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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 2 Apr 1930

Vol. 13 No. 16

Migratory Labourers and Unemployment Benefit.

I move:—

That it is expedient that a Joint Committee of the Seanad and the Dáil be set up to investigate the hardships inflicted on Irish migratory labourers consequent on the fact that they cannot draw unemployment insurance benefit in Ireland in respect of contributions paid on their behalf while in Great Britain, and to report on the most suitable methods to alleviate these hardships:

That seven Senators represent the Seanad on the said Joint Committee.

I need not stress the urgency that there is for dealing with this matter owing to the dire want of these poor people as a result of the failure of the British Government to give them benefits. I will confine myself to the facts as I found them on looking through the files. The trouble originated in about 1922, with the establishment of the Saorstát, but even though there was some trouble at that time I believe that the British Government continued to pay these people benefit up to some time about 1924. I find that there are in or about 14,000 migratory labourers who leave this country annually for periods of six, eight or ten months, and of that 14,000 I believe that almost a half—at any rate, over a third—come from Mayo, and that they contribute, or there is contributed on their behalf, an annual sum of £17,700. To these poor people that is undoubtedly an enormous amount of money, and is a terrible drain on their means. I find also that on December 19th, 1924, a Question was asked in the Dáil by Deputy Tomás Mac Eoin—I presume he is the present Senator Johnson—and in his reply Mr. McGilligan stated—it is a very lengthy reply and I propose only to take some quotations from it —"The numbers of persons in respect of whom this liability fell on the Saorstát was, so far as could be estimated, about 14,000.... Correspondence proceeded over a great part of 1922, and early in 1923 a conference to consider the matter was held in London. At that conference, the British side did agree in principle to a reciprocal arrangement involving a financial adjustment; admitted that the adjustment would always necessitate a payment to the Irish Free State ... and contemplated that the best arrangement would be the payment to the Saorstát of an annual lump sum repreSenting the excess of unexhausted contributions in the British Fund paid by Saorstát workers over the unexhausted contributions of British workers in the unemployment fund of this country ... we duly forwarded an estimate showing that the contributions paid in Great Britain for these migratory workers would amount to about £17,700 per annum. ... Eventually the Ministry of Labour refused to make any arrangement involving financial adjustment and has not since indicated any change in its attitude." So that you will see that between the two Governments these people have not been catered for.

You can see the agreement that the British Government made, but they actually broke through it when they found it would mean that they would have to put their hands in their pockets to pay a greater sum than the Free State would have to pay in return under the reciprocal arrangement. However, as far as the British Government is concerned the fact of the matter is that these people pay at the rate of about 9d. per head, that is, 4d. for the labourer, 4d. for the employer, and 1d. for the State. In any case, after the agreement was come to definitely in 1923 as a result of the conference, the British Government broke through that agreement. I believe that there honour did not count very much with them, and it would be no harm if we had something of the same conscience as far as our Ministers are concerned in dealing with the British Government in the case of the land annuities and the R.I.C. pensions, but I do not intend to go into that now.

In following up this subject further we find that in Article 9 of the Ultimate Financial Settlement it is stated: "The Government of the Irish Free State agree to pay to the British Government so much of the deficit of the Unemployment Fund of the United Kingdom as may be attributable to the Irish Free State on the basis of the relative proportions of the insured populations of the two countries as at 31st March, 1922 with interest thereon from that date." So that, in the Ultimate Financial Settlement, you have another case of this country paying her debt of honour, even in spite of the fact that three years previously the British Government, when they found that it interfered with their financial interests, absolutely withdrew from the agreement which they had with the Irish Government. I find in the records at the time of the Ultimate Financial Settlement that there was a deficit in the English Unemployment Insurance Fund of over £13,500,000. Of course, that came about as a result of the abnormal unemployment in England within the last eight, nine or ten years, in order to cater for which they had what was called uncovenanted benefit. What is meant by uncovenanted benefit are contributions not actually paid by these people, but which will be paid later when they resume work. In any event, the Free State Government agreed to pay their share, with interest thereon, from the date in question. So that you see that in all the relations between this country and the British Government, while the home Government has kept good faith, met their obligations and paid their way honourably and justly, the British Government deliberately put down their foot against anything that would affect their exchequer or that would be of any benefit to the people of this country.

