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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 17 Feb 1960

Vol. 52 No. 6

Broadcasting Authority Bill, 1959—Report and Final Stages.

I move amendment No. 1:

In page 4, line 36, to add at the end of the line:—

"Notice of action taken under this section shall be notified to both Houses of the Oireachtas."

We had some discussion on this matter on Committee Stage. The Government appoint and remove every member of this Authority and have very considerable power over the Authority. It seems to me that when action is taken under Section 6 to remove a member of the Authority, notification should be given to both Houses of the Oireachtas. I do not want to labour that point but may I ask the Minister whether such removal from office will be published in any official manner apart from notification to the Houses of the Oireachtas?

As Senator Hayes has said, this matter was discussed, to some extent, on Committee Stage. I should like to say, first of all, that the removal of a member of a statutory body from office is, indeed, a very rare event, and I personally cannot recall any such occurrence. It would be much easier for the Government or the Minister concerned to await the expiration of the term of office of any member whom they did not wish to have on the Authority, if they have made up their minds at a certain date he should not be there, but if the power given in this section is exercised, there are a number of ways in which the members of the Oireachtas can raise the matter. In any event, I cannot envisage the Government removing a member of this Authority from office without making a public announcement immediately, unless there was some other overriding reason such as the public interest or something like that that would involve the withholding of the announcement for some time, but in the ordinary normal circumstances in which a member would be removed from office, I cannot envisage such a removal taking place without a public announcement.

There is no obligation to publish it in Iris Oifigiúil.

There is not—not that I know of.

I agree with the Minister that such a removal is unusual. If it took place in any circumstances which excited suspicion, presumably the person himself would be able to bring the matter to the attention of the Dáil or this House. In the circumstances, I shall not press the amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
SECTION 13.

I move amendment No. 2:—

In page 6, between lines 33 and 34 to insert the following paragraph:—

"( ) The Minister shall cause notice of the appointment or removal of the Director-General or of the alteration of his remuneration or of his terms and conditions of holding office to be laid before each House of the Oireachtas."

This is a matter of greater import, it seems to me. The Authority has power to appoint a Director-General. It is also provided that the consent of the Minister is necessary before the Authority appoints or removes the Director-General, or alters his remuneration or his terms and conditions of holding office. It seems to me quite reasonable that the appointment or removal of the Director-General or the alteration of his remuneration or his terms and conditions of holding office should be laid before each House of the Oireachtas. The Minister has considerable power. I think in those circumstances the exercise of the power should be laid before both Houses of the Oireachtas.

I do not agree at all with Senator Hayes in what he has just said in relation to how the Director-General's removal from office should be dealt with. This post of Director-General is, as has already been stated by many Senators, a very important one. In relation to the method by which we deal with the Director-General in this section, we wish to give it an added importance and place the post of Director-General in an exceptional position among chief executive officers of statutory boards who hold their employment from such boards.

The Director-General will, in fact, be employed by the Authority. It is true, of course, that they have to get the consent of the Minister for that employment, but, nevertheless, he is, in fact, an employee of the Authority. I do not think it would be a good principle to have it as in this amendment, obligatory upon the Authority or upon the Minister to cause notice of the appointment or the removal of the Director-General or the alteration of his remuneration or his terms and conditions of holding office laid before the Houses of the Oireachtas. I feel that in that matter the Director-General should be dealt with as similar executive officers serving under other authorities of a similar nature. Therefore, I am opposing this amendment. I believe it is the proper course to take. As I said, we wish to have this post placed in an exceptional position among chief executive officers of statutory boards.

What the Minister says he will do can be done. As long as he retains power to consent to the appointment or removal of the Director-General or alteration in his remuneration or his terms and conditions of holding office, then he is open to a Parliamentary Question. There is no method by which this person can be appointed and his remuneration or terms of office can be concealed. It will be just as good to put them on the Table of the two Houses as to have the information elicited by question. What the Minister says about putting him in a special position escapes me. I do not understand what he means by that. He is not in a special position at all. If this method I suggest is not adopted, then there is a method by which all the information necessary can be elicited. In those circumstances, I shall not go ahead with the amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
SECTION 16.
Government amendment No. 3:—
In page 8, between lines 6 and 7 to insert the following paragraph:—
"(c) A copy of every licence under this subsection shall be laid before each House of the Oireachtas as soon as may be after the issue of the licence."

This amendment is proposed to meet, in principle, an amendment moved and subsequently withdrawn by Senator Hayes on Committee Stage. It proposes to make available for the information of the Oireachtas a copy of any licence issued by me under Section 16 (3) of the Bill.

I think that fairly meets the case made about the licence and I should like to thank the Minister for the amendment.

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 4:—

In page 8, line 27, to delete "daily" and substitute "hourly".

This amendment simply seeks to make sure that advertisers do not overload certain peak hours of transmission with advertisements. This has happened in England. This does affect viewers. In peak viewing hours, the value of the advertisement is enhanced and the temptation to overload will be there. Even the Authority itself might succumb to that temptation. This is where the Minister must protect the viewers or the listeners, and I should like him to accept the amendment.

I do not think this amendment is necessary at all. I fully appreciate the Senator's desire to ensure that such advertising as is permitted will be kept to a reasonable level in every programme hour. That is exactly what the Senator wants to make certain of. It is my intention to secure that desirable feature.

The British have failed to do it.

That is why it is proposed that both the total daily time to be given to advertising, and the distribution of that time throughout the programmes, will be subject to the Minister's approval. As the subsection is drafted, it gives me and any future Minister for Posts and Telegraphs the power to ensure not alone that the total volume of advertising in a day is not excessive but also that the proportion of it in any single hour is reasonable. This means that I can say: "There shall be no more than "X" hours given to advertising in any one day" and also that "there shall not be more than so many minutes in any one hour." I have that power already under the section as it stands.

I know that this is what the Senator intends. I shall also bear in mind the recommendation of the Television Commission that there should not be more than six minutes of advertising time per programme hour. Pending experience and consultation with the Authority I cannot at this stage lay down any hard and fast rule, nevertheless the recommendations made by Senator Barry in this regard will be borne in mind. The power is already in the section to do what the Senator wants.

I think the Minister is being unfair to himself. I want to protect him and his successors because there will be that temptation. People may say: "My goodness, we can earn another £1,000 in that hour if you give us another ten minutes broadcasting." The Minister might fall for it or his successor might fall for it and I want to be certain that they will not do so.

