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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 13 Mar 1947

Vol. 33 No. 13

Butter Production and Milk Prices.—Motion.

I move:

"That Seanad Eireann deplores the fall in butter production which compels a reduction in the weekly ration to two cunces per person and with a view to averting a similar situation in future and to avoid a similar shortage of liquid milk calls upon the Government to increase the price of milk to dairy farmers so as to encourage greater production."

By way of introduction, may I say that some weeks ago I had a certain amount of hesitation about putting down this motion? My reason, however, for deciding to put it on the Order Paper and to give the Seanad an opportunity of passing judgment on it was arrived at because in my view the production of milk and butter has become a grave national problem. I know there are members of the House who may be inclined to say that "Senator Baxter is at it again". I am sure that is what some of them think. Well, I am not going to take Senators over the history of the past seven years. I am sure, however, that when some Senators saw this motion on the Order Paper that thought did pass through their minds— that I was back again on one of my favourite topics. Naturally, they recalled that on two or three previous occasions I had originated a discussion in the Seanad on this subject, the last occasion being the 26th November, 1943. Perhaps some Senators will admit that I have been somewhat silent on the matter since them, and that I have let things take their course. On that occasion, what I put before the House was this:

"That Seanad Eireann is of opinion that a higher price to producers should be fixed for milk in order to encourage such increase in production as is essential to ensure a proper standard of nutrition and maintain the health of the nation."

I received vigorous support for that motion from two members of the Government Party—Senator Tom Walsh, who is no longer a member of the House, and Senator McCabe. I had also some words of encouragement from some members of my own Party, but on the whole I think it is true to say that at that stage Senators were not very gravely concerned about this problem.

I do not know how members of the Oireachtas are feeling to-day about the two ounces of butter in the week. It is a fact, I think, that no decision taken by the Government since war was declared has caused a greater upset in the homes of the people than its decision to reduce the butter ration. I suggest that had the Minister for Agriculture of the day listened with more attention to the arguments that were advanced then, and had Government policy been directed along the lines suggested in my motion in 1943, we would not to-day be on a two-ounce ration of butter. I have come to the conclusion that, unless decisive action is taken urgently, in 12 months' time we will not have even the two ounces of butter per person. I know, of course, that I may appear to some members of the House, especially to vigorous supporters of the Government, to be a Job's comforter, but my own belief is that it is much better to face the facts. I do not think that the people of the country ought to find themselves in that position.

The Minister for Agriculture has grave and onerous obligations and responsibilities in these days to see that the land of the nation is used in the first instance to provide adequate food for all the people. It is his responsibility to determine policy along lines that will secure that end. Not only have we to provide as much food as we can for ourselves, but we have also somehow to provide a surplus which will be used as a medium of exchange to purchase the commodities that we cannot produce for ourselves. I do not intend to go into that, but I take it that in approaching this problem the new Minister for Agriculture will concern himself, in the first instance, with trying to ensure that the land is so used, and that the machinery and equipment that we have are so used, as to make certain that we get an adequate diet.

What do I mean by that? My view is that, whether it be with regard to the nourishment of plants, animals or men and women, not anything like sufficient attention has been given to the scientific aspect of the problem of proper nutrition. I dealt with this problem on a previous occasion and I feel that, with regard to plants, animals and men, the lack of balance in all our diets is doing a good deal to undermine efficiency. I do not propose to deal with plants, but with animals and humans. I may say that to me it seems that our-policy on the whole is shaped in such a way as to provide that we have an ample supply of hay for our cows, so to speak, or material equivalent to carbohydrates for our human population, without trying to discover whether or not there is anything like a proper balance in the diet. That, in my view, is the most serious aspect of the decision of the Government to reduce the butter ration to two ounces—the lack of balance in the diet of the people.

I have here a statement, portion of a report to the United Nations Conference on Food and Agriculture, which says:

"(1) Malnutrition is responsible for widespread impairment of human efficiency and for an enormous amount of ill-health and disease, reduces the resistance of the body to tuberculosis, and enhances the general incidence and severity of familiar diseases; (2) mortality rates in infants, children and mothers are higher in ill-fed than in well-fed populations; and (3) food consumption at a level merely sufficient to prevent malnutrition is not enough to promote health and well-being."

I am sure we will all accept the truth of that, but that presupposes some effort on our part to determine how far our own food policy fits in with the first of the last paragraph of that report. If our people lack adequate nutrition, we are encouraging the development of disease. That may be another aspect into which I do not intend to go and on which I am not prepared to dwell, but I suggest that over the whole period of the war, the fall in the consumption of fats in this country has been so great that it must have, and is having, a considerable influence on the health of the population.

I want to draw the attention of the House briefly to some figures. I do not intend to go into these in any elaborate way, except in so far as will give the House an appreciation of this aspect of the problem as I see it. In 1940, our imports of margarine were 123,000 cwts. We had, in addition, 60,792 cwts. of lard and 34,434 cwts. of dripping, or an equivalent of 218,000 cwts. of fats in that form. In addition, over 1,120,000 cwts. of butter were produced here. What is the present position? In 1946, we had no imports of margarine, or at least only very trifling imports—a few cwts. I may say that my inquiries revealed that, in bacon factories, an average of about 10 lbs. of fat, lard or dripping is got per pig. We killed 309,000 pigs in 1946, and from that number I calculate that we had 27,707 cwts. of fat in one form or another. That is 27,000 cwts. in 1946, as against 218,000 cwts. in the same form in 1940.

I have not got the complete figures for butter production last year. Possibly the Minister will be able to give it to the House, but the only figure I have is the figure for production by creameries, which is written down at 557,000 cwts. of creamery butter, the lowest figure which butter production by creameries has ever reached. I have not got the figure for the production of butter in the homes and I think it is a very difficult figure to get. It is quite impossible to have anything more than an approximate estimation of what butter is produced in the farm houses, and so I have not got the complete figure for butter production, but I suggest that any figures which can be produced reveal that the consumption of fats to-day is considerably under the amount requisite for anything like a balanced ration for our people.

The effects of that on our people's health both to-day and to-morrow are something that is very difficult to measure. Now, what are we going to do about it? How many of us are satisfied with two, four or six ounces of butter in the week? I am quite satisfied that no member of this House is satisfied with it, either for himself or the members of his family or for the members of the community, generally. If we are not satisfied we have to ask ourselves why this is so and what we are going to do about it.

That is the decision that confronts this House and the Minister to-day. I would like to make a comment, too, on the margarine that we are provided with at the moment. In many cases it is not even reaching the country traders and when it does reach them it lacks those vitamins that are being injected into the margarine that is being distributed to the people in Britain. When I put down this motion I was not aware of the fact that there was actually considerable discussion going on up and down the country on this question of milk and on the price of milk. Since then I have seen a number of statements which have been made, one by the Taoiseach in Mallow on Sunday and one by the Minister somewhere else in County Cork two days ago. I will deal briefly with the Taoiseach's statement because, somehow or other, the impression prevails in this country that in the last analysis he determines what the policy is to be for every Department of State. Perhaps it may be somewhat different with the Ministry of Agriculture in the future, but we will have to wait and see. Now, the Taoiseach, in dealing with the question of dairying, said that the dairying industry was the foundation of our agricultural economy. But if it is the foundation of our agricultural economy and if our whole economy is built on it, surely it is essential that we should make certain that the dairying industry stands on a sound foundation and is not permitted to die. I am not going to go over all the Taoiseach said. I presume every member of his own Party read it and that other members, like myself, have seen it. I may say that his statement was rather vague. I might almost describe it as milk and water, more water than milk. The question of butter was not introduced in it but he wound up in a way which, to me, appears rather significant. He talked about the dual-purpose cow and that the dual-purpose cow was the solution of our dairying problem and that it was to be continued, and said that the view was strongly held by some that the farmers did not manage their cows properly in winter time and that if they did there would be a very substantial increase in the yield of milk. The comment I want to make on this is that I am not disputing the fact that there is great room for improvement in the way our farmers manage their cows. In fact there is room for improvement in the way farmers manage their business generally, and I am sure there is room for improvement in the way that industrialists manage their affairs and many may believe there is room for improvement in the way Ministers administer Departments of State.

This is a very imperfect world and it is not right to suggest that all the fault lies in the way the farmer is managing his business and that the whole trouble could be put right by an extraordinary effort on the part of the farmers, whether the rest of the community are interested or not. Whatever we may do with our cows in the winter of 1947-48 cannot affect the position now. I am concerned with what is going to happen regarding production of milk in 1947 because it is the milk produced during that period that will determine what butter we will have in 12 months' time. The way we manage our cows in 1947-48 may determine the amount of butter we will have in the winter of 1948-49. There is no use in talking about it with a view to improving the butter supply position now. I have here a statement made by the Minister himself to the Dairy Shorthorn Breeders in Cork two days ago. He was very cautious and I have no doubt of his sincerity and his desire to do the very best possible for the farmers. I find a certain difficulty, however, in accepting that he is as innocent of the problem as his speech might suggest. He referred first to the guaranteed price of milk in 1943 and said he could not recall any severe criticism having been offered. As a matter of fact, in 1943 we were criticising it here in this Seanad. The Minister then went on:

"I have to ask myself then what has happened since 1943 that would give support to the demands now being made by the milk suppliers. I have been examining this question on that basis. I have listened to every type of argument, but I think our farmers are inclined to seize upon the fact that this is a time of shortage—a time when, as good tacticians, they could come forward and insist on making a case here that would seem to indicate that they would have to get some extravagant price for the production of milk."

There was an interruption there to state that that was wrong and the Minister then went on to say that there must be a decision given in relation to all these problems and he wanted those who were interested in milk production to realise that he was struggling with the problem to get down to what is fair. He said he had told the farmers that once he satisfied himself that a certain thing was fair he would have no hesitation in making a case for the farmers.

You were very well briefed. You had given a lot of thought to it and I must say that you were perfectly right.

Quite the contrary, Senator.

That is all to your credit. I say it is a very difficult matter and requires very careful consideration. Then the Minister went on as follows:

"My natural inclination would be in favour of those who live on and work the land but in going to the rest of the community and making what demands I think are fair, I must sift this problem to the last, find out every aspect, every costing— everything that is contributing to bringing about a situation which demands a change. I want you to know that milk production is important. Breeding and feeding is important and it is important that you will get, as I say, a price, having regard to all the circumstances, that would be fair."

From what paper is the Senator quoting?

The Irish Press. I find it difficult to understand the Minister. Is it possible that he came into his present position with no preconceived ideas with regard to the price of milk and butter? He will take a decision when costings will have been arrived at. If there is to be no decision until costings which will give a fair picture of the situation can be obtained, then there will be no decision regarding the price of milk and butter this year any more than there was last year. It is not possible to get anything like an adequate picture, which will be fair to all concerned, in one year's costings of milk production. The figures you get may be completely varied by conditions over which you have no control. Accordingly, you have to take costings over a very long period.

I have here the Government White Paper on guaranteed markets and prices for dairy produce. There is a plan in it by which the price of milk will be determined by the cost of feeding in the preceding period. I find that hay is valued at £8 2s. 3d.—33 cwt. at £4 18s. 4d. a ton. I will take 100 tons of it from the Minister at twice that price if he can get it. Yet, costings are to be based on that table for the succeeding year. If we have to wait for a Ministerial decision based on adequate costings, we shall not get that decision this year and, if we do not, I prophesy, as I prophesied in 1943, and as others did, that you will not have a ration of two ounces of butter this time 12 months.

I do not know how the Minister became so obsessed with the importance of figures. While figures are useful one can be much more impressed by facts. If I had to make a choice between figures and facts, I should take the facts. The Minister has the same means of finding facts that I have. How can you discover facts? By reading of them and by rubbing shoulders with the people in the fairs and markets. The Minister goes to the fairs, as the rest of as do. He knows what dairy farmers are getting and what their yields are. He can easily discover the conditions at the creameries. He has the figures of the fall in butter production. I do not know what more is required to enable him, as a practical person, to make up his mind. While we may try to find excuses for the low production of butter in 1946, none of the reasons given fully explains the situation. The Minister for Industry and Commerce recently expressed the hope that there would be an increase in the butter ration in the middle of the next month. Even Senators who are not farmers have a shrewd idea of the amount of grass there will be for cows in the middle of the next month. The fall in butter production last year was blamed on the bad season. I do not think that that is true. The Minister can recall as well as I can what the season was like just 12 months ago. Even in our own county, with its poor land, you could go, at this time last year, into a number of fields in which there was a magnificent sward of grass. Many of the farmers there had the cows out in the fields in February.

What do you find as regards production for the whole period of last year as compared with the previous year? The grass season last spring was better than that of the previous season. What do the figures show? I have the figures of butter production for every month in 1945 and 1946. In only one month last year did the figures show an increase over those for the corresponding month of the previous year. That was in the month of July. In each of the months of April, May and June, when the supply of grass available for cows should be reflected in the milk production, production was lower than in the same month in the previous year. What is the answer to that? There may be a variety of answers. The cows may have been worse fed in the earlier part of the year than they were in the same period of the previous year. Cows may have been fewer. The milk of fewer cows may have been sent to the creameries. Which of these answers is correct, or what is the real answer? The fact is that, last year, our butter production for the whole season was lower each month, with one exception, than in the corresponding month of the year before. After what we experienced during the end of last year and its effect on keeping up the weight of live stock and after the starvation that cattle have had to endure this spring, are we likely to have the level of milk production this year that we had attained at the end of this month last year? Perhaps not until the end of June shall we reach that level: we had a fair quantity of butter stored last year. These are the practical problems which present themselves to me and make me feel concerned about the future of butter production.

Farmers who send their milk to the creameries take their butter ration from the creamery as townspeople do from their supplier. That is what the farmers around me do and they got a real jolt recently. A farmer sending the milk of 17 cows to the creamery was able to get only two ounces of butter for his wife and family and his labourers. The result of that, I fear, will be that thousands of farmers will put themselves the question whether they should send their milk to the creameries this year. It is because I am afraid of that that I urge the House and the Minister to increase the price of milk and butter immediately. Farmers will not be caught like that again and, if thousands of creamery farmers withdraw their supplies of milk, you will be short of thousands of hundredweights of butter at the end of this year and in the winter and spring of next year. You cannot expect a farmer to send food away from his own place and leave his own family with an inadequate supply.

The only way I can see we are going to adjust this is by giving him more money. It is not my responsibility to decide how much money a farmer ought to get but I suggest this, that of all foods which are consumed in this or any other country, milk and butter is a more complete food than any of them, and there was no such value ever given as when the people of this country were getting butter at 2/4 a pound. If you are trying to buy goods that are value for money, it is terribly important to study this question carefully. I have here a quotation from Professor Joseph O'Reilly of University College, Cork, from his book, Milk and Milk Products. He tells us that a quart of milk is equal in food value to a half-pound of lean meat. He says milk is unique among natural foodstuffs in containing first, carbohydrates, fats and proteins; secondly, calcium and phosphate combinations; and thirdly, vitamins A, B (complex), C and D.

The major constituents as well as a number of protective factors are present in the same proportions and in a form suitable for easy assimilation. That is the knowledge of a scientist with regard to the value of milk—and obviously of butter—as a food. The pound of butter to-day, at the price fixed, costs 2/4. A quart of milk is equal to a half-pound of lean meat, so that a gallon of milk is equal to two pounds of lean meat. Senator McCabe will tell us with more knowledge than I have that it takes something less than two and a half gallons of milk to make a pound of butter, but taking the figure at two and a half gallons, these two and a half gallons of milk are the equivalent in food value of five pounds of lean meat. Two and a half gallons of milk, that is a pound of butter at 2/4 is to-day equal to five pounds of lean meat which cannot be bought for less than 10/-. Is not that true? Ask any of your wives or those who do your housekeeping for you and they will tell you that these are the facts.

There is the disparity between prices of two essential commodities and the net results for the people are that you are going and paying much more for meat in trying to make up in nutriment when that value might be provided more effectively in milk and butter.

I do not propose going on a policy of enlightenment on prices so far as the Minister is concerned but he did put a question on what had happened since 1943 that the demand should be met. He could not see what great change there was since 1943 that would convince him that prices should be increased. Certain things have happened in this country since 1943. I have here the national income and expenditure document issued by the Government.

A Chathaoirligh, that is not just what I said.

I do not want to misrepresent the Minister. It is on record here already what he did say and he said: "I have to ask myself, then, what has happened since 1943 that would give support to the demands now being made by milk suppliers."

That is right.

Yes, well I assume what he meant by putting the question in that way was, how have costs increased?

Yes, how have costs increased to support the actual demands made by different people speaking on behalf of milk producers and suppliers?

Here are some facts from the Government's figures. Here are the price index numbers, and the base is 100 in 1938.

I was speaking of 1943.

Yes, well 1943 and 1944.

If you are to analyse, I am anxious that you would analyse the matter accurately. I am really interested in it. What I said was that I was getting demands from producers and suppliers of milk as to the increases that they would require for milk in the coming year or years. I said, prices were fixed in 1943, and they were related to certain costings. Naturally, in looking at the situation now, I must look at these items of costings and try to relate any changes that have taken place with the demands which are being made now. I want you, Senator, to direct yourself to any changes in order to assist me because in spite of what the Senator has said, this is a real problem for me.

I agree. I am not frivolous about this at all. I have already directed the Minister to one fact.

It is only one.