I do not intend to go very much more into details. I think I have shown that this whole matter requires the investigation and the attention of the Oireachtas, and that a committee should be set up to inquire into it. It is of importance, and it is of great urgency to the people concerned, because they are, one might say, the poorest people in the country. They are paying their contributions, and they are getting no benefit. It looks as if the contributions they are paying are tantamount to a tax on their labour on the other side, and a new form of tax. There is one man in Mayo who has gone to considerable trouble in exposing, writing up in the newspapers, and trying to bring to light the terrible condition of affairs which exists and the terrible distress that these people are suffering from as a result of the negligence of the British Government to pay their honest debts. He brought before me a case of a man who had paid his stamps regularly since 1911, and during all that time he had very little, if any, claim on the fund, and he is for the last nine months laid up sick and incapable of earning his living or of working for the family and the home. He, at least, in all fairness, ought to be entitled, according to the Act, to at least twenty-six weeks payment at 15/- a week, but the unfortunate man has not got a cent from anybody. I mention that case as typical of cases all over County Mayo, and probably typical of other counties where such migratory labourers come from. Of course, as far as Mayo is concerned, these people are small tenant farmers, but that in itself should not automatically deprive them of the benefits of the Act, for with few exceptions the land, to all intents and purposes, is hardly capable of being tilled, and their meagre sources of revenue from their holdings would hardly keep them for two months in the year. They are compelled to go away at this time of the year, and they return some time after the harvest on the other side is saved. Most of them live within the Gaeltacht area, and I think it is true to say that these people are really the soul of the Gaeltacht. They are the backbone of the Irish nation; they have borne the brunt in every fight that there has been in this country, and now they find themselves in the predicament that there is nobody, it seems, to take an interest in them and to see that some arrangement is come to to remove these grievances.

Personally, I have no doubt that the British Government will give them very little thought, and that they have definitely made up their minds not to do so. If the home Government is a semblance of what these people always stood for and fought for; if they have any idea of what pertains to them as a Government, it is their duty to cater for these people, and if needs be to accept responsibility for them and to pay out of the Irish Exchequer the benefits they are entitled to, if not perpetually, at least temporarily, while reciprocal arrangements are being made. I doubt very much if there will ever be any result with regard to these reciprocal arrangements, because last week in the Dáil a question was asked by Mr. Lemass referring to reciprocal arrangements. Mr. McGilligan said that that had been turned down, and Mr. Lemass said: "I take it from the Minister's reply that the negotiations are still in progress," and the Minister said: "I have asked them to review the investigation of the matter, but that is all." So that you can see from that that there is very little hope of getting anything from the British Government or that they will pay what is due, the merest justice that these people are asking for.

I second the motion which has been proposed by Senator MacEllin. From his speech it will be apparent that there is a serious hardship, I will not say inflicted on these migratory labourers, but that they suffer by the existing arrangement a serious hardship. I think his speech also showed that this is a matter which requires investigation. It is one which cannot be made perfectly crystal clear in a debate, and therefore I think it is one which would be a proper subject for a Joint Committee. Since I saw Senator MacEllin's motion, I took the trouble to look into the question, and in simple language this is what I found. There are 16,000 or 17,000 men from the western area who go to England and Scotland as harvesters. When they are employed there they have to keep insurance books, and to provide not one, but two stamps. They have a National Health Insurance card and an Unemployment Insurance card. The total amount which they pay in respect of stamps is 1/1 a week. The employer also pays his contribution, and that goes into the fund to meet unemployment or sickness benefit for the workers. There are rules whereby the year is divided into two parts. The first part is from 1st January to 30th June, and the second part from 1st July to 31st December. If a migratory labourer goes over in June he pays three or four weekly payments, and if he falls ill in the second half of the year, say in September, he gets no credit for any stamps except the stamps that were on his book up to 30th June. I am sure Senator Johnson knows this question thoroughly, and if I happen to be wrong he will set me right when he comes to address the House.

I would like to mention that there is a difference between unemployment insurance and national health insurance.

I know. There are two cards and two sets of stamps. The total amount paid by the working man in respect of the two cards is 1s. 1d. weekly.

Cathaoirleach

We are dealing with unemployment and not with national health insurance.