This section is operated under the consent of the Minister. That is the reason the consent of the Minister is inserted in the subsection because the Minister is charged with the responsibility of seeing that the licence payers, the viewers and listeners, get value for their money, independent of what the Authority can earn out of advertising time. It is for that reason the Minister is in the section, to make certain that there is a fair distribution in the matter of advertisements and the number of hours per day and the number of minutes per hour taken up by advertising time. There is no other explanation for it and Senator Barry need have no misgivings that the section as drafted will not make certain, and the Minister will not make certain, that the viewers and listeners will get full value for the licence fee paid and will have the greatest possible length of time for entertainment and educational and other classes of programmes.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 5:—

In page 10, line 28, to delete "Minister, with the consent" and substitute "Authority with the approval".

We had a certain amount of discussion on this matter before. The Minister not only has to consent to the appointment of the Director General but he appoints the whole Authority. The Authority has to keep its accounts in a particular way and it has to get its accounts audited and the Minister, with the consent of the Minister for Finance, appoints annually an auditor. I am not able to understand why, and I do not know of any other cases where, the Minister is to appoint the auditor. If it is intended to set up this body as an independent body, surely it should be left to appoint its own auditor, subject to the consent of the Minister for Finance, just as firms, for example, when appointing an auditor have to keep in mind that if their audited accounts are to be accepted for income tax purposes by the Revenue Commissioners the auditors must be on the Revenue Commissioners' list.

It seems to me that is reasonable and I do not see why the Minister should be put in here as the person to appoint the auditor. It simply adds another appointment to the Minister and I see no reason in the world why the auditor should not be appointed by the Authority, subject to the consent of the Minister for Finance. That, it seems to me, would be quite a reasonable addition to the stature of the Authority itself and is just as practicable as the agreement in the Bill.

I see no reason why the Minister— I am talking about the office and not the individual—should be inserted here. He has no particular competency in the matter of auditors. The Minister for Finance has to deal with auditors for other Revenue purposes and I do not see why the Authority should not be allowed to nominate the auditor, subject to the consent of the Minister for Finance. That is what I put down the amendment for and it seems quite reasonable.

I must continue to oppose this amendment. As I pointed out during the Committee Stage, the Authority will be getting a very great proportion of its revenue from television fees and will also, in the early years of its life, be in receipt of a non-repayable annual grant direct from State funds. Therefore, I feel that the taxpayer should have this particular assurance that the money which he puts up will be correctly accounted for. That is why there must be State responsibility for the selection of the auditor in the first instance.

I do not in any way accept that that imposes any loss of dignity or independence for the Authority, any more than it does for any other statutory bodies whose accounts are audited either by the Comptroller and Auditor General or commercial auditors appointed by a Minister.

Indeed, I could make a very big case if I wished, and I could have made a provision in the Bill, to have the accounts of this Authority audited by the Comptroller and Auditor General, but I did not do so because I wanted to leave the matter open, and as it is under some other Acts, so that as long as the Minister is responsible for the disbursement of public funds to the Authority, he has a responsibility there. It is to preserve that responsibility that this section is so drafted, that the auditor is to be appointed by the Authority, with the consent of the Minister.

I do not follow the Minister's line of reasoning at all. Auditing is something that is carried out by a profession.

That is right.

People have a professional qualification. They are either chartered accountants or incorporated accountants and it is quite well known that most of these firms are absolutely above board and that consent would be given to a person who might indulge in some sleight-of-hand with regard to the accounts to defraud the taxpayer is quite unthinkable. The Minister by using that kind of argument seems to me to be giving his whole case away. We are told that this Authority is such that it must have its authority preserved and must have some dignity but we cannot have it both ways. This is a reasonable amendment. I am not suggesting that the Authority should have complete authority to appoint its own auditors but the amendment seeks to put in the Authority instead of the Minister. To put in the Minister and make him appoint the auditor is a quite useless provision. It has no effect except to put a particular appointment in the hands of the Minister and to allow him to select from the number of highly qualified people on offer a particular person, or a particular firm that he likes. I do not think he should have that power. Instead, the Authority should have the power to make that selection but the Minister for Finance should have the power to say: "I will not take that person."

Is the amendment being pressed?

I should like to have it put.

Mr. Hilliard rose.

The debate is concluded unless the House is agreeable to allow the Minister to clarify some point.

The procedure on amendments on Report Stage is that the mover has the right to reply. I discovered that only lately and I have replied on this occasion. I am afraid Senators were under the impression that we were in Committee, but, as this will not last very long, perhaps you, Sir, might give some liberty.

Does the House agree?

I shall follow the usual procedure.

Some other Senators wish to speak as well as the Minister.

If I might say something, I think we should keep to the Standing Orders in this matter. We might get untidy in our debates if we did not.

Amendment put and declared lost.

I move amendment No. 6:—

In page 10, line 52, to add at the end of the line:—"The report shall also set out the results of investigation by any viewer or listener research organisation for the period under review."

In this new service we are setting up, it is essential that the consumer, that is, the customer, be continuously consulted about the programmes he receives, and it is equally essential that the results of such consultation be regularly published. That is the purpose of this amendment. It is quite probable that listener research will develop independently for the guidance of advertisers, but, concurrently with that, the Authority should conduct its own research and fearlessly publish the results. Until now, listeners to Radio Éireann, if dissatisfied, could switch over to the B.B.C. but television viewers in four-fifths of the country will not have an alternative programme. If we want to please most of the people, most of the time, consultation is necessary and we must inform the people themselves of the results of that consultation.

This amendment is also not acceptable as it is worded because it would compel the Authority to include in its annual report the results of any investigations into viewer or listener habits, whether carried out with its consent or not, or whether considered reliable or not. I do not know if that is the Senator's intention, but that is actually what the amendment would do.

Secondly, sometimes research reports at best can be no more than approximations. They are based on samples and various general assumptions and there can be wide variations between the ratings given to the same programme by different survey organisations. Moreover, regardless of their statistical accuracy, they purport to measure only the size of the audience which is switched to a certain programme at a certain time, and not the degree of listening or viewing on the part of the audience.