But it is a very important one—a very important item in the matter of feeding stocks. Here are the years 1943 and 1944. These figures are of interest, especially, for instance, to the industrialists in the House. The cost-of-living figure in 1944 is here as 170 and the base in 1938 was 100. The wholesale figure is 198. The import figure, that is the figure of the increase of imports, is 219. Imports stand at that to-day as against 100 in 1938. The export figure is 212 as against 100 in 1938, but the agricultural prices figure is 187 so that of all those figures the agricultural prices have gone up least. Let us look now at another table for 1944 again. The rates of wages, in the business of transportable goods, was 124 as against 100. Other industries, building and so on, 115; agriculture, 147; transport, 131. Now note: the prices in agriculture were up least of all the increases in prices, and of all the payments for labour, the greatest increase was in agriculture.

Now it is rather difficult to bring these things together. I do not know how you are going to balance these factors but there are the figures as they are presented in the Government's own publication and if there is not there, in those figures alone, a case for an increase in prices, so that the very considerable increase in wages will be met out of income, I do not know what you are going to do with regard to agriculture.

What after all are the arguments put up to the Minister, to any one of us anywhere with regard to this matter? In the main, the dairying industry has been very considerably influenced by the tillage policy. That was inevitable. We cannot have it both ways. It demands very urgent consideration, if we are to have a balance in our diet. We must know whether it is more profitable to get an overdose of carbohydrates and a lack of the vitamins we find in butter and fats than to try to have a balance.

In regard to the price of butter, not alone is tillage a factor but there is also the problem of man-power. Whether we like it or not, that man-power problem is critical at the moment. There are others in the House with personal experience, from different parts of the country where dairying farming was the dominant method of using the land in the past, and they can tell how much dairying is being influenced by the shortage of labour and by the attitude of labour to the whole work of milk production.

What is the factor which determines whether people will stay in an industry or not? The dairying industry is in exactly the same position in our economy to-day as coal production is in the economy of Britain—it is the most depressed branch, and the shortages there are influencing the rest of the community. I see Senator Hawkins smile—I do not know what about, but perhaps we will be enlightened later. It is as difficult to get people to stay in dairying to-day as it is to get men to go down the mines in Britain. I do not know what experience Senator Hawkins has, but I have experienced the difficulty, and I am sure Senator Madden can give his experiences in Limerick. In my native parish, where most of the holdings are of ten or 20 acres, there is a 100-acre farmer who cannot get a man. He is very well known to the Minister, and has 15 or 20 cows. There are two men on the place and what they intend to do they just do not know. That is the problem all over the country, and it is a very grave one. Men are not inclined to stay in agriculture and, above all, they are not inclined to stay in dairying and do the toil of milking, morning and night, after the tillage labour in the fields, and especially on Sundays. In the main, that is so because the industry is not sufficiently well paid, either to the farmer or to the men employed, to encourage labour to stay in it.

There is to be a long-tern policy for dairying. That is going to take time. It may in part be determined along the lines on which the Minister speaks when he refers to costings, but not by costings alone. There are all sorts of soil factors and climatic conditions which must be taken into account, as they determine man's reaction to every particular activity on the land. What we are concerned about now is the urgent problem of shortage of commodities essential for the life and good health of the people. We have to deal with the interregnum between the past and the day when we must determine whether dairying will be continued and assisted to develop, or let fade out as the foundation of our national economy, leaving it to farmers to produce a luxury product for a limited number of people with high incomes who are able to pay a very high price for butter. In that interregnum, in the next 12 months, you cannot drive the farmers with a big stick into dairying and keep them in it, unless it is attractive. The only way to keep the farmer sending his milk to the creameries this year is by fixing a price which will encourage him to do so.

This is a real emergency. If we do not deal with it in that way, can we get the supplies of fat anywhere else? I cannot see our getting them from pig production, as yet. What else can we do? Are we to start a policy of importing margarine? What would Senator Summerfield say to that? We have here the foundations of a native industry, and if we do not provide the fats at home, we must get them from outside. The British are investing £30,000,000 in some part of West Africa and utilising the native labour there for the cultivation of nuts and the production of vegetable oils. Maybe we will be driven to transferring some of our sterling assets into British Colonial property and sending some of our young people out there to produce for us the vegetable oils we ought to be able to produce at home, or, rather, a much better commodity, on the dairy farms of our country. We must make up our minds one way or the other. It is a matter of real urgency, and a decision must be taken in the next couple of weeks. It will determine, to the extent of 50,000 or 100,000 cwts., the amount of butter which will be available for consumption by the community in the coming 12 months.

There is another aspect of this question of dairying referred to in my motion, but I will leave it largely to Senator Sweetman to deal with. Briefly, the production of milk for urban and city populations is linked up with the production of butter. I know that, in many creameries, the amount of milk available was very much less in the past winter than in any winter for a very long time. In Cavan there are herds of 40 cows, supplying a population approximately 4,000, being done away with in the last 12 months. That is taking place up and down the country. To that extent, milk that was available for butter production has to go into the liquid milk trade and so supplies are being shortened at both ends. I hope this motion will commend itself to the House, that the sense of it and the necessity for it will be appreciated on every side of the House. This is not a problem for a Party or for an individual or for any particular group of individuals. It is not a matter in which there are vested interests, but it is one on which the health and well-being of the whole community depend. It must be faced and recognised for what it is—a real emergency, to be met by emergency methods.

I wish formally to second the motion on the Order Paper in the names of Senator Baxter and in my own. When it was put on the Order Paper, it was not appreciated by us that the Minister was going to get what he almost described as a battering from all sections of the community in public since he was appointed. So far as the industry for which I am speaking to-day is concerned, the problem is largely the result of the circumstances which brought about in one way the Minister's appointment and which have made the matter so urgent. As the House is aware, a tribunal was set up on the 1st March, 1945, to inquire into the milk supply for the City of Dublin.

The farmer producers who have been supplying the City of Dublin with milk have been hoping, ever since that tribunal sat, to see what action the Government proposed to take on its report, and how they were going to be able to accommodate themselves to whatever proposals were put forward. But the position is that the report is not available yet. I want to direct the attention of the House for a few moments to the position of those farmer-producers supplying the City of Dublin. Senator Baxter dealt with this matter from the point of view of the creamery areas. I do not propose to touch on that because frankly I do not know enough about it to talk on it. I do want to put before the House the position in the five-county area from which the City of Dublin gets its supplies. These counties are Louth, Meath, Dublin, Kildare, Wicklow, and small parts of North Wexford and North Carlow. The position in these counties is different from that in the creamery areas where milk is to such a large extent produced on a natural basis on grass feeding. In the five-county area milk production must be not according to nature but to an all-the-year-round schedule. It is essential to that area that the farmer-producer will make his contract to supply a daily gallonage over the whole year. Under its terms he must supply that gallonage during the winter— during the very difficult months of January and February—just as in the easy month of May. In respect of that contract, the only thing he is allowed is to increase his sales during the easy months of the late spring and early summer by 20 per cent. The figure varies in the case of different wholesalers, but, by and large, it is in or about 20 per cent.

It must, therefore, be appreciated that the farmer-producer in the five-county area has, in addition to meeting the ordinary problems that arise in the creamery areas, to contend with the further difficulty of producing milk according to plan. He must make arrangements to ensure that he will be able to do so at a time when, according to nature's plan, it is very difficult to supply milk.

Obviously, if his cows were to calve in the spring he would have an ample supply of milk. There would then be an abundant supply of grass for their feeding, but that is not the question in the case of the man supplying milk to this city. He has to work to a fixed time-table and in doing so he is faced with the losses that will arise if his cows do not calve exactly at the time planned in the time-table. If that happens then he will not be able to keep up his supply of milk. Therefore, in his costings he has to take this into account as well as the ravages caused to his dairy herd by mastitis and abortion. These matters were dealt with at great length in the evidence given before the Milk Tribunal which was set up on the 1st March, 1945. These farmer-producers were hoping for some research in regard to these diseases from the report of the tribunal. The members of the tribunal, by the questions they put to the witnesses, showed that they appreciated that a long-term policy must be to increase production and to decrease expenses, and that one of the ways of decreasing the expenses of these farmer-producers is to carry out research by virtue of which the losses they are suffering in their dairy herds, due to abortion and mastitis as well as by sterility—by the cows not calving according to plan or missing— will be eliminated.

Those farmers supplying Dublin were hoping that there would be research into all these matters. That would mean a considerable saving to them by reason of the fact that greater profits would result from production. As Senator Baxter has pointed out, in the case of milk production, as in the case of any form of production whether it be agricultural or industrial, the producer must get a profit that will be over and above his expenses. If his expenses are going to be higher than his receipts then, obviously, he cannot remain in his particular line of business. A long-term policy, in the case of milk production, must ensure that the receipts will be greater than the expenses—I mean the volume of receipts. I am not thinking at the moment merely of the question of price. What I am thinking of is that whatever the price is there will be an increased volume and a greater gap between expenses and receipts.

There is no use in having a long-term policy in respect of all that if, by the time it comes to be operated, we are going to have no farmers interested in milk production, if there is going to be no milk production in the interim, and if there is going to be no stock with which to carry out that long-term policy. It cannot be a case of the old saying, "Live horse and you will get grass".

In order to carry out a long-term policy you must have sufficient stock available and a sufficient number of farmers interested in it to take advantage of increased yields resulting from an improvement in breeding, or to take advantage of any saving that there may be in expenses as a result of research into the causes of abortion and mastitis. Therefore, it is necessary to consider not merely a long-term policy but also a short-term policy. We are not concerned at the moment in respect of a long-term policy so far as this motion is concerned. We are concerned with a short-term policy pending the bringing forward of a long-term policy for the saving of expenses and an increase in the volume of output.

In respect of the five-county area, I know well that the Minister can say that there has not been a drop in the gallonage of milk produced. He may have in his possession the figures for 1946, but they are not yet in the possession of the public. Therefore, the last figure that I can give for the gallonage for the Dublin city area is some 40,000 gallons of milk per day. That quantity of milk is produced by the producers in that area, which as I have said, also includes parts of North Wexford and North Carlow. That figure represents a slight increase on what was produced in 1937 and 1938. But there is one very striking fact in that increase, that the gallonage in 1937 was produced by 1,100 registered producers, while the same gallonage—speaking in round figures—is now produced by 1,900 producers. Therefore, it can easily be seen that the average being sent in per producer has dropped to a very alarming extent. What 1,100 people sent into Dublin before, now requires 1,900 producers.

That, as the Minister will appreciate, means that there has been an entire change in the structure of the milk production system for Dublin. The drop in that respect per producer means that the production coming in here now is to a greater extent the production of the small man, and for a city such as Dublin to depend to such an alarming extent on the production of the small man is a dangerous thing, because the small man can decide to go out of milk production and change to some other form of production almost overnight, but the larger producer cannot for the reason that in his case it is something which will be very much more expensive and for which it will require very much more time to make his plans for the change. Therefore, when one depends, to the extent to which one now depends, on the small producer, one is in this position, that one is hanging on a thread, so to speak, which might change much more quickly and much more easily than was the case in 1937 or thereabouts.

The Minister, very properly, in one of his published statements—I had not the advantage of reading it in the Irish Press, but I read it in the Irish Independent where it was given somewhat fully—suggested that he must be in a position to see that the demand being made by producers was a fair demand and that the producers were not looking for a price which was exorbitant or extravagant. I want to put on the records of the House some attempt— and I use the word “attempt” very deliberately—at arriving at the cost of producing milk at present for the City of Dublin. I use the word “attempt”, because I am not in any way trying to suggest that the figures I give are infallible. They are bound to be an estimate because one cannot get exact figures in regard to this matter. I give them as an estimate for what they are worth and I ask the Minister to consider them. If he is in a position, as I am sure he will be at some time, to show that my figures are wrong in any respect, I shall be only too glad to look at his corrections and consider whether I can floor him as he will try to show me that my figures are wrong.

In making out figures for costs, we must remember that there are certain items which will be static, no matter what may be the position. We must realise that, no matter whether a cow is good or bad, she will be fed in the summer months on a particular area of grass. I suggest to the Minister that, in the five-county area of which I speak, a fair average of grazing in the summer per cow would be an Irish acre and a half, or just under 2½ statute acres. I suggest, further, that a reasonable price for that land in these days would be £25 to £30 an acre. One has to take into account in that respect the interest on the capital invested in the land and must also take into account the annuities payable to the Land Commission as well as the rates payable in respect of the 2½ acres. To be perfectly fair, we must allow, in respect of the rates, the agricultural abatement given in respect of the men employed per farm, taking into account that, on a dairy farm such as I want to give an example of, the abatement will be granted at the full rate because the employment ratio will be high.

I suggest that, to cover interest on the capital value of the land employed, the annuity payable and the rates payable, taking interest at 4 per cent.— though I think it would be fair enough to take it at the 5 per cent. which the banks charge on an overdraft at present, but, as I do not want to make any extravagant case, I take it at 4 per cent.—a fair amount would be £4 17s. 6d. per year. It is necessary to make provision for the labour involved in the upkeep of fences, cleaning of drains, repair of gates from time to time, work which has to be done in the summer under the Noxious Weeds Act and so forth, and I think a figure of 10/- per year is not an unreasonable amount to allow on that acreage.

The next question which must be considered is the fertility of the land. There would be a case to suggest that there should be an addition made with regard to the necessity to go to the bag-man to make up the deficiency of calcium and phosphate, because it is admitted that dairying is one of the forms of farming which extracts the most fertility from the land. I do not, however, want to make an extravagant case, and I am going to offset, not merely the value of the straw used for bedding but any expenditure there may be on artificial manures, by the value of the natural manures which will come out of the feeding house from this imaginary cow we are keeping. Some people suggested that I am wrong in not making an allowance, but I do not propose to take anything for it.

The next big problem is labour. As Senator Baxter said, dairying is an exacting taskmaster. It means that one must get up early in the morning and work late at night. It means particularly, so far as any large dairy farm is concerned, that the labour paid for the work must be paid a rate of wages higher than the ordinary agricultural labour rate in the particular area, because, unless it is paid that rate, the dairyman will not be able to keep his employees in view of the unpleasant calls made on the men's time in the form of early hours, Sunday work and so forth. I made some inquiries in North Kildare, and, so far as I can find out, the present wage paid by large dairy farmers in that area to their men, taking into account Sunday work and so forth, is not less than £3 per week.

The Minister, I think, will agree with me that it is fair to say that, in the matter of winter production, if a man milks and looks after ten cows he is doing a pretty good day's work. It is a good day's work or a good week's work to milk ten cows and as well as milking them feed them, bed them and clean out. In summer, of course, there is not the same amount of work to be done because they will be out on grass and it would be mainly only a question of milking in the morning and evening with a certain amount of additional work. The man will be considerably freer than in the winter to help in other work on the farm. Therefore in respect of the summer months I am suggesting that one man can look after 20 cows and taking the wage average at £3 it means that the cost per cow for labour works out at £12 3s. 0d. for the year.

But to carry on dairying, as the Minister will agree, buildings are very necessary. You must have a cowshed, and remember that in this five-county area with which I am dealing our milk must be produced in accordance with the provisions of what is shortly known as the Clean Milk Act of 1936. Dairying must be carried on in accordance with the provisions of this Act and under the supervision of the appropriate officer of the local authority. I happen to know one particular shed erected about three years ago to accommodate 50 cows and its cost was £1,000. In addition to the shed for milking you must also consider the cost that is going to be involved in hay storage. I asked another man who has 50 cows in his herd and he told me that he calculated that his six-bay shed just carried the amount of hay that he needed to get his 50 cows through the winter and that in pre-war days—I am not certain whether it was before the war or just at the beginning of the war —the shed cost him £400 to erect.

In addition to these buildings there must be a dairy, a feeding shed, a shed to store the roots as well as grain lofts to carry the oats and mixed grains required for feed. These buildings have got to be repaired, kept clean and maintained. They are under the inspection of the local authority. Furthermore, utensils must be maintained and kept clean. Taking these figures which I got from people in Kildare and calculating again on a 4 per cent. basis the cost works out at about £3 10s. 0d. per cow.

Again, the milk has got to be brought from the sheds on the farm to the roadside stand where it is picked up by the wholesaler and we must provide for the fees payable for the services of a bull or if the man keeps his own bull, for the cost involved. We must provide, too, for fuel for the sterilisation of implements and utensils and for lighting particularly during the winter months when milking is done in the early hours of darkness and something must be provided for medicines for cows when they are sick and for veterinary expenses. So far as I can estimate, the cost of these items does not fall far short of an average of £2 5s. 0d. per cow.

Now, we come to a question which is going to be extremely difficult to estimate. It is the cost of the feeding ration. It is pretty well accepted, and certainly accepted by one of the learned professors who signed one of the reports of the Committee on PostWar Agricultural Policy set up by the Government, that so far as maintenance is concerned in the winter months apart from production of milk, the average ration you have to feed is 14 lbs. of hay per day and 28 lbs. of roots or, alternatively, one and a half stone of hay alone. For the calculations I have made, I have worked on the basis of 14 lbs. of hay per day and 28 lbs. of roots for the winter months. There are, approximately, 200 days when there will be no grass feeding available but not every cow is going to be producing milk during the whole of these 200 days. But every cow will have to be maintained. Therefore so far as rations are concerned, the cow has got to be maintained throughout the whole winter period. The Minister indicated in an interjection in Senator Baxter's speech that he must consider the question of expenses, and feeding is an expense, in relation to earlier years. I want to suggest that for the moment we should take it not at a time like the present but, say, last year when hay was being produced. I could make a tremendous case on the present value of feeding stuffs, but as I said before I do not want to make an extravagant case. But even on earlier prices I am convinced that there is a case with such justice that the terms of the motion must be met. How it is going to be met is a question that I will come to before I conclude.