I know, and I want to suggest that that is the difficulty of the situation, that the working man who goes to England, say towards the end of June, and comes home in December, gets no benefit whatever owing to the arrangements which are made under the Acts in England. He gets no benefit either here or in England. If Senator MacEllin would agree I think the terms of the motion might be extended so as to include both unemployment insurance and national health insurance benefits. If a Committee is appointed to discuss this matter at all it might also discuss another question on which Irish workers are very seriously handicapped, and that concerns Irish workers employed by foreign firms even in this country. If they get workmen's compensation they may not be able to recover it in this country because the employer may have gone away.

I think there are very serious questions to be considered, involving 17,000 or 18,000 working men who, while in England working as casual labourers, pay 1s. 1d. weekly for which they get nothing whatever in return. That is absolutely and positively true. It is a considerable sum of money and the benefit would in justice be payable to a very poor class of the community. I do not take the same despondent view of this matter as Senator MacEllin. I think if a Committee is set up, and if they come to a conclusion on the matter, and find out exactly what is to be done and how it should be done, then they can approach those on the other side of the Irish Sea, and I have not the smallest doubt that justice will be done as between the workers in this country and the societies on the other side. It has not been the custom of British Ministers to be mean in very small matters such as this is comparatively; when they do a thing they do it in a big way whether it is a fraud or not. Therefore I hope a Committee of both Houses will be set up and will get time to look into the question. We have very experienced Labour men in this House, and if they are put on the Committee, and get time to formulate plans and present them to those on the other side in a fair and liberal way, and show a clear case, they will do a great service to 17,000 or 18,000 casual workers.

I could not refuse to support a motion such as that which appears on the Order Paper, but I want to point out that the position is not so simple as some people imagine. There is no reference in the motion to the Six-County Government which, to my mind, affects the position more than the migratory labourers to Great Britain, as those who cross the Border every day can tell. This is not a new question. We have been dealing with it since 1923. We did everything that was humanly possible in an endeavour to have the present position rectified so that people who pay for insurance benefit should at least get that benefit. It is not a simple matter. To begin with, the migratory labourers referred to by Senator MacEllin are mostly agricultural labourers, and I would point out that there is no such thing as unemployment insurance benefit for agricultural labourers in this country.

There is the other benefit.

There is no such thing as unemployment insurance benefit for agricultural labourers, because they are exempt from unemployment insurance. They do not contribute in this country and, while I will not make a definite statement, I think the same thing applies in Great Britain, and that agricultural labourers are exempt from unemployment insurance. The question of national health insurance benefit does arise, and it should be dealt with. We took all the steps we could in an endeavour to have the position rectified. We got so far as to send deputations to the respective Ministries, and pointed out the injustice that was being done by deducting from men's wages money for insurance for which they could never receive any benefit. We got the Minister for Northern Ireland and the Minister for Industry and Commerce in this State together, and still we did not get a solution. There were difficulties in the way because of the fact that the rates of benefit were different in each country. We found there were difficulties to be overcome, but with good will we believed they could be overcome, that, at least, if means could not be found to provide insurance benefit, whether for unemployment or national health insurance, the money should be refunded to those who paid it. However, we found that the matter was not so simple.

With regard to this motion, I suggest that it needs serious alteration. It only deals with unemployment insurance, and it mentions only a particular class that does not come under unemployment insurance at all. Apart from migratory labourers certain other classes of labourers go to England, where they may work for some time on special jobs that may be insurable occupations. There is no reference in the motion at all to skilled workers in the different trades, who are really more affected than the migratory labourers. All workers should be included in the motion as well as migratory labourers. When migratory labourers are spoken of we understand that that means men who leave Ireland in the spring and who work until the end of the harvest getting in the crops.

I do not want to interrupt the Senator, but it is not stated in the motion that they are agricultural labourers only. It mentions migratory labourers, who may go from Dublin, Cork or anywhere else.

I understand that thoroughly, but as I understand the phrase "migratory labourers," they are agricultural workers. If the words "migratory labourers" were changed to "workers" that would meet the situation, as large numbers of those who go to England are tradesmen.

Cathaoirleach

You suggest they are craftsmen, more or less?

Yes. I would say that the bulk of those affected by the motion would not be labourers but skilled workers.

Altogether?