This does not mean that I am questioning the usefulness of audience research surveys or the competence of the people engaged in these activities. Such reports would be of particular interest to the advertisers who are interested primarily in the size of the audience who see their advertisements, rather than in the quality of the accompanying programmes and their impact on the people. The Authority will also be interested in such reports when they have been examined and evaluated. I have little doubt that the Authority, from time to time, will carry out such surveys itself or arrange with some organisation to have such surveys carried out for it, but I am not inclined to lay too much emphasis or too much importance on such reports or to make of them a yardstick of the Authority's success or lack of success, and there is a danger of doing so if we write such a provision into the Bill.

Having said that much, I should, at the same time, point out that the Authority will be quite free to include in its annual reports the results of any audience research survey carried out by it, or on its behalf, and I shall be empowered to ask the Authority to do so, but that is quite a different thing from placing a legal obligation on the Authority to publish any results of any surveys submitted to it. The details of such surveys are open to different interpretations which might be unfair to the artistes concerned and it would be unfair to publish them in an unedited or, indeed, any prescribed form.

The tenor of what the Minister has said is that we shall be afraid of answers. It has been said to me that I wanted to get listener reaction to the amount of Irish language programmes televised, and I should like to learn from the listeners what they think about these programmes and whether they listen to them. I find it difficult to believe that all listeners like to hear the lovesick teddyboys we have in the midday commercial programmes at present, and I want to know if many people listen to them. We should have this reasearch and know the results of it, but apparently the Minister intends to keep the blinds drawn on that kind of information.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment No. 7 not moved.
Government amendment No. 8:
In page 11, to delete lines 47 to 50 and substitute the following:—
"(2) The Minister may direct the Authority in writing to allocate broadcasting time for any announcements by or on behalf of any Minister of State in connection with the functions of that Minister of Sate, and the Authority shall comply with the direction."

This amendment is proposed to meet the points made by various speakers on Committee Stage, that announcements by Ministers should be expressly limited to announcements within the scope of their functions as such. The trouble about qualifying the functions of a Minister by adding "as such" is, I understand, that it would cast doubts on references to Ministers and Ministers' functions, wherever they appear in this Bill and other Acts. It is different in Britain, I understand, because some of the Ministers there are not corporations.

Are not what?

They are not corporate bodies. I think the wording now proposed would meet the points Senators wished to have covered and I have gone as far as I could to meet those points.

As far as my amendment on the last occasion is concerned,—which is down here as an amendment to the Minister's amendment—I agree that the Minister has gone a good way to meet us and I do not propose to move my further amendment. I think the Minister has met the points raised.

Amendment agreed to.
Amendment No. 8 not moved.
Bill, as amended, received for final consideration.
Agreed to take remaining Stage today.
Question proposed: "That the Bill do now pass".

The Bill as it now stands is to some extent different from the Bill that came in here. The Minister displayed a very stiff attitude, but relented—whether under the stress of argument or owing to the charm of certain Senators who proposed amendments, I cannot say— and in the end agreed to certain types of amendment. The Bill has been discussed in great detail, and leaves the House with certain amendments, but substantially as it came in.

There are two things to be said about it. First, the Bill gives the Minister and the Government complete control over the new television service that is being combined with the old Radio Éireann sound service. It is another step—we have taken a great many such steps in this State —towards nationalisation or socialisation, towards giving the State more power.

The second point is connected with that, and it is that this measure will cost the taxpayers a great deal of money. It gives the State power, and the State will have to pay, and that means that the taxpayer pays, so that beyond all doubt we have taken another step on the road to socialisation; and it will cost us not only £2,000,000 of a capital sum, but a considerable sum of money for a considerable number of years.

I do not want to hold up the Bill, or the House, but I should like to develop briefly these two points. There is nobody of opinion in this country, practically speaking, in favour of State control. Yet, we have in fact a system of government which gives more power to the State than the State has in Britain, where they have had for several periods a Government in office whose policy was, then, at any rate, nationalisation. We are a highly centralised and socialised State. Begin anywhere you like-begin with the E.S.B., with Comhlucht Siúicre Éireann. We have a nationalised transport, we have nationalised our own sources of fuel and power in Bord na Móna; we have Irish Shipping; and we have had a radio service which from the beginning was controlled by a Minister. We are now combining that radio sound service with a new television service, and we are giving that entirely into State control.

The body to be set up under this Bill as it now stands has much less power than the corresponding body has in Britain. The State gets more power under this Bill over the new broadcasting Authority than the British Bill of 1954 gives to the British Government. This body will be more controlled than the similar body in our neighbouring island. The Authority cannot appoint a Director-General without the consent of the Minister. As we heard to-day, it cannot appoint an auditor. It can enter into contracts only with the consent of the Minister. Under Section 31, it can be prevented from broadcasting certain things and directed to broadcast certain things by the Minister.

Following the strenuous and continued resistance of the Minister in Committee to amendments, under this Bill as it now stands the new broacasting Authority can be instructed to broadcast certain things or to refrain from doing certain things and can say so only with the consent of the Minister. That is another difference between the broadcasting Authority here and in Britain. We have here a body set up which the Minister told us at the end of the Second Stage he meant to be independent, but which most certainly is not independent at all.

Secondly, a commission was set up by the Government to discuss certain proposals from private interests with regard to television. I am personally entirely without knowledge on this matter, but it would appear that proposals were made which would relieve us from expenditure and, at the same time, set up a television service here under the authority of an Irish State board. That was entirely rejected in favour of public control and public enterprise, and I think inevitably in favour of the expenditure of public money. No firm estimate has been made by the Minister in connection with this Bill, as to what the financial returns will be for the money expended. No firm estimate is possible, apparently, except that in so far as we can discover anything about it in other countries, even in small countries, it is a very expensive service.

It may very well be that in our national position, we cannot avoid this expenditure, and it would be fairer and clearer, and honester to the taxpayer, if we were to say to him: "We cannot avoid having this service; we want to be completely in control of it because we want to maintain certain standards, and in that position, we shall have to pay; that is to say, you, the taxpayer, will have to pay." It is unfortunate, I am afraid, that we fail to look reality straight in the face.

We cannot be sure, as Senator Barry has told us this afternoon, what the viewers will want to look at, and the listeners to hear. There is no method by which we can ensure that. Advertisers on this very expensive medium can afford to wait and see. Both viewers and listeners have alternative services which they can easily reach, so that it seems to me that the prospects of this service being a paying one are very slight, and the proper thing to say to our people is: "We propose to give you a State controlled broadcasting and television service, and you should pay for that."