So far as fodder is concerned we can take it at the prime cost of production on the farm itself and that would be a very small figure. But if we take it that way we must bear in mind that we must also take into account the interest value of the land necessary to produce these rations. One must take into account also, if we take purely the prime cost of production, rent and rates on the land. The prime cost would be the cheapest way but allowances will have to be made for these items and at the other end of the scale we must take into account the cost at which fodder would have to be bought, in other words, its market price. That would be a much greater price and I do not think it would be fair from the Minister's point of view to ask that he should take the full market value of the fodder into account. But let us bear in mind that owing to the fact that wheat must be produced in accordance with compulsory tillage regulations, the dairy farmer is being forced more and more to go out and buy fodder at market prices. I tried, so far as possible, to hit a mean figure between the two extremes of which I have spoken. I took it that, under the compulsory tillage Order, though there would be a great deal of new meadow, there would be some old meadow. I took the average price for hay, so far as possible, from the local figures available last summer in Kildare. I calculated the cost at 6/- per cwt. delivered in the hay barn and the cost of roots at 2/- per cwt. delivered in the root store. I may as well be quite frank and say that I was told that the figures I had taken were too low. On these figures, it worked out that to keep this cow was going to cost £7 10s. 0d. for hay and £3 2s. 0d. for roots. That is the maintenance cost of a cow. We shall have to consider what it will cost to feed the cow to produce milk. I want to take into consideration a cow which has a higher average than that for the whole country which is, I think, about 350 gallons. Senator Baxter will correct me if I am wrong in that figure.

I take a cow with a yield of about 400 gallons. I do not think that I am exaggerating when I say that she is worth between £30 and £35. The interest figure on that would be about 30/-. We must consider the loss there will be when that cow drops out of the dairy herd and has to be replaced. It seems to be fairly accepted that, even without allowing for the ravages of disease, a dairy farmer will be lucky if he succeeds in keeping that cow through some three and a half lactation periods. When she does drop out of the dairy herd, she may be fattened up and sold to the butcher. That will cost money. Or she may be fit only for canning. So far as I could ascertain, it would seem to be generally accepted amongst farmers from whom I made inquiries that the loss of this 400-gallon cow through dropping out of the herd for three and a half lactation periods would average yearly about £6. In addition to the maintenance which the cow requires during the whole year, we must consider the additional food which must be given to produce the 400 gallons of milk. The same person to whom I referred earlier has suggested that, to produce the first gallon of milk, over and above her complete maintenance 35 lbs. of roots would be desirable and, to produce each additional gallon after the first gallon, about 4 lbs. of mixed grain would be a fair average. That would be made up of cotton seed meal, dairy nuts, oats, barley and so forth. These were the figures given to me and on these figures we have to calculate the cost. She has not to be fed to give production for the full 200 days' winterage. Some cows will have to be so fed but there will be another cow in respect of that period producing most of her milk during the grass period. Having regard to the fact that it is more difficult to get a cow to produce a quantity of milk during the winter and having regard to the shortage that will operate at that time, it is suggested that it would be fair to take it that she will have to be fed 150 days out of 200 days to give winter milk. Calculating roots on the same basis as I calculated them before, it will cost about £4 15s. 0d. to get the first gallon of milk. We have then got the mixed grains. Dairy nuts cost 25/- a cwt., and cotton seed meal is about the same price. In working out the figures, I took the price of oats at 15/-, which everybody will agree is well below anything that could be described as extravagant. The cost, therefore, works out at £4 17s. 6d. That means that, for that cow to give 400 gallons of milk, the gross expenses will be £50 9s. 0d. Off that, you have to allow for the value of the calf—say £2. That means that the cow involves a net cost of £48 odd.

The amounts paid by wholesalers for milk are fixed by the Minister. The price is 1/3 for the months of May and June, 1/6 for July, August, and September, and 2/- for the remaining seven winter months. These are the prices payable at the wholesaler's store or shop in the City of Dublin. The milk supply would come on an average a distance of about 25 miles, and there would have to be the fixed deductions for transport. The cost in respect of this 400-gallon cow would be £48 and she would bring into that farmer a net sum of £32 10s. That is without taking into consideration any profit for the farmer or any managerial profit. The clerk going into the most minor post in the Civil Service is paid £3 a week. In these figures, there is no allowance for profit to the farmer for his managerial job in looking after his dairy herd. There is no charge for the expenses of the farmer in going round the various fairs so as to buy in cows, which has to be done when his cows fall out of line in order to keep his contracts.

The Minister will, no doubt, tell me that a 400-gallon cow is not economic. It is not a very difficult arithmetical job to work out her progress further. For each extra 100 gallons that the cow produces, the farmer will get £8 2s. 6d. gross. If a 400-gallon cow is to go up to 500 gallons, she will have to be fed another 400 lb. of mixed grain if it was all winter feeding, but that has got to be averaged as I explained before over the partly-winter period and partly-grass period. By averaging these in the way I suggested before, it is going to work out that it will cost about £3 and it means it is going to bring an additional profit of £5 for an extra 100 gallons of milk. But of that profit of £5 remember that as the cow goes up in production she becomes more valuable. It is proper, therefore, to take a larger figure for interest in her value and she comes very much more susceptible to disease by pushing her up to 600 gallons. Again you have got another £8 2s. 6d. gross increase on the receipts, but in respect of that gross increase, you are again going to have about another £3 for mixed grains, and you are going to have when you get your 600 gallons yield a cow that all the evidence given before the tribunal showed, was very much more susceptible to disease than the lower-yield cow.

There was very considerable evidence given to that tribunal that though farmers might be able to get their dairy herds in one year up to 600 gallons it was their universal experience that it was utterly impossible to keep to that level. Because when they did get their yield up to that, the result of the tuning-up was always that something happened to them the following year. I think I can remember one man who said he had got an average of 600 gallons for his herd, for one year, but the result was that he had pushed his cows too far and in the next year they dropped to 360 gallons as a result of disease and going wrong.

Those figures, the House will agree, show that milk production at present is not going to be extremely profitable as a transaction. In fact, they show that there is a substantial loss in going in for it in any one way and that is one of the reasons why the bigger people engaged in this industry have gone out of it.

The Minister is aware, I am sure, that in Kildare there were, two years ago, three main large herds. It would be invidious for me to mention names in the House but I am quite certain that the Minister from the figures I will give, will identify them. There was one herd which had 150 cows, and that is out of business now for some time past because the owner kept costings and found it was not profitable. There was another herd—the next biggest— which had 130 cows and that herd was all sold up last week. There was a third herd of 120 cows and so far as I can remember these were the only three herds over 100 cows in Kildare. The third man told me when I met him yesterday that unless the situation is changed he is going to get out after this summer's grass; that he cannot afford to go on losing money as he is at present.

Only yesterday I came across the case of another man near Maynooth who used to own—as long as I have known him—60 cows. And he told me yesterday that he had now only five cows because he found he could not manage it. That is the serious position with which we are faced at present. It is going to be a question of whether there is going to be no milk for the City of Dublin or whether there is going to be an adequate supply of milk. I am convinced unless something is done and done quickly in regard to this short-term crisis that we are not going to have the supply of milk we will want next year.

I am not the only person worrying about the supply of milk. I have been told on very good authority by a man who was told by the wholesaler concerned that that particular wholesaler realising that there was the danger of a shortage had applied to the Government for permission to import dried milk into this agricultural country. That was because he saw the red light of the danger of what is going to happen, that we are not going to have sufficient milk for the city unless the industry is put just the same as any other industry on a profit-making basis.

We have the situation here where costs are perhaps in some way comparable with Northern Ireland. We have the situation here where the winter price for city milk is 2/- a gallon, and we have the situation in Northern Ireland where the winter price for city milk is 3/4 a gallon.

For country milk too.

Yes, for all milk but I am only dealing with city milk in making the comparison. We have here a situation in which for two months in the late spring or early summer there is a price of 1/3 a gallon for milk. For the rest of the summer we have a price of 1/6 a gallon and those two prices in comparison with the Northern Ireland price of 1/10 per gallon. They are getting the milk and we are not. We are not going to get it next year unless plans are made now, because whatever inducement is put forward now is going to determine next winter's supply. Otherwise farmers will not be in a position of having cows calving round Christmas to maintain the milk supply that is going to be necessary in January and February of next year. It is in respect of January and February of each year that the difficulty arises in regard to the city's milk supply—certainly that was the evidence of the chairman of the Milk Board.

Perhaps the Minister is not prepared to accept my figures. I certainly could not expect him to accept them without having an opportunity of considering them. But I suggest this to him: that if those figures are, to his mind, in any way inaccurate, and I do not think they are inaccurate—I think they can stand the test of examination —that it would be to the benefit of the community that other figures for the Dublin supply area which he wants to put forward, should be put down so that we who have gone into the matter and have tried to compute figures should have an opportunity of considering his. I am so confident of the figures that I have given being able to stand the test that I am prepared to discuss any figures that anybody might put up in opposition to them, because I believe that mine will come out on the right side as being a nearer estimate to the difficulty with which we are at present faced.

The situation is a difficult one for the cities. It is essentially a short-term difficulty, and if the Government feel that the position in the cities is such that they cannot increase the price of milk to the poor of the city, then it is a situation that, as a short-term consideration, must be met by subsidies or in some other manner, because it is not a question of whether the farmer is to get more or less but it is going to be a situation in which either there will be an adequate supply of milk or there will not be sufficient milk for everyone in this city next year. That is the problem, and it is a problem. As I said in the beginning, I appreciate it as a problem which has to be considered by the Minister. I hope that when he is replying he is going to be in the position—apart from dealing with the short-term difficulty—to indicate when that tribunal which sat two years ago is going to report, because on its report must depend the question of the supply here in this city. On it must depend the result of any long-term policy. But it is no use hoping for results from a long-term policy if, when improved yields come into operation, if when decreased incidence of disease comes into operation, if when better results from crops come into operation, there are not sufficient farmers interested in milk production and there are not sufficient cows in the area to take advantage of any long-term increase.

There must be therefore the two things: a long-term policy and a short-term bridging of the gap. Senator Baxter and I ask the House in this motion to ensure that the short-term bridging of the gap will be made, so that there will not be the difficulty next year that there is to-day.

There are various factors responsible for the decrease in the milk supply in the last few years. One of them is the breeding of the stock of the milch cows we own at present. Unfortunately, for almost 20 years there has been a falling off in the milk supply to the creameries. We need only look around the creamery areas to see the number of cross-bred cattle there—we have the Whiteheads and the Polled-Angus, the two worst that can be found in any country in the world. No one would have accepted cows of that type 20 years ago, when we had the good shorthorn cow giving good milk for ten months of the year, whereas, the cows we own at present give for not more than seven. That factor must be dealt with, and dealt with immediately, if possible.

In the use of milk during the past three years, we find another factor. This applies to the three counties in the North and all the West. We all know that the price for sucking pigs for the last three years has exceeded that of any price in the memory of man. A sucking pig of eight or nine weeks realised from £5 10s. to £6 10s. The medium-sized farmer with four or five cows, to his credit be it said, realised three litters of pigs in the year and he gave three-fourths of the milk supply of his house to the pigs—because they were the first money to him, they were ready cash and gave him a substantial profit. By the time he had raised and marketed pigs, it was not worth while sending milk to a creamery. As a result, there was no milk from that farm that year. In my own area, I know from my own experience that that was occurring for the last three years. That is another cause of the falling-off in the milk supply to creameries.

According to the figures given, there has been very little change since 1941 in the production of butter in the Twenty-Six Counties. Of 140,000,000 gallons of milk produced about 127,000,000 or 130,000,000 were produced in Minister, the remainder being produced in the three counties I mentioned and in the West. Since the war started the consumption of creamery butter here increased by about 200,000 cwts. and the production only decreased in one year, 1944, when there was a production of 550,000 cwts. being a decrease of 50,000 from the year before. In 1945 we had an increase and a substantial surplus to cater for the needs of all the people all the year. In 1943, there was a ration of eight ounces; in 1944, it was six ounces; on the 2/2/45, it was eight ounces; in May, 1945, it was six ounces; in January, 1947, it was six ounces; on the 28/2/47, four ounces and on the 1/3/47, two ounces. When we come to 1947, there is a question for explanation, as to why this should occur.

For every six pounds of creamery butter produced, the farmers or non-creamery milk suppliers, produce four and a half pounds of butter. While they were doing that for the last two years, and even at the present moment, they have been going to the shopkeeper and drawing the ration just the same as if they did not produce at home at all. They produced a considerable amount of butter and I am sure the House would like to know what became of it and why they should now receive a ration from the grocer while they have an easy way of getting rid of what they produce in their own homes. I think it is going for many months, if not for years, to a doubtful market and that has contributed to the shortage.

From the passing of the Dairy Produce Act in 1924 to the present day, there is no control or restriction on the farmer producing butter at home. There is no control even over his milk utensils and the only time one can prosecute him is when the butter appears on the grocer's counter and is visibly dirty. That can be seen all right then, but there is no analysis as to whether the butter is dirty inside or not, or whether any adulteration has taken place. They are free at the moment to market the butter anywhere they wish and there is no such thing as rationing. The creameries, however, have to comply with the regulations and the butter is rationed.

I would like to draw Senator Baxter's attention to one point where I think he made an error. I think he said a milk supplier in his area went to a creamery and received only two ounces of butter.

He got his ration—that was all it was.

If he was a milk supplier to the creamery, he would be entitled to anything from eight to 12 ounces.

He was a milk supplier.

There was an explanation for that.

There must be, since he did not get it.

The late manager could explain that, if he were alive.

Any creamery manager or Department inspector can verify the statement that in July, August, September and October, 1946, there was a reduction in the milk supply to creameries of over 50 per cent. For years past the Department of Agriculture considered that production in August, September and October was sufficient to carry on until the end of the year: that the amount of butter cold stored in the early part of the year would be sufficient to carry over the lean months of January, February and March on a ration of at least eight ounces, and probably more. Nobody could have anticipated that we were going to have such bad weather as we had last year. As I pointed out on a previous occasion, the decrease in production has been going on continuously. Last year, of course, was an exceptional year. Every farmer in the country would wish to have an increase in the price of milk. I would be in favour of having that increase operate from the 1st May to the 30th November rather than in the winter months because the farmer, whatever little profit he might make would, I believe, make it during these months. During the summer period the cows will be fed on grass so that his overhead expenses will be lower than during the winter months.

The large farmers in the South of Ireland keep a good number of cows, and the position they find themselves in is that they have to employ more labour in the summer months than in the winter. The reason, of course, is that they have not the same number of cows giving milk in the winter, and, therefore, will not have to employ as much labour for milking on weekdays and Sundays. I agree with the last two speakers that it is absolutely essential that the price of milk should be increased if we are to continue the dairying industry.

I imagine that the Minister, when he comes to speak, will deal with the question of costings and with what the increased price should be. I can give some figures with regard to costings. Since the last increase in the price of milk was given the milk carters in the creamery areas have had to get an increase. As Senators know, very few farmers take their own milk to the creameries. The carter collects it and delivers it, and delivers the separated milk to the farmer some time during the day. Naturally, they had to get some increase because it costs more now than it used to to keep a horse and car on the road. The cost of shoeing a horse has gone up a good deal. The creamery worker—not the manager—had to get an increase. His application went before the Wages Board, and if he did not get an increase he was going to walk out. There has been an increase in the cost of fuel. On various grounds, we could make the case that our costings have gone up since the last increase in the price of milk was given. I am afraid that we are not going to see any great increase in the quantity of milk going to the creameries. We may increase it a little, but at any rate an increase in price would, I think, have this effect, that it would encourage people to remain in milk production. I am afraid that for some time to come there will not be any increase in the supply of milk to the creameries. I hope at any rate that the Minister will give this question full consideration at the earliest possible moment. I am sure that everybody in the country will co-operate with him and help him. We are all agreed that the production of milk should be increased.

I would like to refer to one point that was dealt with by Senator Baxter. In my opinion, a pound of butter to-day at 2/4 is the cheapest commodity there is on the market. Think of what the price of meat is. We have plenty of meat and plenty of dear meat, but we have no butter. In view of the fact that meat is such a high price, I think we are making a just claim in asking that the price for milk should be increased so that people will be encouraged to remain in milk production, and so that we may maintain the great name which our dairy products earned for us 20 years ago.

There is one aspect of this question that deserves some consideration, and that is, ourselves. We have heard a lot about agricultural economics, the importance of the mechanism of milk production, rationing, cow diet and so on. Of course, there is one thing behind it all, and that is our own health. In view of the present situation, it seems to me that unless something is done about it our fat ration is going to be a matter for consternation. For that reason, I support the motion along the lines indicated by the proposer and seconder. I deplore the fall in butter production which has reduced our weekly ration to two ounces. For our survival, we require calories to form heat, nitrogen and proteins and a small amount of fat. The optimum figure accepted by world authorities is about three ounces per day per person and the minimum one ounce. If you do not get that amount of fat in the day then your own fat reserves are gradually deleted, and along with that various other unfortunate things happen. I think it is the primary duty of the Government to see that we, the people of this State, receive our one ounce of fat in the day —that means 100 tons of fat per diem for the maintenance of the country. It seems a lot, but it has been obtained in the past and I hope it will be obtained in the future. What has happened is that there has been a shifting over with a gradual decrease in the amount of butter fat available to us, supplemented by margarine. I think that we are approaching danger level.