I say that as far as unemployment insurance is concerned, skilled workers would be more affected than labourers as far as reciprocal arrangements are concerned. I suggest that the motion should be altered so that it would not refer to a particular class— migratory labourers — but to workers. That would embrace all classes that go to England to work, whether they are labourers or skilled tradesmen. We are in favour of the motion, and we have been hammering at the question since 1923. We did everything that was possible by deputations to the British Labour Party, by deputations to the Minister in Northern Ireland, by deputations to the Minister in England, and by deputations to the Minister here in order to arrive at a solution. We got the Minister for Northern Ireland and the Minister for Industry and Commerce here together, but we did not get a satisfactory solution. Each blamed the other for failing to find a solution, but I say that if the Ministers were prepared to do justice to the people concerned, a solution could easily have been found. That is the comment we have to make. We support the motion but suggest that it should be altered.

Cathaoirleach

I wonder will the House agree to an alteration of the motion?

I cannot understand what the Senator means. How is a labourer not a working man?

Cathaoirleach

A skilled tradesman does not like to be called a labourer.

Would you call a carpenter a migratory labourer?

If he crosses over, why not?

No. You may understand military terms, Senator, but you do not understand industrial terms.

Cathaoirleach

I have an idea that the motion might be amplified in this way: Instead of saying "Irish migratory labourers" say "Irish workers," eliminate "unemployment," and say that "all insured" be considered by the Committee.

I think the motion had better be discussed in the terms in which it appears on the Order Paper. Whatever agreement we may have eventually I would like to discuss the motion as it stands.

Cathaoirleach

Certainly, Senator. You are entitled to do that.

A good deal of irrelevant matter was introduced by the proposer and seconder of the motion. Senator Farren got nearer to the realities of the situation than the two previous speakers. The motion asks the Seanad to set up a Committee of the Oireachtas to investigate the hardships inflicted on Irish migratory labourers consequent on the fact that they cannot draw unemployment insurance benefit. There is no necessity whatever for any investigation. The precise nature and degree of hardship is an ascertained fact, and that degree of hardship exists in this, that the degree of hardship that the labourer endures who has to pay unemployment insurance in Great Britain is represented by the fact that while he pays 7d., his employer 8d., and the British Government 7½d. each week while he is employed in Great Britain, he has to stay there if he wishes to draw the benefit of 2/10 or 4/4 per day for each 7d. he has paid. That is exactly the nature, the extent and the degree of this hardship, and if the matter were investigated from now until this day twelve months not one iota of additional fact could be brought to light. The difficulties of this problem seem to be inherent in the circumstances that have come into being, and I am afraid that Senator MacEllin and Senator Comyn did not realise the fact that in this matter of unemployment insurance there is not a sort of common pool between the two countries, that there are two distinct and separate unemployment insurance funds, separately controlled and administered, and that there is no identity of contributions, benefits or degree of benefits, in the two cases. The rates of contribution are not identical, and the regulation and the administration of the British unemployment fund is a matter for Britain.

I have as great a belief in the enormous powers that this State possesses as any man in this Assembly, but I do not share what seems to be the belief of Senator Comyn and Senator MacEllin, that we have power to pass laws binding upon the British in the administration of their internal affairs. It is not accurate to say that the Irish migratory labourer who has paid unemployment insurance contributions in Britain is debarred from getting benefit. It is not a correct presentation of the facts to say that he is debarred from deriving benefit while he is resident in Ireland. The fact is that the term "migratory labourer" has no statutory meaning whatever, has no meaning as regards the administration of the British unemployment fund. The fact is that if a man pays insurance contributions in Britain, to derive the benefits he has to live in Britain, just in the same way as if instead of migrating to England he went to France and paid his contributions there, and after a time came back. He would then be in the same predicament as he is having worked in England. It is an inter-State matter, not a matter of a common unemployment insurance fund at all.

Senator MacEllin introduced irrelevant matters. I do not know whether he was trying to create an atmosphere for an amicable arrangement in this matter or not, but he quoted from the Dáil reports of December 19th, 1924, what was a purely tentative arrangement, which was to be carried out pending ascertainment of the facts, and with regard to which the British committed themselves no further than giving effect to this until certain facts had been ascertained, and then discontinued, which the Senator regarded as a deliberate breach of faith, and as a refusal to pay their just commitments. Any Irish labourer who gets temporary employment in Britain is, from the British point of view, in exactly the same category as any other person in that area. If he is resident there and complies with the regulations which require his attendance to show that he is unemployed, and that his claim is bona fide, he is entitled to benefit.