Those are the facts, but they are concealed in the section of the Bill which enjoins on the Authority the duty of making broadcasting pay, but which does not in any way ensure that they will be able to make it pay. All our experience is, that having expended £2,000,000 on capital for setting up a station and several subsidiary stations, having increased expenditure on the provision of broadcasting and television services, and having employed a certain number of people, we shall certainly keep on, whatever it costs. There is no doubt about that.

With regard to the Authority itself, I should like to say one final word. We should have more confidence in them, should select them carefully, and should give them more scope than they get in this Bill. No matter what adjective the Minister uses, they are cribbed, cabined, and confined at every turn. The Minister is completely in control, and one result of that, whether you think it is good or bad, is that there is complete parliamentary control as well.

I am glad we have had an opportunity in this House of discussing a Bill of this importance, and that we have been able to do so at some length, and in great detail, without ruffling anybody's feelings. The Minister should be congratulated on the fact that he certainly has an excellent grip of his own temper, but perhaps he has not got a temper. In any event, I should like to say, as I said at the beginning, that this is another step towards giving the State more power, and it is an additional burden upon the taxpayer. On that basis, it will have to be considered in the other House and ultimately again perhaps here.

As Senator Hayes has said, this new experiment of ours will cost the taxpayers a great deal of money, but, as I mentioned in a previous debate, there is some risk that it will deprive some of our citizens of their honest earnings. In the briefest possible terms, I should like to impress upon the Minister that, by this Bill we are subsidising competition against the cinemas of Ireland. It will be very difficult for them to pay tax and, at the same time, compete against a form of entertainment which is being subsidised out of taxation. I suggest there is room for both forms of entertainment: they are both good and desirable. But in this Bill, we are subsidising one form of entertainment and taking money from the other. I appeal to the Minister to impress the injustice of this upon the Government before this Bill goes through both Houses of the Oireachtas.

I hope I shall not be outside the bounds of order in referring to an aspect of the Bill that seems to require some clarification. If I am out of order, I shall certainly sit down immediately. In the first place, I wish to repeat what I said on Second Reading about the great educational possibilities of television as a medium. I hope the Television Authority will attempt to develop these opportunities which are being developed in other countries, and that school programmes will be arranged. I myself am convinced, from personal experience, that it is possible to learn such subjects as history, geography and the political affairs of other countries, better from television than from merely reading books.

The Bill is a compromise between purely private commercial television and a State service. I entirely agree with what Senator Hayes has said, that possibly the Minister has rather too much control over the Television Authority. It seems to me that the Bill is a compromise between a State service, in the narrow sense of the word, and commercial television which, so far as I can see, was recommended by the Television Commission. There has been set up, in accordance with many precedents, a more or less independent Authority. As I said on Second Reading, I believe that the success of the experiment will depend on the personnel of that Authority.

One thing which has emerged from this debate is that the only hope of making Irish television pay is by getting abundant revenue from advertising. I think that in the course of the debate there has been a certain amount of misunderstanding regarding the functions of advertising in a commercial system. Certain things have been said in the course of discussion which were unfair to the advertising profession and to the people employed by them.

In the first place, I should like to refer to Section 20 of the Bill which provides that:—

The Authority may reject any advertisement presented for broadcast in whole or in part.

That seems to give to the Authority ample censorship over any advertising matter which may be presented to it. In the course of the debate—I hope I am not out of order; if I am, the Chair will please tell me—there were certain discussions about advertising which seemed to indicate that advertising is in some way a social evil, something that ought to be restrained, something of evil rather than of good influence. I do not want to delay the House but there is a very interesting leading article in The Times of 25th January. I want to quote just one sentence from that article. “Argument about advertising as a whole or particular manifestations of it is shot through with prejudice.” That is true. The profession has been gravely misrepresented in the Press and to some extent in the debates in this House.

As I said, the success of this television service depends on advertising revenue. The proposal of the Television Commission that it should be entirely handed over to commercial interests was rejected, notwithstanding the fact that the only possibility of reducing losses to some manageable proportions is by advertising on the television service.

If I am not out of order, I should like to emphasise that advertising has a very positive part to play in a free economic society. It is an essential condition of progress, in that it brings new products to the notice of the public. It enables new products to be known and, therefore, it is an essential part of any programme for increasing the standard of living of the population. The free working of competition cannot take place successfully, unless the public have the fullest information regarding the various products they can, buy. Advertising provides that sort of information.

It had been said in the debate that the cost of that advertising must be met in the price of the product and that, therefore, advertising will be expensive to the public. I admit, of course, that a successful advertiser has to cover the cost of advertising as well as any other cost, but the justification for advertising is that the more efficient producer tends to succeed and the less efficient producer tends to fail. With the increasing demand caused by advertising——

The Senator is going somewhat outside the scope of the Bill.

I am not aware of how far I can develop this point.

The Senator has not gone very far.

Section 20 is in the Bill.

The more efficient producer succeeds and the less efficient producer fails and, therefore, with the increase in the size of the market, the extra costs of advertising provide a more efficient product, a better product and a product that will sell cheaper than it otherwise would without advertising. That is the case in favour of advertising. The fact that articles sell cheaper is good, and good for the public.

What I really want to argue, if I am in order, is that every argument used against television, advertising is equally relevant against all advertising.

The point is that we must keep to advertising on television.

I do not wish to trespass on the time of the House. I have a lot of notes with me but I shall just go on to the final point in the speech which I have prepared, which I respectfully suggest is relevant to the Bill. In the case of the Press, the value to the community depends on being able to convey information. In a free democracy, political information is given and information cannot be obtained unless there is a free competitive Press and a free competitive Press cannot exist without advertising revenue.

I suggest the same is true of television. The television service will depend on advertising revenue. We get this curious relationship between the licence fee and advertising revenue. The power of television for good in the educational field, which I have emphasised, depends on there being a very large number of sets in the community, but the existence of a very large number of sets in the community depends on the licence fee being low. If the licence fee is low, the Television Authority will have to depend more on advertising than if the licence fee is high. The other consequence, if the licence fee is low, is that the advertising revenue will not be available, unless the articles advertised are articles which are advertised in such a way as to appeal to the masses. Therefore, to complain that television advertising in other countries has been debasing public taste seems to be putting the cart before the horse. The fact of the matter is that in regard to all media of mass communication, it is not the vulgarity of the media which debases the public taste but the vulgarity of the public taste which debases the media.