There has been a lot of talk about a short-term policy. I respectfully suggest that next month the Government release their fat reserves, enough to give us another two ounces of butter fat in our weekly ration. My reason for suggesting that is that we have gone through what can only be described in Parliamentary language as an infernal time. I understand that our Celtic forefathers described hell as a cold region. We have passed through such an extremely cold period that our reserves of fat are very much depleted. Certainly an extra amount of good fat would help us face what promises to be a very exhausting and trying spring.

I understand that in the other House the Minister stated that on the 1st January we had 114,932 cwts. of butter in cold storage. I am not certain whether these constitute our iron reserve, to last us for a couple of months, how long they may be supposed to last us or whether we could safely draw on them to supplement our present, in my view, unsatisfactory ration. In addition, we have a supply of margarine. The amount to me is unknown, but I presume we shall be able to find it out. That margarine is of two grades and the difference in the grading quality to me is unknown. One must, however, remember that margarine lacks various essential things which butter has, and that, though it is possible to doctor margarine and to reinforce it in various ways, it is an expensive business, if you are to do it properly so that supplementing the fat ration by margarine is a matter which requires a great deal of consideration. Having, as it were, put the fat in the fire, I have nothing more to stress. We really are the people who matter and if we collapse as a result of what we have gone through and if we are reduced to a state of ill-health, there will not be much use in having 100,000 cwts. of fats to be used at our wake. Now is the time we really want it, to help to tide us over this very trying period of a couple of months.

The subjects touched on by previous speakers are particularly interesting in connection with the longer-term policy, for example, the question of soil starvation. That, I think, is the principal danger we face in trying to find a solution of our milk production problem. Food is obtained not on the land but in the land, as, directly or indirectly, it comes from the constituents of the soil and we must keep our soil in good repair. That, however, is another subject. I am more anxious at the moment to see that we ourselves are kept in good repair, and, in order to do that, I plead with the Minister to make a little more fats available for us and to draw, if necessary, on our iron reserve of that number of cwts. of butter in store. Furthermore, I think I am giving the Minister quite a strong weapon to use in his campaign for getting more milk and more butter—our own welfare.

I do not think any motion of such interest has been considered by this House for a long time. This is a matter of national emergency. It is a national issue. There have been times when the people and the Government rose to the occasion and saved the country, and this question is one which ought to be approached in a perfectly quiet and dispassionate manner, recognising that mistakes have been made in the past, even by Governments, and that mistakes will possibly be made in the future by Governments to come. What we ought to seek now is some constructive proposal to avert the tragedy which is upon the country. I sympathise with this young Minister——

——because a man would be only a fool who would fail to appreciate the colossal job which has fallen to him as Minister for Agriculture, and I am perfectly certain that he is waiting to hear some constructive proposal whereby he may be able to put the machinery of his Department in motion, in an effort to check the decline in the basic industry of the country, if not save it completely, an industry which was rightly characterised by the Taoiseach at Mallow a few days ago as the basis of our whole economy.

Senator McCabe touched on a few very pertinent points. He was perfectly right in stating that the malignant growth is not a growth of yesterday but one which has been perceived in the body politic for a great many years. I have on many occasions served on deputations from my county, and from the county committee of agriculture of which I am a member, to this Government. We have come up here time and again with the load of this tragic position on our backs, seeking relief. We came during the lifetime of the previous Government when things were infinitely better for the farmer than they are to-day. On one of the last occasions on which we came, we were sympathetically received by the Minister. One sees that stated afterwards—"The deputation was sympathetically received by the Minister"—but it ends there.

To the then Minister, we put forward the modest demand of a penny per gallon. It looks very small, but the Minister replied: "I wonder does the deputation appreciate the fact that a penny per gallon represents, in the aggregate, £750,000 of a subsidy? Where do you think that amount is to come from?" Was that not a staggering reply? He added: "You will incidentally increase the cost of living and the spiral will go up because other sections of the community will come along with their argument that they are entitled to increases if the cost of living is being increased to accommodate a particular section." We put to the Minister a way in which he could find £600,000 without inflicting any injury, and he said, quite honestly, that we were the first deputation from the country who came seeking money who at least went a good part of the road towards showing where the money was to be found. He was honestly sympathetic and impressed. He said he was only one member of the Government but he would do his best for us.

That was one of many visits, and I tell the House and the Minister to-day that we are utterly sick of coming to Dublin. Two months ago, our county committee passed a resolution, a copy of which was sent to the Taoiseach, the present Minister for Agriculture, and the Minister for Finance, calling for the withdrawal of the Livestock Breeding Act. That was the considered opinion of the county committee in my county, the chief dairy county, on the success of whose butter and milk industry hinges our whole security. We got a formal acknowledgment of that resolution. We did not lightly pass a resolution of that kind, nor did we pass it without compelling premises to support our demand.

There are no politics in this case because the committee is mainly composed of people who are different in their politics from me. There are no politics with us down there. We are doing a job of work: we recognise that we have been elected by the people to do a job that is vital for them and we are doing that.

It is a well-known fact that for a considerable number of years this dual purpose policy is drifting more from the production of milk to the production of beef. This is self-evident. Go to the Bull Show and see the types of bulls that are selected, bulls covered over and blanketed with beef. The same is the case at the country shows. The old dairy cow of 30 years ago that filled the basin with the froth flowing over, is gone. The committee, as I have said, were inclined to insist on the passing of this resolution, but I said "No". I said to wait until the Taoiseach had given the matter his considered opinion and to wait until the Minister had given his decision and that if we were turned down by the Minister we could then pass it. So, the status quo remains until we hear from Dublin. But there is no use in coming to Dublin. There is no use in looking for effective cures, there is no use in talking about 1d. subsidy per gallon or, as my committee ask for, a price of 1/3 in the summer and 1/6 in the winter. That is not the issue. The issue is a broad, national one. A great industry for which this country has been recognised in Europe is rapidly and inevitably declining. Make no mistake about that. I hope to give you figures to bear out my contention.

Those remedies that I hear suggested remind me of rubbing twopenny-worth of some kind of ointment into some kind of cancer. It is a palliative: it relieves for the moment but it is not a cure. Naturally we look for a remedy from the Parliament but, frankly, I am puzzled myself to find a means and a way. It is a colossal problem. Somebody said that the decline of the industry and the growth of this malignant disease is only of recent date. Here is a document from the C.A.O. of our county committee of agriculture. He was instructed by us to get from the 41 proprietary creameries in our county a statistical return giving a comparison between the amount of milk supplied in 1938 and in 1939 and 1940. These 41 proprietary creameries were initiated by the farmers themselves at a cost of £500,000—a specialised and productive industry.

Now listen to this. Only 25 of the creameries answered but you can make a deduction or a relative comparison for the 25 as if you had the whole 41. In 1938, these 25 creameries situated in the chief and greatest dairying county in this country received 29,992,961 gallons of milk for the manufacture of butter and, I presume, cheese. In 1940, these same creameries received only 25,519,453 gallons, a diminution of 4,473,508. Then he got for us a return of the numbers of milch cows and the number was 118,878 and the number of heifers about to go into immediate milk production was 2,458. In the following year there was a reduction in that number of 7,597. There is an example of the serious decline and diminution that has taken place in the chief dairying county in Ireland. There has not been a week during the last two years, especially during the months of December, January and February, when auctioneers such as myself were not sticking up on the walls of the county advertisements and selling out whole dairy herds because of the uneconomic price of milk and the poor return the farmer gets. We have heard a lot of figures to-day, many of them very informative and illuminating. I will not give you a lot of figures. I think it is much better to give you figures, the veracity and authenticity of which cannot be questioned when the authority is known. He is Professor Murphy of Cork University. He has considered the question of rent, rates, hay, roots, repairs, depreciation of implements and machinery, hired labour and family labour costs and replacements and he estimates that the net cost of production per gallon of milk was 6.47d. and the price received by the farmer 5.35d.

Here is a map, it is not a map showing the devastated areas as a result of bombing, all this black area is the milk producing area or the dairy centres of our country. The whole centre in white is the area immune from butter rationing, where the people are not dependent on two ounces of butter as we are. Limerick and Cork produce 62 per cent. of 137,000,000 gallons produced in the entire area. These are the areas in which there is the greatest decline in milk production and diminution in dairy herds.

It was stated here that I had cleared 1,800 acres in a very circumscribed area near where I live, and the Minister asked who bought the animals I sold. The farmers, unquestionably. The farmers bought them to replace bad milkers which were in turn sent to Roscrea to be tinned, but the 1,800 acres which I cleared of dairy herds are to-day not in milk production and I had the lowest number of auctions. Other auctioneers have been selling away the whole time. I cannot question the accuracy of a responsible man in the area who tells me that 3,000 gallons of milk are going out daily from a creamery not far from me and into another county to make Cadbury's chocolate. If you multiply those 3,000 gallons by seven—that would be 21,000 gallons of milk going out to make chocolate. Chocolate is a very desirable food, as our friend here who is an authority on dietetics would tell us, but it is not as essential as the butter that could be produced from that milk and given to the starving poor whose main food at breakfast, dinner and supper is bread, butter and tea. That is a very serious matter.

The whole continuity of our dairy stock hinges on the question of productivity, and on the obtaining of an economic price by the farmer. A very intelligent small farmer—he has 50 acres—recently told me that he was about to sell his cows. He was connected with a cow-testing association and his farm was a model. It was a pleasure to go out on Sunday and look at his neatly-trimmed hedges. I said to him that I regarded him as a model farmer and that I was surprised at his decision. He sold his ten cows and, in explanation, said to me: "I have a wife and four children. My wife could not risk leaving the four children in order to do the milking. I had to get labour, and a man I got cost me £80 and his keep." The Government estimate of the cost of keeping a man working on the land is £45. The cost to that man, therefore, was £125.

For how long?

A year. He said to me: "If you deduct £125 from my creamery cheque for £208 for the whole year, you will see what is left for my wife and children". He set his grass at about £6 an acre and obtained £240. That is the condition of things which I am encountering every day. What is the cause of that? I am not blaming the Government and I am not blaming the Minister. This is a terrible problem. Here is one of the things that no Minister can adjust. The workers refuse to milk. They definitely refuse to milk on Sunday. I wonder if some of these scientists who are busying themselves about atomic energy could evolve a cow which would milk on six days of the week and go dry on Sunday. That would help the Minister but it cannot be done. That is the position we have in our county. I worked out the food value of milk. I took the price of milk at 1d. per lb., potatoes at 1½d. per lb., wheat at 2d. a lb. It takes three years to produce milk, nine months to produce wheat and 20 weeks to produce potatoes. Even spending three years, one can only produce from a quarter to half a million calories per acre, 2,000,000 or four times food units; potatoes eight times the number of food units. You can therefore see that milk, having regard to food value, is cheapest.

In a discussion yesterday, some of the members told us that the Government were prepared to expend about £70,000,000 on drainage and rural electrification. I do not object to that. I want to see my country progressive. I want to see her take her place in the scientific race. But what use will these schemes be to us if we have no dairy herds and no agriculture? Would it not be much better to take the £70,000,000, face up to this problem and say that we must save the dairying industry?

The chairman of the Shorthorn Society said yesterday in Cork: "We, farmers, know only too well what a stout heart it takes to carry on in face of the difficulties there are to-day, scarcity and high prices of feeding stuffs, high wages and, most specifically, the inadequate prices of milk we receive at the creameries to-day. What incentive is there for us to develop fully the capabilities of the native shorthorn cow which is mainly responsible for our milk supplies." I do not entirely agree with him there.

Here is a thing I have noticed. I am very much in contact with farmers and the Irish farmer is losing heart. That is a bad thing. He sees no hope. His children do not want to work on the land when they see the drudgery to which their parents are subjected without compensation. The farmers are going to the banks to-day, as they did 20 years ago, seeking money to rehabilitate themselves. These are the few points I desire to put to the Minister. They have to be faced if tragedy is not to overtake our basic industry. It is axiomatic that no Government can continue to exhaust the main sources of supply without destroying the source of wealth. Agriculture has been, is, and will continue to be our chief source of wealth. You cannot continue to exhaust that source. If you do, it will have serious repercussions and reactions on the source of supply. That is written in the impoverished countryside and in the empty vessels of the poor looking for a bit of butter. I sympathise with the Minister. It is a tough job which he has to face. He has the physique and he has expressed his sympathy in the matter. I trust that he will combine physique, sympathy and the support of the Government and that, in addition to doing this big thing in connection with electrification and drainage, he will complete the work of stabilising the industry which has maintained us all through evil and difficult times — the Irish dairying industry.

The recent introduction of the two-ounce butter ration has caused the question to be asked: Where has the butter gone? Various explanations have been forthcoming such as increased consumption, bad seasons, etc., but not a word about the real cause which is the uneconomic prices paid over a long period. The results of those miserably low and uneconomic prices show that there is a limit to that kind of thing. How long could a merchant or a shopkeeper carry on if his outlay was £250 a week and his income £200 a week? Not indefinitely. That is the position the dairying industry has reached at present. That we have reached the end of the road in this respect can be seen at a glance. Not so long ago we were able to supply all our own requirements and in addition able to export 800,000 cwts. of butter. Now, not alone have we no exports, but except for the two-ounce ration per week we cannot supply our own requirements. This state of affairs was not reached overnight. It was the result of a long process and during the time it was going on various representations were made to the Government on the serious state of affairs that was forthcoming by deputations to Ministers, public meetings, resolutions from responsible bodies and even by protest strikes in some parts of the country.

The Government took no notice of those things. They thought because the dairying industry was a traditional business that it could live on that tradition, that not being a commercial business it could live, and did not matter; that people steeped in tradition could carry on in tradition: but that state of affairs has not taken place. Things did not pan out as expected. The crash has come but it has not come without warning. The tradition of dairying has been definitely broken and it will not be replaced by a short-term policy or a short-sighted one. Dairying has always been our basic industry. It has served the good purpose of the production of store and beef cattle and the production of milk and butter. The statistics taken over a ten-year period at one time revealed that income from the two branches of the industry was roughly on a 50-50 basis. But that has been changed. Simply because we consume more of our milk and butter at home and consume less of our cattle it came to be recognised that the cattle breeding was the more important part of the industry, and legislation was introduced which favoured cattle breeding at the expense of the milk-producing branch of the industry. What brought about the change which upset the balance between the two branches of the industry was the introduction of the beef bull and the dual purpose cow. They had a very serious effect on milk production. In fact, the interests of the dairying province, which is Munster, were subjugated to Leinster.

Dairying as we know it in the south does not exist in Leinster. Dublin City, with a population of 500,000, has a very important milk supply but there are scarcely any creameries in Leinster except in a few counties, and if we take the prices that Senator Sweetman has given in reference to Dublin and compare them with the prices down the country, they will show that down in Kerry we were either fools or philanthropists. The prices the Senator gave were, for May and June, 1/3 a gallon; for July, August and September, 1/6, and for the remaining seven months, 2/- a gallon. I believe the cost of cartage from the farmers' premises is, roughly, 1/- per week. That would just pay a servant to bring it to the creamery down in Cork, Kerry or Limerick. The contract with Dublin Milk Board expires on the 1st May, I understand, and the agreement has to be renewed, and I understand the suppliers are dissatisfied with their terms and are looking for an increase of 6d. a gallon.

The position in Munster has badly deteriorated for the past four or five years, and I should say in County Cavan possibly as well. Leinster is a tillage county and the price of tillage products has advanced reasonably well. Grain crops especially have always been sold as a cash crop in Leinster, but what in Munster has been the position? Increased tillage prices mean nothing to most of Munster—in my own County of Kerry at any rate, considering everything they have is fed to the cows, all the potatoes, the turnips and the corn, and for the past three or four years there has been absolutely no return.

What kept the dairying industry going for a long time even while milk prices were uneconomic over a long period was the sale of store cattle and pigs. Pigs have practically disappeared down south now and store cattle have seen very bad days. The reason is that although there may be good prices for the finished article, the yearling stores in Kerry—every one of them—have been sold at a loss to the producer, the man who reared them. I do not believe if these things go on that there will be any stores or calves reared in Munster any longer. I might as well tell the position frankly and it is just as well that everybody should realise it.

And you cannot transport them to the market. You have no trade at all.

Yes, and I understand stores can be fed very cheaply in Leinster and can be kept for £1 a month on grass. Everything has gone against us down south. Not alone that, but Leinster has many advantages over Munster, for instance, its proximity to the market. In fact, there is only the one market in this country now, the Dublin market. As far as rates are concerned, in the south, we have the highest rates in Kerry. Rates in Leinster counties are roughly 40 per cent. below Munster counties.

The position in Kerry has deteriorated in the past three or four years. The number of store cattle has gone down to zero. It is almost impossible to get labour and there is great objection to the milking of cows. It is even worse now than it was. Dairy farmers are not able to employ labour, as they cannot pay them. It was a big problem before to get the labour but there is that added problem now.

The position is very bad and we see no hope for the future in Kerry. From the 1st September to 1st January, 20 per cent. to 25 per cent. of the cows of Kerry were sold to the canning factories and not sold to the other dairy farmers, as Dr. Ryan used to say by way of explanation. I cannot see any increase in butter production. In fact, we will be very lucky if there is a one-ounce ration next year, if things go on as they are. If rationing has to be continued, I think the summer months would be better, as it would not be felt so severely then. In summer you have better weather and fruits, vegetables and milk are more plentiful; whereas in February and March the vitalitity of the body is at a poor state of resistance. That should get very serious consideration.