The fact of his returning to Ireland and then seeking unemployment benefit, if he is unemployed, raises very curious difficulties. I presume the idea is that he should draw this benefit from the Saorstát unemployment fund. I want again to emphasise the fact that the Saorstát unemployment fund and the British unemployment fund are two distinct funds, and that a man who has paid insurance contributions in Britain, in so far as the period is concerned with these contributions, he has paid none in the Saorstát and is entitled to derive no benefit from them. He is entitled to benefit from the British unemployment fund, but that fund does not follow him to his domicile in Ireland. He can only receive that benefit if he lives in Britain. Estimates have been made that have somewhat of a bearing upon this matter, as to what amounts have been paid to the British unemployment fund, and they approximate more or less to a total of £33,900 a year, of which the labourers pay £10,600, the employers £12,000 and the British Government £11,300. We have got to visualise the fact that the British unemployment fund in respect of these migratory labourers has been reinforced by that figure, but the Saorstát unemployment fund has not been reinforced by one single penny in respect of these people. Is it the proposition that the British should hand over that £33,900 to the Saorstát unemployment fund, or is it that they should transfer the £10,600 paid by the migratory labourers? The payment of benefits which that would involve the Saorstát unemployment fund in would be far in excess of the total amount of contributions I referred to; it would come to about £56,000. Even if the whole of that sum were transferred to the Saorstát unemployment fund there would still be an enormous gap.

I think the Senator misunderstands the motion, I am only asking that a Committee of the two Houses be set up.

Cathaoirleach

You enlarged the scope of your proposal, and I am allowing Senator Milroy to follow on the same lines.

I am glad the Senator made that intervention. It shows that he is following closely the trend of my remarks. I am trying to argue that there is no ground for an investigation, that the ascertained facts are there. What is required is to find out, if it is possible, how if migratory labourers return here, they are going to derive some benefit for the sums they paid while they were across the water.

I am trying to indicate the difficulties. If a person is to derive that benefit from the Saorstát fund, as I think Senator MacEllin said, the home Government would have to accept responsibility for the whole amount of this unemployment benefit, even pending reciprocal arrangements being arrived at. I wonder has the Senator estimated what that amount is? It amounts to close on £16,000 a year. The Senator talked in a light way about this, but I suggest it is not so easy to get £16,000 unless, possibly, Senator Colonel Moore is able to secure it by one of his miraculous manoeuvres. I doubt very much if the policy that is pursued by Senator, MacEllin's Party is one that is calculated to induce the British to part with the £33,000 or even with £10,000 paid by Irish migratory labourers. I mentioned at the beginning that the rates of contribution are not identical, that even if we got a transfer of the whole of that sum we would still have this peculiar difficulty, assuming that we paid the full benefits, that the migratory labourer on returning to Ireland would be deriving the same benefit as the labourer who had been resident here all the time, notwithstanding the fact that the latter had been paying 9d. per week in contributions while the migratory labourer had only paid 7d. per week. If that were to be done it would be opposed to the basic principle on which insurance schemes rest, in that one set of insured people would be receiving insurance payments at the expense of other people resident within this State and entirely dependent upon this insurance fund.

I was glad to hear Senator Farren say that the solution of this matter was not quite so easy as it might appear at first sight. I regret, however, that after saying that the Senator committed himself, and, I presume, his colleagues to supporting this motion. As I pointed out at the beginning, there is nothing to investigate as to the nature and degree of the hardship to which these people are subject. The motion asks that a Join Committee be set up "to report on the most suitable methods to alleviate these hardships." So far as I have been able to grasp the matter, the solution of this problem would demand something bigger than even a Joint Committee of the Oireachtas. The problem is one that has very big and far-reaching reactions and implications. It is one involving large considerations between States. I do not think the problem can be solved satisfactorily until it is tackled by something in the nature of an international convention dealing with unemployment insurance in a general way, a convention that would provide that an unemployed person, who had paid his insurance contributions, would receive the full benefit to which he was entitled when transferred to a State other than that in which he has paid his contributions. For that reason I oppose the motion.