There has been a tendency for television in other countries to exhibit certain undesirable qualities—I could have enlarged upon that if I had proceeded with all the notes I prepared— but that is an argument, not against television, but in favour of raising the general standard of taste of the community. What we are faced with is that the great mass of the people are not educated up to the point where they appreciate highly cultivated presentation of advertisements, in the Press, on television or otherwise. I do not wish to exceed the bounds of order.

The Senator is quite in order.

I simply want to repeat—

Might I draw the attention of the Senator to Section 20? If the Senator keeps to Section 20, I shall consider him fully in order.

Thank you. If you will permit me to come back to that section, I should like to ask what are the grounds upon which the Television Authority should properly prohibit advertisement matter? It seems to me that the power in the Bill is entirely unfettered—entirely at the discretion of the Television Authority. It is a matter of importance for the public to know just precisely what the case will be, what matter is considered undesirable and what, therefore, will be forbidden. In the first place, any attempt to advertise anything which is illegal will be forbidden. Also, certain standards of taste will be observed and anything in the nature of gross vulgarity will be forbidden. In addition, there may be certain types of misleading description of, for instance, patent medicines, which, for public health reasons, may cause the Television Authority to censor certain types of advertisements. There is one class of television advertising which is criticised a great deal in other countries. It is televising of advertisements which encourage young people, teenagers, to wasteful extravagant expenditure.

My suggestion is that the Television Authority have such powers to censor that it is most important they should not censor for the wrong reasons. I should like to refer, without quoting, to a very interesting article in the current number of The Economist at page 624 entitled “Consumers' Champions”. I suggest to Senators that they could learn a good deal about the censorship of advertising on television by a study of this article. Shortly, the conclusion is that the main complaints made to the Federal Trade Commission in the U.S.A. were not made on behalf of the consumers of the articles advertised but on behalf of rival producers and that the interests of consumers were rather overlooked. I do not intend to quote that article. I should like to refer to it because there are many problems which will confront the Television Authority dealt with in it.

I should like to say, before concluding, that any censorship of television advertisements, apart from the special considerations such as I have mentioned, could lead to extremely dangerous political results. If the Television Authority have the power to refuse advertisements for any particular type of thing which they object to on moral grounds, it really is setting up a new moral dictatorship in this country. If the majority of the Authority were people who had very strong views about drink, they might refuse to permit advertisements in connection with the drink industry to be shown on television. If the Authority had strong views about smoking and tobacco, they might do the same thing. Certain people might feel that hire purchase is bad for the community, that it runs people into debt and, therefore, they might exercise judgment in that way to prevent the hire purchase of articles being advertised. I think there is a very real danger when the Television Authority have this complete, unbridled power to refuse to accept certain advertisements. It is setting up a moral judge over the community if too much power is given to any particular committee.

Politically, of course, as I said, a free capitalist society such as we live in depends upon the utmost freedom in regard to the dissemination of information of all kinds. Business people and producers are entitled to commend their products. The alleged line between information and persuasion is one which it is very difficult to draw. After all, in giving information about one's product, one is entitled, I think, to commend it. I do not think that anybody should be forbidden from commending his wares to the public. Doctor Johnston, when he wrote an epitaph on one of his friends, said that anyone who is writing an epitaph is not on affidavit. Equally, those who compose television advertisements are not on affidavit. They should not be put in the dock and accused of perjury and their advertisements should not be refused the next time they come to the screen.

Every argument that can be used in regard to restricting advertising on television applies equally to the Press. If people who are in favour of strict censorship of television advertising are consistent, they will follow up their campaign by having a strict censorship of advertising in the Press. If they do that, the Press will find it impossible to pay its way and democracy will be endangered. We shall be doing something which will have very dangerous consequences.

I am sorry that Senator Hayes adopted the rôle of banshee on the final Stage of this Bill. I do not want to follow him point by point because most of the points which he made were amply dealt with during the discussion on the Second Stage. His complaint that we are now indulging in a further example of public control and public enterprise in the setting-up of this Authority as against the offers which were made by private people who apparently would have made, in his view, the whole service pay makes me feel that Senator Hayes would prefer to have seen the service operated by private commercial concerns rather than by the type of Authority which we are now setting up.

I did not say that at all and Senator Ó Maoláin knows that.

However, I feel that what has been accomplished by semi-State concerns, to which I adverted on the Second Stage, such as Aer Lingus, Irish Shipping and Bord na Móna, shows the effectiveness of this type of public authority and that this broadcasting Authority will prove just as effective as a method of achieving the aim in view as these other concerns. I also feel that the country accepts the decision to set up this type of authority and that it has met with widespread approval.

Senator Hayes is afraid that nobody can be sure of what the Authority will put on or what the viewers want to see and hear. I have no doubt that with the directives contained in this Bill, the Authority will take every necessary step to ensure that the programmes and advertisements will be in accordance with the standards which we expect and that in due course, as a consequence of the excellent service which we shall get, the broadcasting and television, service will pay its way. I do not see any reason for the pessimism Senator Hayes expressed and a few of the smaller countries of Europe just come to mind in that connection. Surely if they can do it, there is no reason in the world why we cannot do it here. Irish initiative, originality and enterprise has proved sufficient to meet any challenges which were put up to it and I am quite certain that it will meet this challenge of our times too.

In Austria, for instance, a small country, newly recovered from the devastations of a great war and years of occupation, there is a television service operating for only three hours daily and there are something like only 10,000 sets in the country. In Finland, also a small country, there are only 50,000 sets; in Portugal, there are only 2,000 sets; in Switzerland, there are some 40,000; while in Denmark, which is highly developed, there are 300,000. If small countries similar to ours can keep abreast of the times and operate a modern television service and a sound broadcasting service which is a credit to them, there is no reason to be pessimistic about our ability to do the same. I believe we can do it and that time will prove that the Oireachtas was not wrong and did not act in error in giving power to set up an authority such as we are setting up to control radio and television broadcasting.

Senator Stanford was worried about the effect which this might have on the cinemas. I do not think that it will have the detrimental effect which he fears because we have the example of what has happened in the most highly civilised country in the world, the United States of America, where television is the most serious competitor the cinema industry has had and where as a result of the counteraction taken by the film producers, a 10-year slump in cinema attendances has been arrested. In fact, the attendances last year showed a 20 million increase over the attendances for 1958. That, as I said, was because Hollywood has got into action and is hitting back with quality productions, new methods, such as Cinemascope and Tod-AO, and a better type of production all round.

