, and I have failed to find any such function appertaining to them.

The more I consider the whole question, and the particular circumstances of the Saorstát, the less I am inclined to favour this motion, and the more I am inclined to think that the ordinary procedure with regard to legislation here, namely, initiation in the Dáil with Bills going through their various stages there, and then reconsideration, review, and if necessary revision in the Seanad, would be very difficult to improve upon. I do not think that the capacity of this House to thoroughly discharge its duties as a revising or reviewing body in regard to legislation passed in the Dáil is going to be increased if the time of Senators is seriously encroached upon by a series of committees, the functions of which, if this resolution is any guide to their duties, would be to initiate legislation in this House. Unless that particular task was entered upon, or unless there were sufficient grounds to assume that serious work would be the outcome of this resolution in the shape of the initiation of legislation, there is no justification for its adoption. If, however, it be granted that that would result in any considerable degree, that is the initiation of legislation in the Seanad, then what it means is this: that you will have, as Senator Bagwell has stated, this assembly in its functions resembling the Dáil more and more, and you will have less and less of that detachment from the initial stages of legislation which, in my opinion, is necessary for the final review of Bills before they become statutes.

Another objection that I have to this particular process of initiation from committees is that it reverses the recognised and wise procedure in operation here. First, the general principles of measures are discussed in open session and then referred, if necessary, to a Select Committee. Then you have the principles discussed before the public. If you were to agree to the process suggested here of having these matters discussed, first in committee and behind closed doors, you would have less publicity attaching to that work than there is under the present system when the general principles of the Bill are discussed in public on second reading. The position would be this, that you would have things that should be discussed in the open before the public with the greatest publicity, the main lines of the proposed measures, discussed behind closed doors. The setting up of permanent standing committees, so far as legislation is concerned, is calculated to secure in advance the approval of provisions which may be extremely doubtful. Certain proposals are made and certain heads of measures are indicated. It may then be urged that the House has not time to discuss these, but it will be pointed out that we have got a committee to which we can refer them. In that way you will get a body of legislators to examine these things before the principles on which they are based have really been subjected to an analysis. It is necessary, I think, that they should be subjected to such analysis before the Committee Stage of a Bill is reached. I think procedure of that kind would be a blunder, that it would impair the prestige of this assembly, and would tend to duplicate the work of legislators. In the end, where is it going to lead us to?

We will assume that there is a standing committee set up in this House to consider certain proposals. A Senator introduces certain heads and they are referred to a committee. After a time that committee produces a measure which is brought in here and discussed. What is to become of it when it is finished in this House? It is only a Private Members' Bill. You cannot expect Ministers who have responsibility for seeing that the finances of the State are in accordance with the resources of the State to sponsor measures that emanate in that particular way. If measures so devised, when they reach the Dáil, have not a responsible backing from Ministers and others to carry them through, it is extremely doubtful that private members' time, which is of rather brief duration, will be sufficient to enable them to make any headway. The time of members of this House will have been spent on measures of that kind. It will have been spent on what in all probability will be a very cumbersome futility. The preparation of measures of the kind will involve a good deal of official assistance. As far as I understand the legislation that is at present pending before the Oireachtas is requiring all the time and attention that the staffs of the different departments can give to it. If you have committees operating for the purpose indicated in this resolution you cannot expect that they will make much progress without that official assistance, and you cannot expect to get that official information without increasing the staffs of these departments. Neither can you expect to carry this proposal through without doing violence to the great outcry at the moment for economy in Government departments.

A Senator referred to a previous effort on his part to do something of this kind. On going through the reports of the debates I discovered that Senator Moore had practically suggested a series of shadow Ministers on that occasion. He had practically appointed a series of shadow Ministers. I do not know if he would now confirm those appointments.

That is a pure invention.

He had as Minister for Finance. Senator Jameson; as Minister for Home Affairs, Senator Sir John Keane; Minister for Education, Senator Mrs. Costello; and Minister for Defence, Senator Sir Bryan Mahon. I do not know whether the worthy Senator would now make the same recommendations if he was forming his cabinet. I think myself that the probability of that danger arising is very remote. On the general question as to whether we should embark on the appointment of standing committees in this House, Senator Johnson, in the course of his remarks, dealt but very slightly with that aspect of it. He said he was quite satisfied if this committee would report. He suggested the setting up of a couple of committees, but I suggest that this was an oversight on Senator Johnson's part, and that what he really wishes is approval of this motion under the belief that it is an innocuous thing. I suggest that he has not made it perfectly clear that he means this committee to be something much more than a special committee to consider this matter. Even if that were the case, I suggest that this is not the correct way of moving for a couple of standing committees on specific matters of that kind. I think that a previous Senator emphasised that.