I do not want to suggest that the intentions of the proposal are not good or that there is anything in the nature of a Party issue involved in the matter. There certainly is not. What I do suggest is, that it is foolish for the Seanad to commit itself to the appointment of such a Committee when we can see very clearly and definitely that that Committee, if appointed, will serve no useful purpose, from the fact that what it is asked to investigate has already been investigated, and that no additional matter can be gathered by the operations of such a Committee. The matter is undoubtedly one for negotiation between Governments rather than for a body of laymen to undertake. One Senator spoke of the hardship and of the injustice inflicted on people by having to pay insurance contributions, and then of not being able to draw the insurance benefit which should result from those contributions. I do not know whether or not Senators are aware that the same thing holds good in all States where unemployment insurance schemes are in operation. By an international convention the contributions from the three elements, and the employee, are compulsory. That is done in order to secure that the employer will not have the incentive to employ alien labour. If such a law or convention did not exist he would escape the payment of his insurance contributions.

If the object of the Senator who moved the motion is that the Irish migratory labourer should be relieved from the payment of these contributions, then I think he is introducing a very dangerous principle indeed, one which would be reactionary from every possible point of view. I oppose the motion, because I think it would be futile if given effect to. The motion, if accepted, would effect no useful purpose. I think that all that can be done is being done by the State to bring about a satisfactory solution of this matter. I believe that the intervention of a Committee, such as that suggested by the motion would possibly jeopardise the chance of a successful outcome of the efforts that have been and are being made to bring about a satisfactory settlement on this question.

It would save the time of the House perhaps if I were to point out that Irish migratory labourers constitute about 97 per cent. of the people who do not pay unemployment insurance, and tha this motion does not affect three per cent of the migratory labourers who cross the Channel to seek work. In view of that, I consider that the motion has been drawn up under a complete misconception of the situation. There is no doubt that, in the Six Counties and in the northern parts of the Free State, considerable hardships are suffered by workers who have to work across the Border. Workers who live on one side of the Border and work on the other certainly suffer considerable hardship. But it is not workers only who suffer real hardship there, as I have had practical experience no later than this week. Knowing that these workers object to having any deductions made for stamps on their cards, on the grounds that they get no benefits an inspector comes around and makes an inspection, with the result that the unfortunate employer has to pay both the workers' contribution and his own. I am aware of a case that occurred this week where an employer had to pay £20. If anything could be done to relieve a hardship of that kind, I would be very pleased indeed.

One Senator who made a rather lengthy speech told us in one part of it that this was a rather difficult business to settle, while a minute afterwards he said it was the easiest thing in the world to settle. I think that he might have said all that in a much shorter time than he actually occupied in saying it. One Senator, speaking for Labour told us that there is a difference between labourers and workers. The Labour Party may have some technical language of their own which I do not profess to know, but as far as the English language is concerned I think labourer and worker are practically the same. However, I do not think that we should have a dispute about that.

I would like to point out to the Senator that all workers are not labourers. For instance, a clerk might be a worker but you would not describe him technically as a labourer. A carpenter is also a workers, but neither would you describe him technically as a labourer. Labour has its technical terms just as military organisations have.

An officer and a man.

I am not at all inclined to accept the labour doctrine as to the particular meaning of words. I do not say, however, that we should dispute about this. I am satisfied to use the word "worker" if it includes labourer. It has been suggested that the word "labourer" should be changed to "worker." I am not going to quarrel about that if "labourer" is included in the term "workman" or "workmen" or whatever other term Senators like to use. There is no use in haggling about words. What I want to know is if the word "workman" or "workmen" includes "labourer"?

Because, as far as I am concerned, I am perfectly willing to agree to any term that people are pleased to put forward. The Senators who speak for Labour have told us that they have been at this matter for quite a long time. I have no doubt of that because it is their special job. We are inclined to give them every help that we can. The fact that they have been at this matter for a long time, that they have had to contend with all the difficulties that have been referred to and failed in the end shows that some other method must be employed if it is to be satisfactorily dealt with. We are not inclined to say that the bringing forward of this motion is an entirely new thing on our part. We do not want to attribute al the credit to ourselves. We are simply putting forward the motion as a suggestion. If the Labour people are prepared to help us in the matter then we will be only too delighted to give them all the credit that they are entitled to for having worked at it so long.

I understood Senator Milroy to say that if possible it should be an international affair. Certainly I do not see how it can be anything else. I understand that there is an international agreement between France and England. Why should not there be an international agreement between Ireland and England in the same way? All these funds have to be dealt with internationally, but unfortunately internationalism always means on our side that we get none of the benefits and have all the losses. I do not quite know how the money that was handed over originally by the Free State Government under the Ultimate Financial Settlement was dealt with. Perhaps some Labour Senators could speak on that. My memory seems to remind me that we did had over some. If we did, then we ought to have something in exchange for it.