I see no reason to fear that it will have the effects which Senator Stanford and others seem to fear it will have. Certainly so long as the cinema is able to put on productions of quality and show a high standard, certainly it will not keep the people out of the cinema. As far as the theatre is concerined I am convinced that theatre audiences will tend to increase and that the drama will get far more extensive support as a consequence of Irish television than it ever did before, because with television and with, I hope, in due course a Eurovision link, the great dramatists and authors of the world will be brought into the homes of our people and when their works are put on the stage in our theatres people will be more inclined to go to them to see for themselves the actual productions than they would have been before seeing them on the screen. Television will be a wonderful asset to the theatres and it will not in any catastrophic way damage the attendances in our cinemas.

The Senator is going a little wide of the Bill on this Stage.

In regard to the point mentioned by Senator O'Brien about advertising, may I say that I should like the Authority to take notice of the danger in regard to advertising which has manifested itself in other countries where advertisements are put in indiscriminately, not at stated times in the programme, at the end of programmes, but at critical moments in the programme. I should not like to see that happening here. I hope whatever steps can be taken to avoid it will be taken and that advertisements will be shown either at the end of each feature, or shown altogether at the end of an hour, or whatever way is considered most satisfactory to get over one of the most irritating things in a drama or in a sports-fixture, which is the showing of an advertisement on the screen just when somebody is about to score a goal or do something similarly exciting.

I do not want to follow Senator Hayes point by point in the dismal picture he painted. I should like to paint a brighter picture. We are fortunate that we are now about to pass this Bill in Seanad Éireann, and bring ourselves into line with the other modern and progressive countries which already have this facility. I am particularly interested that it should happen at this moment, and that Ireland will be in the line of progress because, as Senator O'Brien remarked, of the educational value particularly of the service which the people will get from the television and broadcasting Authority. I am particularly glad that the Bill is being passed at this time, because of a programme I heard over Radio Éireann on last Thursday night which reminded me of the amazing developments which are taking place now in sound and visual communication.

Senators have heard references during this debate to Eurovision which came into operation only some five years ago. Today its network in Western Europe extends from Finland to Italy; it will soon embrace Spain and Portugal and will cross the Straits into Africa. Senators may have heard the excellent programme by Philip Rooney on Radio Éireann on February 11th, which marked the 10th anniversary of the foundation of the European Broadcasting Union. In that programme, General Sir Ian Jacob, President of the Union, referred to further spectacular advances; in other words, the cause of complete continental coverage in which I hope we shall be active participants when we have our television service operating. General Jacob revealed that, in Geneva last week, arrangements were made, and initial steps taken, for a link-up by Eurovision with a similar network behind the Iron Curtain which will, when it is in full operation, give complete European coverage —continental coverage—and bring new vistas to the people here in the West and to those in the East.

More important still, on the authority of such an eminent man, we are within a few years of the completion of the transatlantic link which will bring programmes from the New World into our homes in Ireland and, as we know, colour television is only around the corner. According to the experts, in a short time, it will be as cheap as black and white television is now. In the light of these rapid developments, and in view of the importance of this wonderful new medium of education and entertainment, we have no reason to be pessimistic that we are enacting this measure here. I have no doubt that the taxpayers and the people of this country generally will not want to be left behind in that race, will not want to be left as one of the few untouchable nations which are not keeping pace with modern progress, and they will not grudge whatever licence fee is necessary to ensure that this country will maintain its place in the vanguard of progress.

I am very glad that the Government saw fit to allow us to discuss this Bill in the Seanad first. On the whole, I think the Seanad has handled the debate very well and I hope, as a consequence, this Bill will be the forerunner of others introduced in the same manner.

The statement just made by Senator Ó Maoláin was extremely enjoyable. It reminded me a bit about that literary piece The Vision of Fair Women, because the emphasis, I think, was on the word “vision”. I am not quite sure that this particular vision will come to pass!

I wish to say a few words about the matter of Ministerial control over the Authority because I feel the Authority will not be free in the sense that other State enterprises and State bodies have been, in their day-to-day operations up to now. In saying so, I am not making the case for more control of them. It is a major problem; but specifically I want to refer to two sections in the Bill. The first is Section 21 which states that committees are to be appointed by the Minister "after consultation with the Authority". "After consultation with the Authority" has no meaning in this context. The Minister just writes and says: "I propose to appoint a committee to deal with so and so," and they write back and say: "We think, Minister, it is a very bad idea." He then writes back and says: "I have considered your views but I am going ahead with the appointment of this committee." An Act was passed in 1946 dealing with the Racing Board and in it is stipulated that the Racing Board appoints its own committees. It has the authority to appoint committees, somewhat similar to the committees envisaged here, to do subordinate work and to advise it.

The other section in this Bill to which I take exception is Section 25 and I believe that subsection (3) of that section is completely out of place in a Bill of this sort. It states:

The Minister may, with the consent of the Minister for Finance, appoint the time, place and method of conducting the audit of the accounts of the Authority under this section, and may also appoint the accounts of which copies are to be furnished to the Minister under this section.

I do not mind the second part of the sub-section because it is fairly common practice that State bodies like this publish one set of accounts and furnish a more detailed set to the Minister for Finance. One example is the Sugar Company. But the Minister gave us as a reason for the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs having the appointment of the auditors that it was control of State moneys which was involved. That is really not good enough. It may be a good stock Civil Service answer to a difficult problem, but, in fact, it is not correct because commercial auditors are of no significance in the control of money. They may be of significance arithmetically to see the additions are correct and I can quote an instance in this regard that happened to me a long time ago.

I had reason to object to the remarks of one of the semi-State companies in relation to the Department in which I was then working, and I thought I would get my own back by approaching the Comptroller and Auditor General because they had defected in a certain serious matter. He told me: "I am only a commercial auditor in this matter," and so I was stymied in my desire for revenge on this organisation for having pilloried my Department publicly. Therefore, I say that a commercial auditor in the matter is of no significance in relation to the control of expenditure.