The Minister said in Mallow that in 1943 there was no increase in milk prices but, if my memory serves me aright, I think there was. In 1943 there was a motion in the Seanad by Senator Baxter, asking for increased prices. In April, 1944, there was a motion in the Dáil. We had a big dairy conference in Limerick in March, 1944, at which it was decided unanimously to look for a better price. In April, 1944, we had a three days' protest strike in Kerry for increased prices, a strike for which we did not make any apologies then and for which we do not apologise now. We thought we were entitled to the increase and we took deliberate action; and if we had made more protest at the time we might have brought home to the responsible people the seriousness of the situation.

What changes occurred since 1943? That is four years and 7 months ago and there was 10½d. a gallon for milk for butter making. What is that 10½d. worth to-day? I cannot think of a single article or a single branch of labour receiving the same rate of remuneration as in August, 1943. Our position has gone down to zero. Stores that were of some use a year or two ago are absolutely useless now. There are several reasons why the price should be increased. The wages of the agricultural labourer have been increased twice since 1943—not that we object to that; in fact their wages have been very low.

I would like the Minister to realise that it is a very serious problem. It is not the improvement of the dairying industry that we are looking for or that is under consideration. It is much more serious than that—it is to save the dairying industry from utter extinction. I would like the Minister to make some statement which would give some hope, as otherwise I am convinced there will be a very much worse development in a short time. We are not looking for temporary reliefs. It should be realised that what is at stake is that we are threatened with the utter extinction of the dairying industry.

I always think that what appears in a general sort of way to be a fairly good case is best made when it is not overstated. In making that comment on what I have heard, I want to single out the speeches of Senators Sweetman, Madden and Horan. Not only do I believe in what I have said, but if Senators relate what has been stated here to my public statement—which has been read out here—they will see that there is really no justification; they will see that, in my published statement, I took what was and what I am sure is the sensible line in relation to this all-important matter.

I want to tell the Seanad and to let the country know—the producer and the consumer—that I cannot be swept off my feet into making, as I said in my speech in Cork, a premature decision. By way of advice, I may add that while extravagant and overstated cases may sound well to some ears and may look well in print, they only tend, in my humble opinion, to prejudice the mind of the person who is in sympathy with the case that he recognises as being there, but who is not prepared to afford any recognition to a case when it is extravantly stated. Could I stop on that note?

Business suspended at 6 p.m. and resumed at 7 p.m.

Following my opening remarks, I think it will be expected of me to say something in support of the invitation which I extended to members of the Seanad not to talk on this matter extravagantly. The picture that has been painted by Senator Sweetman, Senator Madden and also by Senator Horan would seem to convey to us here and to the country that the dairying industry, that the cow population and that, in fact, everything associated with this very important business are disappearing like the snow. Now, is there any evidence to support that allegation, that claim whether it comes from Kildare or Limerick? The first people I met after I become Minister who were interested in the milk business were the Leinster milk suppliers. They wanted to see me in connection with prices. I was only a few days in my office in fact at the time.

While I may not know so much about the industry now, I certainly knew less about it then. The first question I asked them was, what is the state of the register of milk suppliers to the City of Dublin, what is the history of your register from the date on which the Milk Act was passed in 1937? I got from them, rather reluctantly, a history that clearly indicated to me, as it would to any person, that all was not nearly as bad as those advocates of a higher price would have us believe. In stead of a falling-off, there was evidence of a progressive increase in the number of farmers who had entered into contracts to supply this city with milk at prices that were quoted.

Surely, I could not find, and nobody could find, in that fact evidence that would support the costings that I have been invited seriously to consider by Senator Sweetman. He has endeavoured to explain away this fact by telling me that those people are small producers of milk and he has succeeded in reasoning out to his own satisfaction that there is some danger in exposing the citizens of Dublin to the mercies of these small milk suppliers. He has asked me to regard the disappearance of three of the larger suppliers as somewhat more important in the way of supporting the case which he has made.

I am not prepared to accept that invitation, and while not committing myself here and now to an expression of opinion on the milk prices paid to the Leinster milk suppliers—I call them the Leinster milk suppliers—I say to the House that Senator Sweetman is not entitled to invite the country to take the view that milk is disappearing as, I am glad to say, the snow is disappearing, since I have been able to show that the number of farmers supplying the City of Dublin and who have entered into contracts for this year is much larger than it was any other year since the Act was passed.

We come now to the creamery suppliers, and when I made the statement that the overmaking of any case was harmful, I had in the back of my mind the situation I saw as a result of looking over any records I could find. Senator Baxter has expressed surprise that I should be the type of person who would have any regard for figures or would see in them any importance.

I do not think I put it like that.

I want the House to realise that figures are important to me. Figures must be of importance to any man and surely to any man in my position. While saying that, I want the House to know that, as Senator Baxter has rightly stated, I, too, have other contracts, and not only have I at least the same means of making other contacts as any other member of this or any other assembly, but I take advantage of them, and I am quite as capable, quite as competent, to assess the public mind and the public attitude on a matter of this kind as anybody in the House.

Senator Madden, as I say, would have us believe that the cow population of Limerick and the whole attitude towards milk production in that county are such that we are just at the end of everything. I can find no evidence to support that contention. Senator Madden is an auctioneer and he comes in contact with farmers. Because of his being an auctioneer, he has to dispose of property, of land, farm machinery, cows and all kinds of farm animals, and we know that at certain times of the year the auctioneer has more of that type of business to do than at other seasons. While not disputing the contacts which a man in his business undoubtedly has with the agricultural industry, I cannot be guided by some figures supplied to me from a limited area in County Limerick or indeed any other county. I must refer to other figures.

What was the cow population of the country in 1946? According to the returns which I have got, in 1946 there were 1,200,832 milch cows and 107,826 in-calf heifers in the country. Go down the list. I have figures here from 1911 showing the cow population in this country and there is nothing in them to support in any way the type of statements that have been made here. In 1911 the cow population was 1,188,050. I will take a few spot years. In 1936 the number of milch cows was 1,348,625 and the number of in-calf cattle was 62,735. Look at the number of cows whose milk was being supplied to creameries from 1936 to 1945 and you will find that there is no evidence to support the sweeping sort of statements that have been made. In 1936, which was the peak year of our cow population, the number of cows from whom milk was being supplied to the creameries was 567,429. In 1945 the number was 533,858. Let us take some other figures.

Have you got the milk yields for the period?

I may have, but I do not want to get swallowed with figures. In 1937 the amount, in cwts., of butter manufactured by creameries was 651,321; in 1931-32 it was 604,846; in 1945-46 it was 605,949. I admit that between the years 1931-32, when it was 604,846 cwts., and 1945-46, when it was 605,949, that there were years such as 1935, 1936, 1937 and 1938, when it was much higher. And it was much higher in these years because, as members of the Seanad are aware, of difficulties into which we need not go now. The production of milk and the conversion of it into butter, as far as the cattle business was concerned, was the most profitable operation then. I am not going to such rounds in order just to sweep the ground from under those who have been contending that farmers and milk producers are entitled to better prices. I do say here, as I have said on a number of occasions outside the House and as I intend to keep on saying, and it does not matter whether farmers or those who speak for them take my advice. They do not have to. I have this slant on things, it may be a wrong slant, that it is a mistake for those of us who are interested in the agricultural community to adopt this policy of extravagant talk. I am not saying this as one who is hostile to the farmer. As I have repeatedly stated, if I never occupied the important and responsible post which I hold here, if I never was Minister for Agriculture, my prejudices must be in favour of the farmer. Why should they not? All my associations and my interests are with that class. But speaking as a farmer, I say that we are not helping our own case when we talk as I have proved we have been talking here to-night.

What then is responsible for this two-ounce ration of butter that is being whipped around here and whipped around outside? Remember that while we as farmers talk about this two-ounce ration the rest of the community who are suffering most by it do not believe we are genuine. Even while regretting the thing, as we must regret it, they cannot bring themselves to believe that we are genuine to the extent that these regrets are publicly expressed because they know that apart altogether from the amount of butter that has been manufactured by the creameries of this country over all these years there is an additional quantity of butter, something around 400,000 or 450,000 cwts.—farmers' butter—that is not controlled in any way, not rationed in any way. In respect of this butter it would set anyone a severe problem to devise a scheme by which it could be rationed. The people know this and when we come along with a legitimate case they accuse us of not being 100 per cent. honest in the expression of our sympathy. It was because I felt that that I gave expression to the statement I made at the meeting in Cork to which some members have taken exception. I know that we farmers are sensitive and I am sensitive myself about things. However, I will have to take certain risks in this regard, even though I may annoy someone as I did on that occasion.

I was refuting—I hope successfully— the allegation that the situation pictured here by certain Senators, whom I named, actually existed. Now, I come nearer home in order to drive my argument still further. I invite Senator Madden, with all his knowledge, experience and contacts, to look at the figures of the cow population of Limerick. I have here a copy of the Statistical Abstract for the years 1942, 1943 and 1944. I invite the Senator to look at those figures. He will find that, in the year 1942, the cow population of Limerick was 106,703; in 1943, it was 106,240 and in 1944, 107,614. The Senator may have been very successful in a number of auctions in recent times but that is only an indication of his competence as an auctioneer. I think that the figures I quoted are more reliable as showing the tendency or trend than figures that are given haphazard.

Has the Minister the figures for 1947?

The figures I quoted are from a publication by the Department of Industry and Commerce. The number of milch cows in 1940, as given by that Department, was 111,878, and the number of in-calf heifers was 2,458.

My information is more recent than that. My figures are for 1942, 1943 and 1944. I made a statement in Cork and in a number of other places to which reference has been made here. Again, I think that it was a perfectly clear statement. I was told here to ignore the fact that a White Paper was issued in 1943 giving to the milk producers certain prices based on certain costings. I claim that my contacts with farmers are, at least, as good as those of any other man and I stated that I found, in 1943, general acceptance of the prices then offered. I admit that there was no wild enthusiasm about them. Nobody would accuse the farmers of being such poor business people as to go into transports of enthusiasm in such cases. I know that the farmers are intelligent. I know that they are so intelligent that, even though the prices were good, they would not go out and shout about them to the world.

I was given an invitation to-night by a very sensible Senator. I must confess that it was the first time I came to know Senator Horan. As evidence rebutting the statement that, in a fairly general way, the farmers were not dissatisfied with, and did not regard as bad, the offer of 1943, I was invited to advert to the fact that a motion was moved in this House and in the Dáil by way of criticism of those prices. Does everybody not know that those institutions exist for that purpose—to give an opportunity, which is always availed of, to those who have no responsibility other than to come in here as representatives of, or with major interests in, some particular class and put down motions, for the particular class in which they have a special interest? I do not claim that there was anything in those prices about which farmers should throw their hats in the air but I do claim that, when these prices were announced, there was a sort of general feeling amongst the people engaged in the industry that they did not constitute a bad effort.

I had that in mind when I came into office and when this demand from Kildare was flung at me 24 hours afterwards. It was followed by demands from Limerick, Cork and elsewhere. By the way, while a communication came from Limerick complaining about the price of milk, low yielding cows and so forth, Limerick County Committee also sent a request that my Department should issue more premiums for Hereford bulls in the county. When these demands were made upon me, I said to my officials: "What was the basis on which this announcement was made in 1943?" It was shown to me. I should not even attempt to prove now that that basis was entirely correct or that it was entirely fair. I am merely making the general statement that, taking all in all, that announcement was not badly received. With my recollection of what happened then, I said to those demanding higher prices: "Show me, with that as a background, where I stand and where you stand and what these prices should be". I think that members of the Seanad will agree that that was not an unreasonable approach. I do not want to enter into a discussion of the point of view to which Senator Horan gave expression as between suppliers to the creameries and those who have contracts in Dublin. I do not want to enter upon a discussion as to the favourable or unfavourable position of either class of producers.

But I will say this and, as I say, I do not want to take the side of any particular producer against another. I do not think that Senator Horan was entirely fair, and if I might put it this way, I do not think that the position of these two types of producer is as heavily loaded in favour of one as he would appear to think. However, whether that be true or not, members of this House will realise that when these demands were made on me I could not, and I cannot, take any single one of them out and make a decision in regard to it without having regard to what is to happen to the others. I have Leinster milk suppliers, I have Cork milk suppliers, I have those farmers who are supplying the creameries and, as I say, they are all bound up in whatever decision is made in relation to one. That decision must bear upon the position of the others.

Senator Horan made another reference which impressed me because it is a matter about which I have been thinking for some time, and it is the position of the store cattle trade in his part and in parts of the country engaged in milk production. In considering the price at which milk is paid for, there are many aspects of the agricultural industry on which a decision can have an effect. I was down in the south for the last week-end. I made it my business to see a number of central creameries and spent a few days there, and I saw something there about which I felt—and I feel now—a certain amount of alarm.

We have in the heavy milk areas, creameries engaged not only in butter production but also engaged in—fearing that I would forget, I just dotted down a list of the different interests of those concerned—the production of cream which they are not undertaking now because an Order has been made recently prohibiting it, dried milk, chocolate-crumb, casein and cheese. Well, the price of milk according to the document which we are discussing is 10½d. in the summer and 1/- in the winter. Some of those creameries have been paying for whole milk as high as 1/4 per gallon for conversion into some or all of these things—cream, dried milk, chocolate-crumb, casein and cheese.

What is the position, then, and what are the future prospects of the store cattle trade in areas where milk is realising 1/4 a gallon? Coupled with that, as Senator Horan says, in areas —and I invite the cattle-finishing districts to take note of this—where these prices are available for milk there is the fact if the milk is converted into the production of store cattle, there is no market for store cattle on small holdings, until the men on the good lands find that the cattle have enough teeth in their mouths to justify them being removed from these parts.

Those men, those small farmers, who are selling milk to some of the creamery concerns that I visited were selling their milk in whole and they were selling their skim milk at 3d. a gallon. They were selling it at these prices for the simple reason that when they took the calf and what it was value for and when they thought of the amount of whole milk he would consume for some weeks and the amount of skim milk it would take to feed him and the price they would get for him when he was 12 months old if they could find a customer, they said: "It would be better for us to get out of this kind of dairying business and selling milk in that particular way." I said I had certain fears as to the effect it would have on the store cattle trade and that I felt almost alarmed. Now what am I asked to consider here? You are agitating for an increased price for milk.

Yes, to save store cattle.

I am not, as I say, in relation to that matter, expressing any judgment on it now but is it not clear and should it not be clear to us—and I am not saying this because I am giving you any notice that I will allow this to weigh with me when making my decision—that if I must increase the price of milk still further it is going to have a further great effect on the slaughter of young calves that is going on in those parts from which in the main we must expect to get a supply of store cattle?

I want the Seanad to realise and I want those who are keen about this to realise that these are factors which, while you could ignore them now and say: "Let every day do for itself", certainly disturb my mind when trying to arrive at a decision. I think members of the Seanad who have more or less flippantly invited me to disregard many of those figures to which I have referred should consider them before expecting me to tear through to a decision without having due regard to all the consequences that might result. I agree entirely with Senator McCabe as to winter production of milk. If the Leinster milk suppliers, having regard to the very favourable—from Senator Horan's angle, anyhow—price which they get, cannot produce milk at that price, what chance have we to induce our farmers all over the country to produce and supply milk to our creameries in the winter months, unless at some impossible price?

I might be asked by some member of the Seanad: "Why do you allow these creameries to engage in these side-lines to which reference has been made? Why do you allow milk to be converted into these side-lines at this particular period?" I think I have a good answer to that question or, if it is put to me in the form of a charge, a good defence to make.

How many are doing it altogether?

Half a dozen; but there may be more. It is not the places in which this work is actually going on— the milk is coming from all kinds of areas. I am thinking of another set of figures, when I ask myself whether or not it is wise that we should engage in these businesses. The major portion is consumed by our own people, but apart from that, there was a time here—and it is not very long ago— when, as members of the Seanad and members of the public are aware, we produced butter in excess of our own requirements. We sold it in latter years in the British market, in a market where it could only be disposed of by taxing our own consumers in order to enable our farmers to remain in production. I have the figures here, show-the consumption of butter in the years from 1927 to 1946 and it will be seen that the exports were as follows: In 1927, 419,000 cwts.; in 1928, 405,000; in 1929, 426,000; in 1930, 389,000; in 1931, 264,000; in 1932, 246,000; in 1933, 273,000; and so on down to the period when this emergency arose. As has been truthfully and correctly stated, it is the slight falling off—and I use the word "slight" deliberately—in production and the enormously increased consumption that results in our being unable to ration this 450,000 cwts. of butter. These are the three factors that have left us in the position in which we find ourselves, and not the factors to which Senators have been referring here.

The reason why I am influenced to allow these industries to continue is that I am hopeful a time will come when we will want them. I would rather come into this House or go out to the country and take the rap for a while and listen to whatever abuse anyone has to hand out, than sling those industries out when I think that they might prove to be very important to us in the future. I do not know if that would be regarded as wise, but I believe it is and I intend to pursue it. I will try, in consultation with the Department of Industry and Commerce, to see what we can do about subjecting all our butter, or as much of it as it is humanly possible to subject, to a rationing system. After all, it is not fair to talk about this two ounces of butter, as we are producing this year enough to give, not the ration that has been recommended by Senator Fearon, but enough to give every one of our people this year from ten to 12 ounces per week, if we could only bring it under the control of a rationing system.

What does the Minister calculate the home-produced butter to be last year?