The people whom this motion concerns are very poor. Everyone knows that they go over in flocks to England and Scotland year after year. Those who have read "The Children of the Dead End" and "The Ratpit" will have got some realisation of the sufferings and the hardships that these people endure when they go over. I think if this motion is adopted it may be the means of having something done immediately to remedy the position of these people. I support the motion for the reason that, as a result of it, these poor people may be able to get something out of the fund. They are suffering great loss and hardship at the present time.

We on these benches support the motion. While not in entire agreement with the form in which it is drawn, we are pleased that this matter should receive all the publicity possible, because, notwithstanding everything Senator Milroy has said the people concerned are suffering grave hardships. But whether or not migratory agricultural labourers are insured in England under the Unemployment Insurance Acts, they are certainly insured so far as the National Health Insurance Act is concerned, and to that extent they suffer a grievance because when they come home they cannot get National Health Insurance benefits. That is a matter that should be included in this motion. I suggest that the real hardship for these people lies in the fact that money is extracted from them on the other side for which they get absolutely no benefit. If that is not a hardship then I do not know what hardship is. I suggest to Senator Milroy and to other Senators who have spoken on behalf of the Government and tried to whitewash them for the actions they have failed to take in this matter, that if this was a matter concerning bankers or some better-off section of the community than the one concerned the matter would have received a great deal more attention and would have been settled long ago.

The Labour Party have been very much interested in this whole question since the setting up of the Treaty. In regard to negotiations with Northern Ireland regarding a similar state of affairs there, it has been repeatedly stated by the Minister for Labour there, both in private and in public, that until the Government of the Free State is prepared to set up on behalf of the workers here schemes as beneficial to the workers as those in operation in Northern Ireland and benefits in line with the benefits paid in Northern Ireland, he could not see his way to have any reciprocity.

He stated when our social services came into line with the social services of Northern Ireland with respect to insurance benefit the matter would be simplified, and he had no doubt a scheme could be prepared which would do justice to the workers on either side of the Border. I suggest to Senator MacEllin that Northern Ireland ought to be included in this motion, and that National Health as well as unemployment benefit ought also to be included. If that is done, I am sure that we representing Labour here will have the greatest pleasure in supporting the terms of the motion.

I support the motion, and I wish the House would act on the suggestion thrown out from the Chair that Senator O'Farrell's suggested modification of it should be accepted in order to get the voice of the House on the matter. It seems to me the principle underlying the motion is fundamental, and whether as Senator Milroy suggests, reciprocal arrangements cannot be made with England or Northern Ireland, I think that the State owes to those people who are forced through the circumstances which exist at the moment to leave this country temporarily yearly to provide for themselves such insurance unemployment or National Health benefit as they would or could get in this country if there was sufficient employment here. That is the main point. These people are going off, not of their own free will, but because of the circumstances that exist along the western seaboard, and in Mayo and Donegal especially, I think in justice to them and ourselves we should see that they are not allowed to suffer hardships under the conditions that exist.

Everyone who has spoken on the motion is in sympathy with the principle of it, but do not seem to think that the motion is properly drafted. I beg to move that it be now withdrawn and be brought up in an amended form for consideration when we have the benefit of the Minister's presence.

Senator O'Doherty, I think, made the real issue quite clear. We cannot—and it is possibly one of the drawbacks of independence—pass legislation affecting what happens on the other side. The issue is that if some reciprocal arrangement cannot be made with the other side this country has to bear the cost of dealing with it. As a general principle none of us approves of bearing the cost of everybody who happens to go to another country, but if it is of benefit to this country, as it is to a certain type of labour, that they should go to earn their livelihood elsewhere temporarily, then I think there is a clear problem which everyone of us, if we know how, would like to solve. Senator O'Doherty put it definitely and clearly. The problem is, failing that, will this State provide for them or not, without any limit, and how is it to be done? To come to the practical issue as to what is to be done, I suggest to Senator MacEllin that the motion should be withdrawn, otherwise I do not see any course for the House but to refuse to pass it. I think I am right in saying that the motion cannot be amended without agreement and agreement is not available in the House at the moment and therefore, you cannot insert other words except by withdrawing the motion and bringing it forward in another form. The motion states: "That it is expedient that a Joint Committee of the Seanad and the Dáil be set up to investigate the hardship inflicted on Irish migratory labourers." If we pass that it will not be passed by the other House in that form, because if the Committee would be limited to the terms of this motion it would be useless.

