I would be happy to meet the Senator if it were physically possible to do so, but I think, when I direct the attention of Senators to the situation as it already is, they will realise how physically impossible it would be to give effect to the Senator's purpose. We have already one scheduled area in which we produce sugar beet seed. It covers the counties of Cork and Kerry, almost all of Limerick and a considerable portion of the counties of Tipperary and Waterford. If I undertook to the Seanad to notify every individual farmer in that area I would have to notify, first of all, over 100,000 individual farmers. In addition to that, I would also have to notify all occupiers of urban gardens, plots or other small portions of land. I think that the service of notice on such a large scale is manifestly outside the range of practical politics. It just could not be done, and if it were an essential part of the legislation, the legislation just would not work and we would have to drop the whole business of trying to produce these seeds.
I detect, in regard to some of the discussion that took place on the Second Stage of the Bill, that some of these amendments are put down on the understandable apprehension in the minds of certain Senators that there is going to be very extensive interference with the ordinary right of a man to run his own holding, and that this may become an irksome burden on farmers who want to run their affairs without undue interference. I think it might be well to call to mind that the Department of Agriculture does not contemplate the making of many Orders of this kind at all. In fact, we do not. We would not view with equanimity the prospect of having to have recourse to the restrictive powers of this legislation on any large scale.
What are the facts of our experience to date? The Seanad will bear in mind that these seed propagation activities have been going on for as long, I think, as 12 years under Emergency Powers Regulations, so that we have some volume of experience to guide us. First of all, the risk of intercrossing is not very serious, except in the case of mangolds, fodder beet and sugar beet. There is virtually no risk, certainly no risk against which we contemplate taking any precautions, in regard to cereals or grass. Under the emergency legislation which has been in operation for the past ten or 12 years, it has only been found necessary to make one Order, and that Order was primarily designed to safeguard the risk to pure strains of sugar beet seed.
I think, as at present advised, that it is quite likely that that is the only Order that we shall find ourselves constrained to make under this Bill. It would come as quite a surprise to us if the question of making orders of this character under this Bill were of frequent occurrence. I would be prepared to say to the Seanad that our best foresight suggests to us that it is highly unlikely that we will be called upon to make any Order under this Bill other than an Order on the lines of the existing Order which is designed to protect sugar beet.
I cannot promise that a situation may not arise under which other Orders would have to be made, but our experience over the last 12 years suggests to us that that is unlikely. You may always, of course, meet the crank who may turn up, and it is because of the fear of that that this section is inserted at all. At first glance, it may appear to be a draconian power, but it is against some crank that you may have to use that draconian power, so that he will not do immeasurable damage by an isolated act of folly.
I should like to remind the Seanad that we have in this country the right of appeal to an independent judiciary and a Constitution, so that if any Minister for Agriculture gets too obstreperous or even if Oireachtas Eireann were to get too obstreperous and were to infringe on the fundamental rights of the citizens of this State, they can always have recourse to the law, and to the Supreme Court, if necessary. I quite agree that it is impossible for a small farmer, in a remote part of Ireland, readily to set the whole machinery of the law in motion, but that is not the only safeguard under our Constitution. What no Minister of State faces with equanimity is a parliamentary question designed to expose him for having used powers conferred on him in an arbitrary manner. Every Minister is open to query as to why he issued a particular Order, and if he does not give a satisfactory answer he can be required to wait from 10.30 to 11 p.m. to answer on a motion on the Adjournment. If he has not satisfied the House, he will then have to face a barrage on his Estimate and of course there is always available to a Deputy the opportunity of raising the matter by specific motion in Dáil Eireann. He can move that the Order under which the Minister acted in an arbitrary way be rescinded.
I mention these things because they all relate to a series of amendments which seem to be founded in the apprehension that there would be arbitrary use of the powers envisaged. I have given this broad picture in order to reassure the Seanad that our experience over the last 12 years emboldens me to say that I cannot see any likelihood of our making any Order under this Bill except the Order that is at present in operation under emergency legislation. All the other provisions which give rise to concern are designed for an unlikely contingency, but, even in that regard, they are hedged around by a whole series of safeguards to which reference is not made in the Bill itself. Therefore, I would be obliged if the Senator would consider withdrawing the amendment.