As a second instance, I refer to the Transport Act of 1944, in particular to Section 29, which is the second under which auditors are appointed to audit the accounts of C.I.E., a company with an income at the moment of about £15,000,000 a year. In passing, I hope this Authority will not run into quite the same astronomical losses as that body, though I am inclined to be less optimistic than the Minister. Subsection (2) of Section 29 states:

The Company shall at each ordinary meeting appoint the auditor or auditors and the auditor or auditors so appointed at any ordinary meeting shall hold office until the next ordinary meeting of the Company.

There is a specific case where a company does not have to accept any intrusion from anybody else and there are other similar cases of which I am aware. I think the Sugar Company is another good example because auditors are appointed by the company on the nomination of the Minister. That is a different thing. The company does the appointing. They usually write and say: "Our auditors are so and so" and the Minister replies saying: "I am prepared to nominate them next year."

I do not understand why a change from that procedure was made in Section 25 of this Bill, placing a whole lot of operations into the hands of the Minister which, in my opinion, are quite unnecessary. In addition to that, I feel there are too many general directions, too many expressions of hope and, indeed, too many sociological propositions in it.

There is also, I am afraid, too much pretence in the Bill. For example, we have the section I have already referred to, Section 23, which suggests that the £2,000,000 can be repaid in certain circumstances. This is literally not feasible, and we should not pretend it to ourselves. I believe that this service, if it is to be a good second-rate service, will cost a net million pounds a year for some years to come, and I do not think the Minister for Finance will have any million pounds a year available very easily in the next couple of years.

I agree with Senator Stanford about the cinemas. There is undoubtedly an element of subsidising competition with the cinemas. It may be true that having got over the first impact of television in the U.S.A., as Senator Ó Maoláin says, the cinema is coming back through various arrangements, like drive-in-cinemas, but I am extremely doubtful if people will go as often to the cinema if they can have it in their own homes, which is what television gives them.

Let me say straight away that all these criticisms are directed towards the nature of the kind of Bill we have got. I welcome the service very much indeed, and I think that even though I live fairly high on the periphery of Dublin, the reception should be greatly improved. There was a complete obliteration of a Saxon score last Saturday, which was no great harm, because I could see it coming a long way off. If we had a booster station, we would get more reliable reception, as one does the closer to Belfast one gets.

I should, like many other Senators, like to express appreciation of the attitude of the Minister personally in the House. His attitude as a Minister in the House was rather different, if I could split his personality into two in this matter. He was very patient and very good-humoured; he took the long debate extremely well; but he did not make many concessions. Though he made one significant concession, the sum total of his concessions to the House generally was not very great. It is only right that we should be grateful to him for his kindness in the detailed way he dealt with the debate on Committee Stage, and if the Minister remains at the Department of Posts and Telegraphs for some years to come, I hope the service will not give him too many headaches.

The debate on this Bill has been very constructive from many points of view, and if there have been disagreements between us, they have been discussed in a very objective way. Fundamentally, we are all in agreement that it is right that we should keep abreast of modern developments, and have here a television service that will suit the tastes and needs of our people.

While, however, we have been more or less in fundamental agreement on the provisions of this Bill, there seems to be a certain undue amount of apprehension as to this question of state control. Senator Hayes introduced that topic in his final speech on the Bill this evening. There must, of course, be a certain amount of overriding state control over all these undertakings, and I am sure that if the Minister came in with a Bill setting up a television and sound broadcasting Authority and giving it complete control to do what it liked with the amount of State money and taxpayers' money involved, he would be condemned by Senators for doing so.

That being so, the approach of the Minister and the Government to this matter has been the correct one. It is what I would describe as a middle-of-the-road approach. The Authority is to be set up under Section 4 of this Bill and given certain duties and responsibilities, in the carrying out of which there will be no interference in the ordinary course of events. We gave, for instance, subsection (4) of Section 10, which says:

Every question at a meeting of the Authority shall be determined by a majority of the votes of the members present and voting on the question, and in the case of an equal division of votes, the Chairman of the meeting shall have a second or casting vote.

That is the usual procedure, and there is no Ministerial interference with that procedure as laid down here. Then we have subsection (6) which states: "subject to the provision of this Act, the Authority shall regulate its procedure by rules."

The only thing, then, is to consider whether the Minister and the Government should wash their hands entirely of the question of television and sound broadcasting. I do not think they should. The overriding policy-making control envisaged in the Bill is right and proper, and the Minister and the Government were wise not to divest themselves of that amount of ministerial responsibility.

Senator O'Donovan gave expression to the view that there were too many sociological directives in this Bill. I do not know whether that is the case, but I do not think it is. Perhaps it can be argued that there are, but in my opinion, there are not. In a matter of grave national importance—and this television and sound broadcasting service will be a very important national institution—it is only right and natural that certain directives should be laid down in this Bill. As has been said before, the implementation of this measure will have a very great impact on the educational, cultural and social life of the people. That must be borne in mind by us here, and more especially by the Government.

As regards the question of Ministerial control, as I have said, it is right and proper that there should be a certain amount of overriding Ministerial control over an institution of this sort, when there is so much public money, so much of the tax-payer's money, and so much State money, involved. I do not want to make a long speech because I realise that the debate must be rather circumscribed on Fifth Stage. I should like to join with other Senators in expressing the view that the debate has been very helpful. This is the first time we have had a debate of this kind on Second Reading, and I believe the members of the other House will find the discussions here very helpful to them in their approach to the Bill.

I should like to echo what other Senators have said in congratulating the Minister and the Government for giving us an opportunity, for once in a while, of considering a Bill before it goes to the Dáil. I feel that the debate in general has been good. I said on Second Stage that I felt the Bill was a good one. Clearly, I must hold the same opinion now because, even after amendment, it remains pretty much the same Bill. What is in the Bill now, I feel, is very substantially what was there at the beginning. It seems to me that the number of amendments of a type that might have been legitimate and desirable were few and, therefore, I am pleased that the whole Bill remains pretty well the same as it was when it came to us.

I should like to touch very briefly on a point made by two or three Senators on the question of interference with the cinemas. I feel that Senator Ó Maoláin was right when he suggested that the long-term effect of television, which is only one part of this Bill of course, upon the cinemas and the theatre, may be good, that the general cultural effect of good television may well lead people to read more and go more often to the theatre and the cinema. If that is true in the long term, it may well be true that the cinemas, by the terms of this Bill and by the action taken under the Bill, may, short term, be hit rather harder than they are now hit.