How does the Senator know the other House will not pass it?

I withdraw any suggestion as to what the other House may do, if Senator Moore thinks he knows better. The main point is that according to the rules of procedure if this was passed and accepted by the other House the Committee would be limited to what is in the motion, and you would fail to achieve its purpose. If you want a Committee to go into the mater seriously, put it down in a carefully prepared form on which the Committee can report. I am dealing with the matter on its merits. I do not think the House should pass the motion in its new form, and if it did it would be doing something futile.

If the House would permit an alteration in the motion, I would suggest a form of words. While in agreement with the motion, I would not like it to pass in its present form. I would suggest that it be withdrawn and that a motion in these words be substituted for it.

"That it is expedient that a Joint Committee of the Seanad and the Dáil be set up to investigate the hardships inflicted on Saorstát workers consequent on the fact that they cannot draw insurance benefits in Saorstát Eireann in respect of contributions paid on their behalf while in Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and to report on the most suitable methods to alleviate these hardships."

That would include Northern Ireland and national health. It refers to Saorstát workers. The facts, it is true, are known, but it is unfortunately true they are not known by a sufficient number of people, and to that extent I would welcome any additional number of people that could be educated in the matter and who would take an interest in it. I do not think any opposition could be manifested to this. If the Dáil sees fit to object to it I dare say it will give sound reasons for doing so. This is largely an administrative matter between three political States and we have to use friendly rather than hostile language if we are to bring about reciprocal arrangements for this, unfortunately, is one of the penalties of being masters of your own affairs—you have also to recognise the rights of other people to be masters of theirs. We are interested in this, not only from the point of view of workers in the Free State, but also of our colleagues in Northern Ireland for when they work in the Free State and live across the Border and become unemployed they are in the same position as workers in the Free State. They get no unemployment benefit. This lack of reciprocity affects workers on both sides. It affects a numbers of people in Derry and Donegal, and along the Border. It would not be fair if we did not say the Minister for Industry and Commerce did make a material effort to settle this matter. The Trade Union Congress have placed the main responsibility for the lack of settlement on the Northern Minister for Labour. The Congress has gone into this year after year and there have been prolonged negotiation. The Congress inclndes. Northern Ireland and it has unanimously placed the responsibility on the Northern Minister. The question in Great Britain is similar to that in Northern Ireland. We are trying to bring about conversations between the three Ministries responsible. I do not think that an effort of that kind would be retarded but would be helped by the passing of this motion.

Cathaoirleach

I would like to get the opinion of the House as to the suggestion made by Senator O'Farrell regarding an alteration in the motion.

I accept the suggestion. I think it would be better to adjourn the matter until we have the presence of the Minister.

If Deputy O'Connell should come in here as President when we meet after the adjournment he may know nothing about the matter.

Cathaoirleach

The Minister will have opportunity of reading the whole report if we adjourn the matter.

I presume the motion will appear on the next Order Paper in the form suggested by Senator O'Farrell and accepted by Senator MacEllin.

The tendency in this debate has been that unless something is done on a reciprocity basis nothing can be done. I think I am expressing the views of Senator MacEllin when I say that apart from that, if no reciprocity is possible, if by migratory labourers he means migratory agricultural labourers such as is in Mayo, and if these cannot be handled on the basis of reciprocity, and I an satisfied from what Senator Milroy has said that there is little hope of dealing with them in that way, the position cannot be ignored. I foresee from the tendency of the debate that nothing is going to be done about it. With regard to Senator Milroy's observations as far as I could follow them they seemed to suggest that there is nothing to investigate, that nothing could be done about it, and that assuming the continuity of the Ministry goes on, that will be the attitude. I suggest to Senator MacEllin to withdraw his motion with a view to having it amended, not necessarily accepting the amend, ment Senator O'Farrell has kindly suggested, but to consider the whole matter in view of the tone the discussion has taken to-day.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.
The Seanad adjourned at 4.30 p.m. until Wednesday, April 9th.
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