I want to make one observation with regard to external affairs. I believe that if this State was normal, if all its citizens or at least all the members of its legislature accepted the State and that the State was their common denominator—that the idea of setting up a committee of the Seanad to discuss our external affairs was one which the Minister responsible for that department of the State could approach with confidence, knowing that he was approaching citizens and members of the legislature who believed in the State and were determined to stand by it—if circumstances such as these prevailed, I would be inclined to think that the setting up of such a committee would be a very good thing. There is no use, however, in our blinding ourselves with the idea that that is the case at the present time. I think it would be premature to appoint a committee at the present time. I think it would be dangerous when the probability is that to deal with a matter vitally affecting the status, the prestige and security of this State, you would have upon the committee members who stand in with the implacable opponents of this State and all that it means. When the State is the common denominator of all those who have the privilege and honour of being elected to make laws for it, then we can conduct business on the line that we know where we stand. That time, apparently, has not come. I would be very glad if any speaker who follows me would be able to assure me that it has come, that every member of the Oireachtas at least stands determined to maintain this State and its institutions so far as it lies within his power to do so. If we had that assurance fully and without reserve, then I for one would be very glad to support Senator Johnson's motion.

In conclusion, I suggest that the adoption of the motion is not calculated to lead to better business. It is not calculated to help this assembly or to help this House to perform its real functions. In my opinion, if adopted, it is calculated to render the work of this House liable to be confused with the work of the other House. If given effect to, it would involve a further drain upon the resources of the State. I have already indicated that I think that, in the interests of economy, of good business and of sound legislation, the motion should be rejected. Senator Johnson and all his friends who believe that there is something in this matter will have ample opportunity of bringing forward definite proposals dealing with any subject within the sphere of legislation, and of convincing the House that the proposals they submit are deserving of the support of the House and should be embodied in statutes. Let them do that instead of, as one Senator stated, bringing before us resolutions in a hazy way with no definite objective. If we passed this we would not know what precisely we were committing ourselves to. All we would know was that we were committed to something of rather large dimensions, but what exactly it is even Senator Johnson could not tell us. For these reasons I think his motion is unwise and unnecessary, and I am going to vote against it.

On a point of order, may I refer to Article 39 of the Constitution? It says:—

"A Bill may be initiated in Seanad Eireann, and if passed by Seanad Eireann shall be introduced into Dáil Eireann. If amended by Dáil Eireann the Bill shall be considered as a Bill initiated in Dáil Eireann. If rejected by Dáil Eireann it shall not be introduced again in the same session, but Dáil Eireann may reconsider it on its own motion."

I wish to make a couple of comments in reply to Senator Milroy's speech. Senator Moore referred to one. Senator Milroy in his speech attempted to invest the question with an importance which neither his speech nor the occasion justifies. His argument, and that of Senator Bagwell, was based on a certain contention, which, in my opinion, cannot be justified except on the hypothesis that this is a revising or reviewing chamber. Is that so? We must be perfectly sure and certain as to the hypothesis on which we base our argument. If we fail in respect of the hypothesis the argument fails, and the hypothesis on which Senator Milroy based his argument has been blown sky-high by the Article of the Constitution, which states that this chamber has the power to initiate legislation. If this chamber has this power then it also is an initiating body, and is not necessarily confined in its functions to being a revising body. If there are useful functions we can perform outside our revising and reviewing legislation in the other House, then I think we ought to face the position. Senator Milroy referred to Senator Johnson's comment that most Parliaments had deemed it advisable to set up committees on the lines suggested in Senator Johnson's proposal. I think it would be a very sensible thing in a country like ours, where, in a sense, we are new to Parliamentary procedure, to take due cognisance of the practice and procedure in the Parliaments of other countries. That would be a reasonable line to follow, and one which we can follow with perfect safety. When Senator Milroy asked Senator Johnson whether that practice of appointing committees had been useful in the Parliaments of other countries, I thought Senator Milroy would have made his argument more useful if he had attempted to demolish Deputy Johnson's point about the setting up of these committees by the Reichstag, New Zealand and other countries, and had shown that these had failed. Had he done that his argument would have had a weighty effect. When the Parliaments of other countries set up these standing committees we may accept it that they serve a useful purpose.

On a point of order, would Senator O'Hanlon tell us whether these committees are legislative committees?

CATHAOIRLEACH

That is not a point of order.

Senator Milroy made one statement in which I think he made a slip. That was when he referred to the Public Accounts Committee and its responsibility to the Ministry of Finance. I take it he suggests it that that Committee is responsible to the Ministry of Finance. There was no other inference to be drawn.

On a point of explanation, I said that as far as I could gather these committees in other countries had probably the same relation to the different Ministries as the Committee of Public Accounts has to the Ministry of Finance.

There is no point in that. It is not an explanation. I think the House should consider this proposal on this basis, and on this basis alone, that these committees are constituted of men who have large experience in respect of certain questions, and who proved themselves useful on committees. Will the setting up of these committees add to the usefulness of this House? My opinion is that the setting up of these committees will make this body more useful and that they should be set up.

Motion put and declared lost on a show of hands.

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