About 400,000 cwt. I see letters in the public Press as to the wisdom of allowing milk to be converted into this or that particular business. Senators should not blame me or my predecessor—though I am sure I will get the blame anyhow—for that policy, having regard to the history of this industry, and to the difficulty of disposing of the surplus in the past, and having regard to what it has cost our consumers here to dispose of it at a price that would allow our farmers to remain in production. We must remember the increased consumption of butter because of its importance at a time when fats were short, the importance of butter to our poor people being recognised by the Government and its being subsidised, therefore, to the extent of £1,000,000 so as to keep those fats available at a price which would enable the poorest of our people to get their share.

I agree with those Senators who say that there was nothing on the market for the last six or seven years comparable to butter. The reason why it was on the market at that price was because of what I have stated. We had a surplus. It was something that we produced in reasonable quantities, and it was important for our people that it should be kept at a reasonable price. It was subsidised to the extent of £1,000,000 at the expense of the taxpayer. Because of what I have further indicated—the difficulty of controlling home-produced butter, the increase in consumption aggravated by the attractiveness of the price—we find now that we are a little bit short.

Despite some criticism that has been directed against the decision, I have allowed this industry to continue, because in this matter I am trying to take a long-distance view. I know, of course, that some will not agree with me in that.

I am taking the long-distance view not only in relation to this matter but in relation to the effect upon our whole agricultural economy of having to give a price that, in the course of two or three years, may leave us short in the store cattle line.

As I have already said, I surely am not here to make a case against the farmer. I am here to find out what the position is, as well as all the likely reactions to what has been proposed. Once I have satisfied myself that there is justice in this, and to the extent to which that justice should be met, I will then know what my duties are. I do not want the Seanad to take the view which they were invited to take by Senator Baxter, as to who is to be responsible in matters of Government policy. Government policy is determined by the Government. I do not want the Seanad to make up its mind on this. Senators will naturally make up their minds and will have their own views on these matters, but I was a bit surprised to be regarded, even by a single member of the Seanad, as a docile sort of person. As a matter of fact, that came to me as a bit of a shock—to learn that I am the sort of docile person who could be led around and invited to accept any decision, no matter by whom it was arrived at, without applying to it such consideration as I think I am capable of giving—a critical and close examination. I think Senator Baxter misquoted what the Taoiseach said at Mallow—that is that the Taoiseach had expressed a belief in the dual-purpose cow. I am not saying that the Senator did so deliberately and he need not consult his papers. As far as I know, the opposite is what the Taoiseach intended to convey. I have not read what he said, but in this matter of milk production and milk yields I know quite well that breeding and feeding play a very important part. When speaking in Cork on Tuesday I tried to give to the people I addressed my own view on the matter. My own view is that there is no such animal on this earth as the dual-purpose cow.

Hear! Hear!

I have held that view for years. I have argued that point of view with people who would not agree with me. When I found myself in this Department—and before making any pronouncement on the matter—I invited discussions from every person I met who had any views to express on that. I may say that I have met nobody who is capable of shaking me in the belief to which I have just given expression. I would like to operate, in relation to the milk-producing areas, a policy of concentrating on the production of cattle that would give us, while retaining reasonable conformation, a decent supply of milk.

Does the Minister mean dairy shorthorns, Jerseys or what?

I mean the dairy shorthorns, because I do not believe our farmers would take to any other breed of cattle. I am not going to say whether it would be wise for them even if they did do so, but they would not take any other breed I think. I am thinking in terms of shorthorn cattle. I say that, as far as the milk-producing areas are concerned, that we should concentrate on breeding a cow that will justify her existence as a cow.

The 800-gallon cow.

I will not mention any figures. I may say also that I have seen the results achieved by those who have taken advantage of breeding from these alleged dual-purpose animals. I have satisfied myself from ordinary observation at fairs that, while you may get an odd one, you cannot see on a fair or in a field to-day the type of cow that you could see some years ago. That is because of the fact that in our breeding we have concentrated on beef rather than on milk. I want to say this—I am repeating what I said at Cork—that we are all responsible for that.

We are responsible for it because when we go into the show yard and into the fair, we like, as Senator Madden stated, the short legs we bid for, the animal apart altogether from its history and its background. We bid for it on its appearance rather than on the performance of those from which it has been bred.

Even when my officials go out and select a number of farmers for purposes of inspecting bulls, even in the milk producing areas, the strange thing is that, when they come to the crossroads and see the animals of 11 or 12 farmers, the one with the leg three or four inches shorter is "culled", even though he may have the most perfect background from the milk point of view.

With the leg longer? The Minister said shorter.

I should have said longer. They are prejudiced in favour of the one with the short leg rather than the one with the long leg. Having made that statement, I find it hard to order my own mind as to the line along which we should travel, but every time I went to a show, and more especially when I went to the last show, and found myself in the midst of what I would describe as dairy shorthorns, I said to myself: "There is no dairy here." That, then, is my attitude towards this breeding problem. Whether it will become the policy of my Department, and, if it does, how it will be operated, is something I cannot say, but Senators have my mind. I want to invite Senator Counihan—but for Senator O'Donovan I might have forgotten an important point——

Senator Counihan never opened his mouth.

That is all the more reason why I should make him do so. I want to say to Senator Counihan, to the Cattle Traders' Association and to all the other associations interested in a particular type of agriculture and trading that, when they pass resolutions, as they do, condemning the dairy district farmer for slaughtering his cattle, they are perfectly justified in doing so, if they will only help in the provision of a solution of that man's problem. That man's problem is this: he has 20, 30, 40 or 50 acres of land, a mixed farmer, and he has a number of cows which he cannot afford, even if he were to raise these calves, to keep on his hands until they are three-year olds, and unless the people interested, like Senator Counihan, in a different form of agriculture in a different district can devise some means by which that man will get a market for his yearling stock, they will find themselves and their business short of the raw materials they have been in the habit of using. There is no use in their selling their hay and their straw and saving their land from being trampled. How is the little man below to manage on his 20 or 30 acres while he looks at these hungry bullocks strutting around, animals for which he cannot get a market until they come to a certain age, unless these Midland farmers equip themselves in such a way as to enable them to handle this type of animal at a far earlier age and set themselves to carrying these animals over the winter rather than wait until these small farmers take them out on St. Patrick's Day and the days following?

These are all matters which are bound up with this problem of the price of milk, and not only are these matters bound up with it but the production of pigs and poultry are bound up with it. Poultry, calf-raising, pig-raising, and the effect of the prices being offered in certain districts in these areas for whole milk, in cases in which no skim is returned, on these very important branches of the industry—all these matters should be considered and I have been trying to consider every one of them in relation to the immediate problem which has been set me since I came into office: the problem of the price at which milk should be paid for, whether supplied to the cities or to the creameries.

Senator Baxter referred to a case in Killeshandra of a number of creamery suppliers who were able to get only two ounces of butter. That is an isolated case, of which I have heard. There is a reason for it and we will leave it at that.

It is not actually Killeshandra but the district.

I do not want the public to think that the milk suppliers are being obliged, in a general way, to do on two ozs. of butter. They are not. The milk suppliers to the creameries are now getting—it is not an uniform amount; I think each creamery may have its own particular ration—a much more substantial ration. In many cases, it is as much as a lb. per head of the family. As I say, there is no reason why we should make a case which is based on a position which exists in a few townlands.

I think now that I have done very well—or very ill, depending on the way you look at it. So far as time is concerned, I have done well and I will leave the other aspect for the House to think out. I hope I have conveyed clearly to the House what my attitude towards this matter is. If I were to give £1 per gallon for milk now, the effect it would immediately have would be negligible. There is nothing we can do now to mend this situation and the point of urgency does not arise. I want the House to realise that what I stated publicly already is true and that I mean to act upon it. I will merely add that, since there is no urgency, until I have explored every avenue it is possible for me to explore, in consultation with those who know more about the business than I, and have examined all the implications of any decision I may make—and all these implications will have to be examined before I announce any decision, whether it be a decision to stay put or to grant an increase—no decision will be made.

I think I am justified in asking the House to regard that assurance as sufficient, especially in view of the fact that, when a decision is announced, this House has always freedom to put down a motion stating that the decision arrived at by me, the recommendations made by me and so on, are unjust, get me here and give me an opportunity of listening to the case and the charge against me and of defending my action. I cannot say when I will be able to ease the pain or increase the pain.

How long will it be until you are?

I have no notion. As it can have no effect upon the actual production of milk and butter in the immediate future, I——

Do you believe that?

I am not talking in terms of years. I am talking in terms of common sense and a reasonable amount of time. The decision will be made as quickly as I can make it, but it will not be made until I have satisfied myself completely that I have explored the whole position from A to Z.

I agree with many of the statements in the Minister's speech. I think they were reasonable and assuring for the future of the dairying industry. At the same time I think it has been definitely proved and that the Minister and his advisers must be aware, especially in view of the amount of butter we are producing and in view of the statements made by Senator Madden who comes from a dairying county, that the people are getting out of the dairying business. That is a very serious matter. I agree with the Minister that if he raised the price of milk it is going to cut down the rearing of calves, and that is another serious matter in itself. But the case would be much worse if the people in the dairying business go out of production and go into competition for the fewer calves that would then be reared. I agree that the only way to encourage the farmers to rear calves is to give them a better price for their small animals. It is the farmer in the poorer districts who rears the stock. I had a motion here when the Minister's predecessor was in office, and it was backed up by Senator Baxter. On that motion we got an increase of ld. per lb. from the British Government for our cattle. We have now under consideration another motion on the cattle trade, and we hope to have the pleasure of having the Minister here to discuss it in the near future.

How can the prices of these small cattle in the poorer districts be improved? The Minister is quite right in saying that you cannot put restrictions on those people. I think the only way you can get them to rear the calves is by giving them a good price for their cattle when they are a year, a year and a half or two years old and the only way we can do that is by establishing a dead meat trade. The expenses of those small cattle sent to Britain and the Continent are too much but by establishing a dead meat trade for this class of beast the farmers could sell them sooner. I think everything that could be said has been said by the speakers who have spoken on the motion but I want to make a few suggestions for the Minister's consideration. Senator Sweetman suggested that the 600-gallon cow was not so desirable because she was too susceptible to disease. I am going to suggest to the Minister that the 400-gallon cow is hardly economic and that what we want to produce here is a 600-gallon cow.

I remember discussing this matter with one of the Minister's predecessors, the late Mr. Paddy Hogan, and his aim was to produce a 600-gallon cow. He did not want an 800-gallon or a 1,000-gallon cow but a 600-gallon cow which, he thought, would be more economic. I want to suggest to the Minister that the only way of getting this is by cow testing. If the Minister would consider a scheme for the payment of subsidies in respect of any cows in dairy herds that produce 600 gallons or upwards with the proper complement of butter fat, I think we would reach that position. Such a scheme would cost a good deal of money but in a few years' time these cows would pay for the outlay. It is the only way you can get our dairy farmers to increase the milk production of their cows. There is, of course, another way. We hear a lot of talk about New Zealand and Denmark and of the possibility of getting Friesians and other milk-producing breeds but by doing that we would kill our live-stock trade. We produce in this country the finest live stock in the world and I think the return from this trade is a lot more than from dairy farming. But you will not have live stock unless you have dairying. I think, therefore, that the only way out is to give a bonus in respect of cows producing 600 gallons and upwards with the recognised complement of butter fats. The Minister says that feeding can do a lot.

I think feeding will produce milk all right but you want breeding to produce butter fat. That is my own experience and the experience of any people with whom I have discussed the matter. Feeding will increase quantity but it will not increase the quality or the amount of butter fat or solids in the milk. You will have to have breeding to do that.

There is another point I want to raise. We produce here some of the best store and fat cattle in the world, and these cattle are not in any way affected by disease. I am sorry we cannot say the same about our dairy cattle, and that is a matter that the Minister should look into. Our dairy cattle are subject to many diseases and we should try to find the causes of them, the causes of tuberculous mastitis, contagious abortion and so on. A great percentage of our herds are affected by one or other of these, a greater percentage than in other countries. Thinking over the matter I find it hard to explain why this is so when we can produce our store cattle here so well. I think if Senator O'Donovan were here he would confirm the statement that the amount of store cattle condemned as being affected by tuberculosis or other diseases is less than a half of 1 per cent. That being so it is extremely difficult to see why our dairy stocks are affected in the way they are.

I think that the management has a great deal to do with it. In Senator Madden's country, the housing of the cattle in most places is bad. The houses are badly constructed and ventilated. Driving through his country and through County Tipperary, I see cattle taken out of very badly ventilated, overheated sheds and left standing for about half a day in a little paddock of about a rood in the cold. That is very conducive to disease and the Minister should try to rectify it by propaganda or otherwise. If that were done, I am sure we should be able to eliminate much of the disease with which dairy cattle are affected.

I think that the Minister's statement was very satisfactory and I ask Senator Baxter to accept it. The Minister has promised to examine the points made in the debate and to give his decision. I ask Senator Baxter to let it go at that. We can discuss the matter again when we find what the Minister's decision is.

Whenever I notice a tendency in business to ask for higher prices, I always ask myself: has the full background of possible efficiency been explored. I apply that test to the dairying industry and I come to the conclusion—it is not a very recent conclusion because, at one time, I had considerable experience of milk-production—that there is vast room for increased efficiency. Until that efficiency has been developed to a reasonable extent, higher prices to the consumer are not justified. One example of our lack of efficiency is the milk yields of our dairy herds. I do not think that there is any firm figure on which to go, because we have only records in relation to cow-testing associations. Senator Sweetman, in his hypothetical costings, proceeded on the basis of a 350 gallon cow. I do not think that I am far wide of the mark when I say that our average dairy cow is not over 350 gallons. If we could get into the region of 500 or 600 gallons, what a difference it would make in the whole situation. Our milk supply would go up by almost two-thirds. We could then obtain an ample ration of butter. There would be no inducement to establish a black market in butter and we would be what Denmark is to-day and what we were once—a butter exporting country. That is, perhaps, the long view of the situation but it is discreditable that, after so many years and with so much scientific knowledge, we are not on a far higher milk yield than we are.

When it comes to the apportioning the blame, the matter becomes somewhat more complicated. The individual farmer is, to a certain extent, to blame but I always hesitate to blame the individual farmer, because he must know his own job fairly well and he does not knowingly miss opportunities. The opportunities he misses are, probably, due to lack of enterprise, to inadequate education and to not being in touch with modern scientific methods. I am slow to make any criticism of farmers but they are hesitant to spend money unless they see a very sure return. They are lacking in enterprise in regard to modern developments. I do not want to get back to the discussion we had yesterday on agricultural capital but I should like to challenge a remark made by Senator Madden that farmers are at present flocking to the banks. I wish they were. It has been my duty all this week to examine applications for money in a certain banking institution with which I am connected. I have not come across any cases of farmers flocking to the bank for money except to buy farms. They are not flocking to the banks for money to buy equipment or for the development of their farming operations. I admit that there is not much scope in that respect, because the goods cannot be obtained. Whatever blame is to be attached to the farmer for his timidity or his failure to appreciate modern methods, the Government cannot escape its share of the blame.

I was glad to hear the Minister say that, in his opinion, there was no such thing as a dual-purpose cow. I was glad to know that he was prepared to let milk production predominate in the dairying areas and to let store cattle be entirely subordinate to milk production in those areas. I think that that policy is right and I hope that it will be effected in the only way in which it can be—through bull premiums. I trust that there will be no attempt to damp down the enterprise of private individuals who want to use strains of cattle which are not generally acceptable to the Government's advisers. If people want to have Friesians or Ayrshires or other high-milking strains, they should be allowed to have them. I think that they are allowed to have them at present and I am not suggesting that premiums should be given now but, later, the question of premiums might well be considered. In those areas milk should be paramount and the store animals should be secondary. The store animals will have their place in other areas where milk production has never been established.

There is another matter in respect of which the Government are much to blame—and it is not for want of warning. I have been at this question for 20 years—a proper system of agricultural costings. The Minister cannot tell us on any firm basis what the cost of milk production is on any farm. Costings are a slow business but three years' continuous costings would get us very near a stable figure. Yet, despite the opportunities which the Government had, there are no reliable figures of costings. I kept costings accounts for years. I have figures of the cost of milk production but I am out of touch with that activity now. The figures could, however, be made available at any time. At one time, I had costings in respect of milk production for a herd of 40 cows. The milk was being sold all the year round at a price in the region of 10d. a gallon. We claim to be an agricultural country and to have a scientific outlook. Yet, Senator Sweetman stands up and indulges in these hypothetical costings, taking so much per acre and so much for fences and rates, when the data are all there. All over the country, people are doing those operations every day and, if business methods were applied, costings figures could be procured, examined by auditors and established. That should have been done long since. I have no doubt that the Minister and Senator Baxter know that farmers, some time ago, voluntarily set up costings methods amongst themselves. They can tell you the figures of interest on capital at that time before the war which they were getting as the result of firm figures and not as a result of the sort of hypothetical, amateurish approach as indicated by Senator Sweetman.

I hope the Minister, coming to the Department with enthusiasm and a fresh outlook, will go all out on this question of costings. I need not elaborate on this. It is only necessary to get certain farms scattered all over the country with the rather more intelligent farmers and get data from them —the basic data will be comparatively simple to obtain—and the rest can be done by people with only an elementary knowledge of putting figures together. I do not like this sort of artificial inducements, but I was rather intrigued by the suggestion of Senator Counihan that there should be a bonus given on high milk yields. It occurred to me that it would be far better to give a bonus to a cow who talks milk than to a citizen who talks Irish. If you got money for both well and good, but from the practical point of view I would rather spend money on a bonus for milk yields than I would for a bonus as an inducement to talk Irish. I would ask the Minister as he is coming with a fresh approach to the matter to consider what has been frequently advocated. It was advocated in the Agricultural Commission Report in 1923—one of the first commissions since the State was formed and that is the demonstration farm. Any practical farmer, if he is asked to see a farm and if it is a nice, good-looking, well-equipped farm will say: "Well, that is all right but that is a rich man's farm. I cannot afford to have that sort of thing." Would the Minister agree that it would be very helpful if a farmer could go to a farm owned, say, by a co-operative society—and some of them are now starting farms? Would not that be an excellent opportunity of starting a system of costings, because I do not think these farms run by creameries are not made to pay? I think they are. Very little would be necessary to get costings from the accounts of those farms, on a business like basis, and then be able to say to the farmer: "Here is a farm that pays and this is the way it is done." Would not even the most sceptical, the most doubting Thomas say: "I am convinced. I think that is a very good demonstration. I am learning in this place because I know it is on a profit-and-loss basis and I know it is on the right side." If we had more of these farms all over the country I am sure it would be a great inducement for men who are earning their living and who are a little doubtful about all the nostrums coming from people with plenty of money doing things regardless of cost.

I would like to say I am in entire agreement with the suggestion of Senator McCabe when he asked for higher prices during the summer for creamery milk and these are the reasons. The Minister has said it is very expensive to be feeding in the winter time and if we get an increase in price during the summer, as I dare say we could with some advance in the price of milk during the coming season, you could preserve it for the winter supply. I have been supplied with a graph showing what can be obtained by extra feeding. It has been supplied by a cow-testing association from County Limerick. An individual cow for four months in the winter was fed in 1945 for the months of October, November, December and January on just a maintenance diet with roots and hay, and she just paid her way. The following year the same man fed her on concentrates and increased the yield by 169 gallons. The milk was sold at 1/2½ a gallon and it cost him 1/4½ or a loss of 2d. a gallon. I think that bears out the point, or should make a pretty strong case, that it would be much more economic to get all the milk that we could in the summer. If the Minister or the Department likes a copy of the graph and the whole subject of the letter from this cow-testing association I will be glad to let him have a copy.

Senator McCabe made another point and I do not agree with him. It was that the reduction in milk to creameries is caused by sows being kept. I do not contradict him—he may be right in his own area—but for any creamery area I know, nearly the contrary is the case. People send the milk in my district, at any rate, because it suits them to send the milk to the creameries for the sake of getting back skim milk to feed to pigs and in the summer time practically most of the skim milk is used for that purpose— poultry and pigs. Besides you will meet about one farmer or possibly two out of ten in my area who keep a sow at all. Mostly they go in a good deal for—as a matter of fact, I think, most people in my area are large buyers of —young bonhams, down in the Minister's native county, County Cavan— and we rear them.

There is one point I would like the Minister or his Department to take note of. I say I am with him wholeheartedly when he says there is too much attention paid to the shape of the bull and the condition that is on it. I know in my own county I have held that view for a good number of years and I am glad to see that at least the head of the Department holds the same view. I would like to make this suggestion after 15 or 20 years. I daresay, in our county—and I think the same applies in every other county —both the county and the State are subsidising with premiums to a very large extent. It is rather regrettable after that length of time that there is not the improvement that we could expect or should expect. I think that the Department could be more strict with regard to premium bulls and that there should be more stress laid on the dairy shorthorn. When people are given premiums and are allowed to have shorthorns it does not matter very much whether they buy beef shorthorns or dairy shorthorns. I would also like to see it compulsory on the owners of the dairy premium bulls to publish the milk records in the local Press or on posters, so that the people in the area would know all about them.

There is another difficulty in the case of small farmers in congested areas. People who have place for three or four cows find it hard to retain a heifer calf for two or three years, as they have no place for it. It is an encumbrance on them, so the heifer calf is sold and lost entirely to the country. Perhaps it would be possible for the Department to have a heifer calf the progeny of recognised good dairy bulls earmarked or tattooed. Then, even if it left Roscommon and went to Westmeath, it would at least be retained in the country and any buyer would know it was good dairy stock and it might find its way back to the West. At the present time you have to take the man's word as to whether it is good or not.

With most of what the Minister has said, I find myself in agreement. I am glad he is in the position he occupies, as he has sprung from the farming community and has a very good knowledge of the needs of the small farmers and the farming community in general. And I feel sure he will be sympathetic to their demands and needs. I hope he will take note of my remarks, especially in regard to premium bulls, and if he can do anything on the lines suggested, it would be of great help to the country in providing a good dairy stock. That has been brought home to us in Roscommon, where members of the county committee of agriculture find it hard to get applicants for dairy bulls. They seem to be all out for Polled-Angus and Whiteheads, but there are a few creamery districts, and apart from that there are some private people who like to send some of their cows to a dairy bull—a policy which should be encouraged.

I have listened with great interest to this whole debate, but it seems to have resolved itself into a series of dilemmas and I find myself in the curious dilemma that, while I have considerable sympathy with the terms of the motion, I have profound sympathy with the point of view expressed by the Minister in his long and carefully-documented speech. The Minister is well aware that, in touching any matter of this kind, especially by way of the heavy hand of State control, one is liable to set up all kinds of reactions and repercussions, rather analogous to the reactions which occasionally take place when an atomic bomb is let off. He rightly fears that any injudicious reaction on his part may create an undesirable disorder in our economy. That point of view does credit to the Minister, not only as a politician but as an economist, as it is instinctively the point of view of the economist. You cannot consider or act on any one economic phenomenon in isolation, or if you do you will probably produce unforeseen and very undesirable consequences. We have many examples of that in the case of the various controls which have been characteristic of our emergency legislation.

In the course of his remarks, the Minister mentioned that, in his visit to the south of Ireland recently, he found cases in which creameries were going in for the manufacture of cheese, chocolate, cream and other things in which the whole milk and not merely the cream of the milk was used. In consequence, those people were able to pay 1/4 a gallon, as compared with the standard price of 1/- a gallon. Surely that is an example of those unforeseen economic reactions resulting from a fixity in some of the economic price factors. In this particular instance, the price of butter to the consumer is fixed and the price of milk to the creamery is fixed—doubtless with the addition of a certain element of subsidy, but fixed, nevertheless—but the alternative uses of milk are uncontrolled, and apparently the price of dried milk and the price of cheese is either not fixed at all or not fixed in due relation to the price of butter. As a result, the farmers and the creameries find it more profitable to divert milk to the production of other products and away from the production of butter. If that be so, surely one of two things is necessary—either some fixing of the other prices in relation to the fixed price of butter, or the unfixing of the price of butter, leaving it free to find its own level in the same manner as chocolate and cheese are left at present, if I am correct in my assumption.

The Minister anticipates some ill effects on the store cattle trade from any interference and that it might leave no skim milk for return to the farmer for young calves. That being so, it ought to be public policy to encourage butter production in preference to, but not necessarily excluding, these other developments which creameries are now proceeding with. Butter production returns the skim milk to the farmer and if the skim milk is available that is an encouragement to him to rear young calves, as after a month or two consuming 40 to 50 gallons of whole milk, young calves can be brought up quite well on skim milk with the addition of cereal products. Consequently, the remedy might seem to lie in unfixing the price of butter and letting it find its natural level, but we will have to consider the various aspects of that suggestion. While we were considering these matters in another capacity, a committee of which I was a member said in paragraph 237 in the Majority Report on Agricultural Policy:—

"It is desirable in the national interest that a supply of butter adequate to the requirements of the home market should be forthcoming as soon as possible. Pending the adoption and fruition of our long-term plans for improving the yield of dairy cows and thus cheapening the cost of producing butter, there is a case for maintaining a guaranteed price that will increase production reasonably soon to the measure of the home market's requirements."

May I interject to say that the long-term solution of all these problems is the 800-gallon cow and the more scientific use of grass in its various forms as the cheapest of all foods to serve as the basic ration for milk production? Obviously, the price for milk or butter which is unprofitable or uneconomic when dealing with the 400-gallon cow, may quite well return an adequate profit to the farmer who has a 600- or 800-gallon cow. Then the report goes on to say:

"If and when any export surplus becomes available we recommend that this should be sold in the world market at competitive prices (provided these are not artificially lowered) and the guaranteed price should then be lowered gradually until there is no difference between the home market and the export price other than that occasioned by transport and marketing costs. The dairy industry is a key industry, and on it depends the provision of young cattle which are necessary to the economy of some of our non-dairying districts. This consideration justifies the sacrifices which a short-term policy of guaranteed prices will entail on the rest of the community. At the same time no effort should be spared to put the dairy industry on a sound economic basis, thus enabling it to dispense with artificial supports. Our Interim Report on the Cattle and Dairying Industries has the desirability of such an end especially in view."

In that paragraph, which, I think, was well worth putting on record, the operative words to which I want to draw special attention are a "guaranteed price that will increase production reasonably soon". The question is: Is the present guaranteed price increasing the production of butter reasonably soon? In answer to that the Minister quoted certain statistics of the total number of cows which, though not perhaps quite up to date, nevertheless are reassuring as far as they go. One gets the impression from them that, while we may be holding our ground in the matter of butter production, taking the country as a whole, we are certainly not increasing production and not increasing it at a rate which in any near future will enable rationing to be dispensed with in the home market or bring about a position in which we are going to be once more exporting a substantial amount of butter.

The history of the guaranteed price for butter over a period of years now approximates to a decade and a half. I think it began round about 1932 under the terms of the Dairy Produce (Price Stabilisation) Act. For the next seven years, the dairy farmers obtained, as a result of the financial policy applied to that industry, a price for butter which was definitely much greater than the current world price that they would have obtained if there had been no Dairy (Price Stabilisation) Act, and no economic war. In other words, it was a favoured aspect of our agricultural economy. In fact, the guaranteed price was regularly costing the rest of the community, whether as taxpayers or as consumers, a sum of at least £1,000,000 and, possibly, more than £1,000,000 a year. The dairy farmers took advantage, in that difficult period, of the stabilised price which gave them considerably more than a free world market price would have given them.

Looking back over the history of that period, that attractive stabilised price did not have any very marked effect in increasing production. It did have a certain tendency to increase production and, as the Minister has pointed out, the peak was reached about the year 1936, but it did not amount to a very substantial increase. In fact, after 1936 there began to be a retrograde movement in the total output of butter. Perhaps one might argue more convincingly that, if it did not bring about a terrific increase in butter production, at least it prevented the disastrous collapse, if not the complete disappearance, of the dairying industry at home. If it had that effect, and if it was necessary in order to avoid that disaster, it certainly has fully justified itself.

Now, the policy of the stabilised price has been continued right through the period of the recent war, and still exists. It presents a different face, so to speak, to the dairying industry now compared to what it did in the 1930's, because now the stabilised price, so far from giving the dairy farmers a price higher than they would otherwise have got, is giving them a price definitely lower than they could obtain in a scarce market which is hungry for butter and completely free of competitive influences.

Stabilisation during the first seven years involved a subsidy for the producer at the expense of the taxpayer. Since 1941 it implied a subsidy for the consumer, plus a rationing scheme, again at the expense of the taxpayer. The taxpayer went on paying all the time. There is the point of view that, if the dairy farmers have the advantage of a stabilised price, they ought to be prepared to take the rough with the smooth, and that, having profited by it over a period of seven years, they should not grouse too much if they can no longer profit by it. That is a point of view that is perfectly rational and arguable. I do not think, however, that we are going to get very far if we try to deal in ethical abstractions on a motion of this kind. What we are really concerned with is, what policy, here and now, is going to have the best results from the point of view of increasing production and adding to the economic welfare of the nation as a whole? There is not only the point of view of the dairy farmer, but the point of view of the community, the taxpayer and the consumer.

The Government has a special responsibility to take these matters into consideration in deciding its dairy policy, as well as every form of policy. I suggest one possible policy would be to free the butter market completely, not only the farmers' butter market, which the Minister said is de facto free. I was rather under the impression that there were some legal attempts to compel farmers' butter to be sold at the fixed price for creamery butter. Actually, of course, it is a notorious fact that in most of the big country towns up and down the country, farmers' butter, which is an important local product, can be purchased in any shop. You can walk into any shop and buy it, and as much of it as you want, at 4/6 a lb. I wonder if that is a perfectly legitimate thing to do. I was under the impression that it was not.

I do not know how the Senator ever came to think that it was my intention to convey any such thing to him.

What is the law? Is it illegal to sell farmers' butter at 4/6 a lb.?

The Senator cannot be so innocent as not to see that though it is controlled the same as creamery butter, what I mean by controlling it is to get physical possession of it—to know where it is going and who is getting it. That is the only kind of control that would matter.

Well, anyway, the control, if it exists, is notoriously ineffective. In fact, farmers' butter enjoys a free market. My suggestion, as one remedy for the present situation, is that there might be a free market for creamery butter and that it might be put on precisely the same footing as farmers' butter. Let the creameries sell it for whatever price they can get, but, if they get that opportunity, let there be a clear understanding that there is an end of all policy of subsidising that price by the taxpayer, and that for the future they must forgo any subsidy from the taxpayer, that, if they are to have the sweets of a high price in time of scarcity, they will not be able to count on the taxpayer coming to their rescue later on when the price of butter collapses, as it probably will. It may be a year or two, but some time it may come back to a more reasonable price. I should not like to be taken as definitely arguing in favour of that particular policy.

I should not like the job

But, at the same time, as the Minister is prepared to give a fair amount of consideration to every kind of idea in relation to these matters, I should like him to consider this idea in the most disinterested possible way. I am not quite certain yet whether it is my own permanent opinion, or whether I might not change it if I have some further discussions with people who may produce certain arguments against it. There is something to be said for a free market for butter on the ground that high prices may be the best remedy for high prices, in the sense that sometimes, and in fact frequently, high prices encourage production and increasing production brings about an automatic reduction of price as soon as supplies have adjusted themselves to demand. If one could be quite certain that, by freeing the price of butter and tolerating a price of 3/6 or 4/- per lb. for the next six months or so, after that time or in a year or so, production would increase so much that the home market would be completely satisfied and the price would fall in a free market to something like 2/- or 2/6 per lb., one would have gone a long way towards a theoretical solution of this problem, if the people could stand it in the meantime.

I am aware that there are objections to that policy from the point of view of the effect on the cost of living, because undoubtedly butter is an important element in the cost of living, especially of the poorer classes in our towns, but is there not a possibility that butter may in the future be a luxury product and that in fact the ordinary working-class people in the towns may, more and more, go over to the consumption of margarine as their principal source of fats, in which case, if we could be certain of an adequate supply of margarine, adequately reinforced with the necessary vitamins which my colleague, Senator Fearon, is so interested in, we could regard the cost of living as being determined by the price of margarine and ignore the price of butter as a pure luxury product in that connection? A free market for butter such as I tentatively suggest is quite compatible with an organised market for butter, in the sense that the marketing of butter at home, and eventually abroad as well, might remain under some form of organised control on behalf of the whole industry. I am thinking now of creamery butter in particular and not of butter in general.

There is at the moment, I believe, a body called the Butter Marketing Committee, which consists of civil servants and which has the job of allocating butter, looking after its distribution and so on, and there was a time when that committee was going to be handed over to the creamery industry to do the butter marketing on behalf of the industry as a whole and without the direct responsibility of the Government. If this suggestion of mine were taken seriously and carried out, I suggest that that committee should be handed over to the creamery industry, suitably organised, that they should be made responsible for fixing the price of butter in the home market and for fixing such a price for butter in summer time as would ensure that an adequate amount of butter was put in store to be sold at the appropriate price in the winter. If they did that, it is quite conceivable that, under free market conditions, the price of butter might be fixed at something like 3/6 per lb., and rationing of any kind of butter become no longer necessary.

If the price of butter was anything like 3/6 per lb., summer and winter, it is quite likely there would be a substantial increase in the total production as soon as farmers got down to the business of feeding their cattle properly and as soon as the weather allowed the grass to grow a little more bountifully than it has grown lately, because the cows are there, and I think the principal reason for the diminution in the production of butter in the last 12 months has been not the absence of the cows but the extremely backward seasons we had, both summer and winter, and the scarcity of adequate food supplies. With adequate grass and good quality hay, which we might conceivably get this year, it is quite possible that the production of butter would substantially increase. Certainly if the price of creamery butter were anything like 3/6 per lb., it is highly probable that the farmers would put their best foot foremost in order to increase the output of creamery butter during the next 12 months.

After a painful period of a rather high price for butter in a free market, we might possibly approach a situation in which the home market was saturated with butter at the prevailing price and then there would be a surplus available for export. The industry then would be up against the fact that the export price of butter would be a price of the order of about 2/- per lb., unless John Bull is going to be a little more generous in paying for our butter than he is in paying for New Zealand and Danish butter. When that situation arose, the price of butter in the home market might suddenly collapse to something like 2/- per lb., unless very special steps were taken by the industry as a whole, in co-operation with the powers of government, to prevent the price from collapsing to 2/-. In any event, if the price of butter were free, I think it should be made quite clear to the industry that it would have to face the fact that, as soon as an export surplus position was reached, it would have to contemplate an eventual lowering of that price to whatever level would be determined by the price of that butter in the export market. If they are prepared to take all these risks and if they think that the chance of the immediate profit makes it sufficiently attractive, I would be rather inclined to let them go free and take what is coming to them, in the hope and expectation that, in six months' or a year's time, we might be able to get butter at about 2/- per lb.

Mr. Hawkins

Like the debate yesterday, this debate has ranged over a wide field and the Minister has got many types of advice. There is certainly one piece of advice that I urge him not to accept, that is, the last piece of advice. If he were to take it, the result, in the present condition of scarcity of butter and falling production, would be that the price would go probably to 5/- or 6/- per lb. As a matter of fact, it could not operate in present conditions, due to rationing, and I think that where the Senator misunderstood the Minister, when he spoke about farmers' butter and the control of farmers' butter, was not in respect of the control of price but the control of distribution. As far as I know both farmers' butter and creamery butter, and in fact all butter, is sold at the same controlled price.

It is supposed to be.

Mr. Hawkins

Very well. As I said yesterday we have had a very black picture painted in connection with the condition of the farming community. To-day it is in relation to the creamery industry. I am not satisfied that this is the case. If we examine the figures of production over a period of years we will see that in 1930, we produced 611,000 cwts. of butter, exported 264,000 cwts. and imported 30,000 cwts. So that if we add and subtract what we produced, exported and imported we find that we consumed here in that year 347,000 cwts. And last year's production was 557,000 cwts.

Are you speaking of creamery butter only?

Mr. Hawkins

Creamery butter only. These figures relate only to creamery butter. Now, an examination of the production records will show that in January 1930, production was 5,000 odd cwts. and that in 1943, it was again 5,000 odd cwts. In the month of July we have the largest production of butter. Complaint has been made to-day about the introduction of the ration of 2 ozs. of butter at this particular time of the year but if we examine the cause of this we find that it is mainly due to the reduction in the production of butter during the summer, autumn and winter months of last year and as Senator Johnston pointed out, that reduction has no relation to price. It was due to the weather conditions and the fodder available rather than to the price that was offered. If we relate the figures of production for creamery butter over a long period and make allowances for the difficulties experienced in producing butter during the past eight years we will have to admit that instead of the industry being in a deplorable state the farmers have succeeded in a very marked way in keeping their heads above water and in keeping the industry going. Senator Madden made a great appeal for an increase in the price but he also stated that it is not altogether a question of price. There is the question of farm workers. He told us that no farm worker will milk on Sundays. That may be, but if this motion were accepted here to-night and if the Government were to implement it immediately and increase the price of milk to the producer by 6d. or 1/- a gallon, would it compel these farm workers to milk on Sundays, these farm workers who are the cause of all the trouble?

I did not say all the trouble.

Mr. Hawkins

That was one of the greatest reasons the Senator put forward for increasing the price. It is very difficult to explain to some people that the two ounces ration of butter at present only means that something less than 60 per cent. of our total butter production is rationed. Last year the production of creamery butter amounted to 557,000 cwts. and the production of farmers' butter was some-think like 450,000 cwts. and these 450,000 cwts. are not rationed. In a number of instances the producers of these 450,000 cwts. are drawing their weekly ration of creamery butter. I was pleased to hear the Minister announce that he would consult with the Department of Industry and Commerce with a view to doing everything possible to bring this butter into the pool for general distribution. I think it should be done and I think an appeal should be made to these people who are in a position to produce their own butter and who are producing these 450,000 cwts. to be satisfied, at least in the present difficult times, with what they are producing and leave the production of the creameries to be distributed amongst those people who are not able to produce their own butter. I understand that those persons who are supplying milk to creameries are entitled to get an increased ration of butter provided they take it from the particular creamery they supply.

It is unfair of course to relate the price of milk being sold in Dublin and the other cities to the price given by the creameries because of the different circumstances in the case of the creamery producers who have their skimmed milk returned. Those of us on this side of the House who are interested in this question of butter production are not satisfied, I think, that the mere granting of an immediate increase in price or even increase in price in the far distance will have the desired effect. An increase may be an incentive to maintain our present position and if we are to get through our present difficulties we would be doing very well. But we have a number of contributory factors to the present position. We must agree that the Minister has dealt very fairly with the problem and expressed his willingness to deal with the problem, but as Senator Johnston pointed out the only way it can be approached is by examining it in relation to all its aspects. With this in view and having in mind the sympathetic view of the Minister I think that Senator Baxter can safely leave in the Minister's hands the problem of securing increased production of butter and other farm produce. As the Seanad will agree, he has the interest of the farmers at heart and in view of the statements he has already made I think we can feel assured that he is going into his office with a determination to do what he can for the benefit of the farmers. That being so, I think Senator Baxter might well leave the matter in the Minister's hands and withdraw his motion.

This debate has shown the deep and wide interest that is taken in this subject all over the country. We have had views given very strongly here by two Senators from Cavan and by the Minister himself and afterwards we had the views of Kerry and Limerick. Our forces are widely scattered from Cavan to Kerry and possibly from Donegal to Limerick. But we have only to read the census of last week to see that the numbers of consumers in the towns are increasing and the number of producers in the rural areas decreasing. While the census exhibits that fact, I suppose we shall have to encourage the hope that the rural mind of the new Minister will be a little more receptive of the views of the decaying minority—decaying even if they have healthy-looking spokesmen such as Senator Madden and myself. The fact remains that butter production is not profitable. The consumers for the last 20 years in Ireland have not given justice to the producers. There was a slap-down on them in every possible market and, if it were not that we had an export market, our people would not be living on the land at all. It cannot be denied that, under the present Government and under the previous Government, the consumers were the first class to be catered for. The agricultural community was neglected at all times. They took the credit away from our lands in 1923. They tariffed our live cattle to the tune of £8 and £10 a head. That is the cause of the position regarding the calves to-day. Ten pounds a head less is paid for a beast that leaves here for England than is paid for an English beast. Why should farmers produce cattle when their economic situation was so ruthlessly upset as it was? We have got the land annuities halved. On a farm I know, that reduction amounts to £120 a year. From that land, 200 cattle went each year. Their price is £10 a head less now than the price for English cattle. That is £2,000 in respect of a farm of 150 or 200 acres. Every live calf born in Ireland will, after three years, receive £10 less than he would have received if there had been no economic war. We have got nothing in place of that.

Now, in a moment of crisis, we have the price of butter fixed at 2/4 a lb.— 2d. more than you will pay for a glass of whiskey. If the Minister sees his way to encourage the production of butter, he will be on safe and solid ground and he will do something to alleviate the undoubted distress of the rural community and remove their disheartening attitude on this subject. I go every Monday to a certain town on a bus. I hear the conversation that goes on around me. Some of those on the bus bring about three lbs. of butter with them to the market. And they say: "If I get a customer, perhaps she will come out to the country and buy the other three lbs." They will not take the six lbs. of butter with them lest an Irish policeman should collar it at 2/4 per lb., when the producers can get 6/- or 7/- a lb. if they keep it at home. You may defeat the people some of the time but you will not defeat them all the time. Now, when the crisis has come, the consumers are getting "left" and I have no sympathy with the Irish consumer. If we had not had British consumers for our cattle, the Irish butchers would give nothing for them. Is it not ridiculous that butter should remain at its old price of 2/4 per lb. when the bullock, tariffed and all as it is, is making 85/- a cwt. in the market here —the only market in Ireland? All is concentrated here and, if you want to sell a wagon of cattle, the only market is in this city.

The tradition of the Irish people and of the Irish farmer is to have butter. The farmer's wife taught her daughter how to make butter and it was always the aim to have butter, bacon, poultry and eggs. Owing to the grip placed on every commodity we produced, beginning with the bullock and coming down to butter—the pigs are gone—we find ourselves in our present position. The consumers' arguments have run their course. I know the consumers were in the majority and that the towns have the controlling vote. I know that the tendency is to go into the towns and, albeit I will get a customer at a good price for a farm which I stand up to sell, I doubt if these farmers will be like the old stock. The young men of the country are over in England producing coal when they should be at home producing butter, which they would be doing if we were giving a decent price for it. The Minister should be aware of where he is going, because during all the shocks of the past 20 or 25 years, Irish cattle walked themselves out of all trouble. They did that alone and unaided. Every atomic bomb that could be procured was used against them and still they survived. Those who say now that we must preserve Irish cattle were the men who said 20 years ago: "Thank God the cattle trade has died". It is dying now and their declarations are coming back on them. Unfortunately, we, who fought against that in rural parts, are suffering and are likely to continue doing so.

I think that the Minister will be on fairly solid ground if he takes the producers' side all the time. The dice is loaded against the producer. If the civil servants were doing their job, why on earth did they not known in July, August, September and October what butter would be required in the spring? Did they not fail when they omitted to make that calculation? Now is not the time to be shouting about the shortage of butter. Preparation should have been made last August. The shortage comes in the worst season possible because it is impossible to cook potatoes for family use in many a house where they were formerly cooked for cows. The firing is not procurable. We are told now that we must revolutionise the cattle trade. The one trade that they have to kill is the one trade with which they are going to tamper. If they would take their hands off it, something good might happen and God's blessing might fall on it. But every time they touch it, down it goes. The bullock has gone up in price, notwithstanding the tariff against it, but the most precious product his mother can produce is being sold at the price of a glass of whiskey. The product that should be most cherished in the homes of our people and the most prized is the product that is most closely scrutinised so as to prevent its production, because the fact that a knock-out price has been fixed is bound to kill it. How can you ask people to go ahead with the production of an article in such circumstances? If the Minister takes his courage in his hands, he will find that the agricultural community will form a solid base—the most solid this country has ever produced. Factories waver but the agricultural community has been there all the time. It is from that community that every movement which was for the good of the country sprang. But that community is being left high and dry owing to the price fixed for butter and milk.

Senator Hawkins asks if labour would be more satisfied on the land if better prices were given. They did not elect to go to the coal mines on the other side, and to be vetted to see that they were sound in wind and limb, without reason. If they were to get good wages, good houses and a piece of land, they would remain here. They would make no fortune but they would have a good and healthy life, such a life as is vouchsafed to those who live on the land. We in County Louth have done our best and we are holding our population reasonably well. We are giving as large an amount of employment as any English farmers and not anything like the same terms of pay because that is impossible. We have not the same prices. We have not even the same prices as they have in Newry. For these reasons I hope and pray the Minister will keep an open mind. He would have behind him in these circumstances the producers whom the census tells us are so much less each year. Even so, it will be a brave man's part, and I hope he will follow it.

I think that the debate which has taken place on this motion to-day has justified me and Senator Sweetman in putting it on the Order Paper. I may say that I did not imagine that it would have taken so long to reach the end.

At this stage I am not going to hold the House for many minutes and I am gratified that the speeches on the whole on both sides of the House showed such general unanimity with regard to the necessity for improving the producers' prices in regard to milk. If there were people in the House who had any strong feelings about it they have kept them to themselves. I suppose they were divided in their allegiance to their stomachs and their pockets, with their stomachs and their palates calling for more butter and their pockets, on the other hand, not being too well equipped to pay a higher price. It was difficult to know on what side they were going to come down, but they did not stand up to come down. They just stayed in their seats.

The Minister's statement was very interesting and I may say exhaustive. I am sure portion of his speech will create somewhat of a shock especially that portion of it in which he expressed himself so emphatically with regard to the breeds of cattle. But I imagine that nowhere will there be such a stirring in the dovecotes as in his own Department and with all his staff up and down the country. I have had in my time as I am sure others have had, many a debate and many a discussion everywhere on the roads and elsewhere on this burning topic. Apparently the Minister has practically decided the issue. I just wonder what the reactions of the Leinster farmers will be to this policy when its fruits are seen, and if we shall have many long-legged bullocks and heifers for the Leinstermen rather than the short, thick, pleasant-to-eye-looking beasts that they have been provided with in the past.

They will find, I am sure, in Louth, Meath, Kildare and in all these other counties the profitability of cattle-feeding slightly altered compared to what it has been in the past. It may be, however, that there may be such a redistribution of income between our farmers as a result of this policy that things will be slightly better in the dairying counties. But while I have no desire in the world to urge the Seanad to make any decision on this resolution, and I am well aware of the fact, that even though the Seanad did make a very definite decision in favour of my motion it quite conceivably would not influence the Minister in hurrying a decision. Anyhow, I have no desire to rush him to a decision other than one on which he has fully made up his mind authenticated by facts which will enable him to stand up anywhere and defend such a decision.

But I disagree with the Minister when he says this is not urgent. I am strongly convinced that it is very urgent and that we are quite conceivably going to determine whether or not we are going to have 100,000 cwts. less butter from the creameries this year by whether or not a favourable decision can be arrived at on this subject. I may be in error but I have made considerable inquiries on this and I have a fair amount of information about the attitude of farmers up and down the country and I have no desire in the world to say anything that would influence farmers in taking a course or altering the policy that has been practised in the matter of sending milk to the creameries and having it manufactured there for butter and made available for distribution among the consuming public. But I am frankly afraid, and I conceive it to be my duty to emphasise that an early and favourable decision is terribly essential.

There were certain matters raised by me to which the Minister did not make reference. I do not suggest that he is not going to give them any attention, but, undoubtedly, the problem of labour in dairying is a very difficult one and the whole problem of labour in this country is becoming increasingly difficult, but there is no branch of agriculture as sensitive to the attitude of labour as dairying is. It does not matter whether you have ten cows or 50 cows, the farmer who has one number or the other and has not help available to milk these cows is in a very vulnerable position and that is how most of us are finding ourselves to-day, whether we like it or not. The Minister did not make any reference to that fact. The truth is that we are living within the British money economy and the £ here is kept at parity with the British £. I travelled with a small farmer coming up on the bus on Tuesday morning who lives on the bank of the Erne, just across the Border, and that farmer last month was paid 3/4 a gallon for milk. The farmer on this side of the Border for whatever milk he had, got 1/-, and his pounds could come in here and be spent against the £ of the Cavan farmer. But look how many pounds more he got than we are getting and look at the factor that is in determining whether we can have labour for our dairying industry or not. I have reached this conclusion after very careful consideration, that however it is going to be achieved, so long as we are satisfied to remain in, as I say, the British money economy, so long as we are satisfied to keep our £ in parity with the British £—being prepared to put up £1 against every British £ that comes in here and honour that British £—so long as we are prepared to do that, I see no way in which we can get service in this country from labour except by raising our prices to such a level as will enable us to pay a competitive price for labour. That may seem to be a very extravagant statement, but whether we like it or not, we must face it. That is the essential issue raised by this motion.

On the whole, the House will have done itself credit and the country considerable service by the type of debate we have had. This is not a simple problem. I recognise that the Minister has to deal with the attitude of consumers. I wholeheartedly agree with Senator McGee that the consumer, so far anyhow, has had the best of things as between himself and the producer. I have given figures to-day from the National Income and Expenditure Report presented to members by the Government. They indicate quite clearly that, of all the prices which have risen since 1938, agricultural prices have risen least. We find the cost-of-living figure in mid-November, on the 1914 basis of 100, showing for all items 293; for food, 268; for clothing, 426; for fuel and light, 295. Of all the increase in prices, food has increased least, while our farmers have to buy the miscellaneous commodities, clothing and fuel. Another table in that report indicates that farm labour costs have risen more than the cost of labour in any other effort in the country.

I know as well as anyone here that there are many factors to be taken into account in trying to find an answer for the increase in butter production. Senator Hawkins gave us figures a moment or two ago, but the fact remains that in 1946 as against 1945, we had a slight increase in January and February in butter production, over 1945, but in all the other months with the exception of July—in March, April, May, June, August, September and October; I have not the November or December figures—there was a decrease on the previous year. That is a fact which none of us can ignore. Presented with that fact, what are we to do? I have very definite views about it. I believe there is only one thing that can be done. In order to stem the decline, it is urgently necessary to increase the price. I know that there are many other people in the country who are convinced that that is the way to do it. I know that much pressure has been put on the Minister—I am sure, by his own supporters, as well as by others—to do this. If he does it, the farmers will be expected to rise to the occasion. They have a national responsibility to the community as well as rights in this matter, and they have in their hands the material and the machinery. It is not in the hands of anyone else in the country at the present time to provide the consumers with one of their most essential articles of food. I believe they would make a valiant effort to rise to the occasion. The Minister can take away with him from this debate this evening that there will be very general support for that decision, if he takes it.

I think the Minister indicated that when I was making reference to the Taoiseach's statement, I did not give correctly what the Taoiseach said or, if I gave what the Taoiseach was reported to have said, then that was not what he meant to say. The Taoiseach is reported in the Irish Press for Monday, 10th March, as saying at Mallow on Sunday—I want to have this on record, lest there would be any feeling that I was in any way misrepresenting him either by accident or otherwise; this will correct it, at any rate, and keep both the Minister and myself right on the point—as follows:

"The general opinion, however, seemed to be in favour of the dual-purpose cow, the idea being that we wanted for our agricultural industry as a whole both classes of animals."

On the whole, there has been no opposition to the motion. The Minister has not asked the House to reject it. He has indicated very fully, in all the circumstances, his attitude of mind and his approach to the problem. So far as I am concerned, I want to have the right thing done. I believe the right thing to do is to provide more fats for the consumers. If the Minister can give his decision on the substance of my motion to-night, I am quite prepared to leave the responsibility to him to take the decision. I will be free then, if the decision is not, as I regard it, a favourable decision, to ask the judgment of the House at a later date. In the meantime, with the leave of the House, I wish to withdraw the motion.

The Seanad adjourned at 10 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 19th March, 1947.

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