In that regard, there is one point I feel I should make on the question of pity for the cinemas and so on. As a consumer, as it were, I remember times when the cinemas seemed to have very little pity for the consumers. Most of us remember days when there were long queues kept in the rain for the purpose of encouraging the consumer to go to the dearer seats. When one finally got in, the big picture had already started, and one found that there were after all many vacant seats in the cheaper parts of the cinema. In other words, some cinemas abused the cinema's entertainment monopoly when they had the power to do so. That point should not be entirely forgotten when we are asked now to have pity on the cinemas. They were not themselves always filled with pity for the consuming public. Although nobody wants to see them hit, nevertheless we may remember that some abuse was indulged in by the cinemas at the expense of the public.

This Bill is after all only an instrument, but I think the structure it provides is a good one. The Minister rightly has been complimented on the way he brought the Bill before the House, on the reasonable way he listened to us—at some length, I am afraid—and on his patience. I feel that perhaps he might have conceded one or two more points. I notice, for instance, that Section 20 remains unchanged. It stands as it did in the beginning, although he promised that he would look into the matter of this special concession for Irish advertisers and the special concession for people advertising through the medium of Irish. The Minister promised he would look into that matter but the Bill is as it was. I think perhaps that that is a little defect in the Bill at the moment. On either of these issues, the provisions of the Bill as it now stands are not wise. On the one hand, I do not feel that the differential in advertising in favour of Irish Nationals is sound or defensible, and on the other hand, the implication that you must compensate for advertising through the medium of Irish seems a curious Government admission implied by the text of the Bill as it still remains.

One or two important amendments made by the Government are part of the Bill. Section 31 was the only section that seemed to me to merit a major change and I should like to express appreciation of the fact that on that point the Minister met some of the objections of the Seanad. Subsection (2) of Section 31 as it now stands, is a distinct improvement upon the original drafting. I feel I should apologise to the House for not having been present when an amendment which stood in my name came before the House, but I think the House will recognise that I do not usually sin in that regard—worse luck, some may add. I rather regret that the Minister, having said a lot about the necessity for trusting the Authority, and having confidence in it, has found it necessary to retain in the Bill the right to have a complete veto over "any particular matter or a matter of any class", if he thinks fit. Not merely that, but he has the right even to prevent the Authority from telling anybody that he has exercised that veto.

These are the points in the Bill, as it stands, which I regret, and which I venture to hope will be changed by the Dáil. I do not want to speak at length, but I should like to say in general terms that I think this Bill, relating to sound broadcasting and television, is potentially an excellent one, and can produce an excellent service in both these media. My confident hope is that from this good structure, this good Bill, a good service will emerge. In practice, I believe that the sound broadcasting service will improve. It has already reached a reasonably high standard, but it is still capable of improvement. I think it will improve under the increased independence given to the Authority, and my hope is that a television service will emerge which will be something of which we can all be proud.

As I say, I believe this Bill to be good potentially. I think these services will be good in practice, but that will be the case only if initiative, imagination, and independence are exerted by the new Authority. Therefore, it falls to the Government to see to it that they give this Bill a chance to fulfil its great promise by appointing a first-class Authority and a first-class Director-General, and then giving them a free hand.

I just came in at the heel of the hunt this evening. I am sorry I missed the second half of the debate on Committee Stage last week. It was unavoidable, as I was absent on business in London. I am glad to have been here in time to say that I wish the Authority every success. I think, as other speakers said, that we had a most interesting debate. It has been a most stimulating experience for the Seanad to have had this Bill in its first stages in this House. I met a member of the other House recently who said he was very glad to see that the Bill was in the Seanad and he hoped that more would be introduced in the Seanad as it would enable members of the Dáil to read up in advance the views of other people on a Bill. Up to now, the reverse situation was in operation, but on this occasion we can claim to have made an original contribution to a Bill.

In view of the many statements, repeated from time to time, about the alleged failure of private enterprise to participate in major schemes of national importance, I cannot refrain from pointing out that this charge cannot be sustained on this occasion. As we know, some nine proposals were actually made to the Commission by private enterprise firms or groups who were willing to risk their money in this venture. This is in the nature of a major adventure in our national broadcasting system.

These proposals, as I said on the Second Stage, were not only considered but formed, I think, very much the basis upon which many of the decisions were arrived at to set up our broadcasting, and especially our television Authority. They pave the way for the path they will follow. I think it is only reasonable that somebody should say some time that private enterprise on this occasion certainly has not failed to come forward to undertake a major national task, even though it was with the profit motive in view.

That being so, I think the Authority should try to keep in mind the necessity to make this service pay and that it should be run on commercial lines. I hope that in a few years' time we shall not find the Authority looking once more to the Exchequer to finance deficits. I do not say that in any depressing manner. I think the Authority should be made feel that they must run this service in a commercial way. That is not to say that they should override the considerations which, in fact, were the ones which decided the Commission to advise that the Authority should be put in complete charge of this and under State control.

For my own part, I do not find any fault with the decision. It is probably the best thing to do in the circumstances. If private enterprise had, in fact, been given the task of carrying out this service, I think they would have been very much under fire and criticism—perhaps, unfair and unjust criticism. In the long run, for the sake of private enterprise in which I believe so much, I think the best decision has been made in this case.

I should like to conclude by once again stating that at least on this occasion, it cannot be stated that private enterprise has failed to come forward to carry out this business. I wish the Authority and the Minister every success in this venture.

I did, as Senator Sheehy Skeffington pointed out, give an undertaking on Committee Stage to have another look at Section 20, subsection (5). There were two main criticisms of the subsection. The first was that there should be no difference in treatment as between Irish and foreign advertisers. In other words, that the directive in the first part of the subsection should not be given. I am afraid I cannot accept this. The subsection, in effect, enjoins the Authority to encourage Irish advertisers to make use of their own service. Many foreign advertisers operate on huge advertising budgets. Most of them will probably have advertising inserts ready for use, whereas Irish concerns, on much smaller budgets, will have to have them designed and made before they can start advertising.

Radio Éireann at present grants a certain measure of preference to wholly Irish concerns. The Authority is, in effect, being asked under the subsection to consider carefully granting a measure of preferential treatment to all Irish advertisers. In this regard, as Senator Hayes has rightly pointed out, it is very difficult to define what is Irish and I am considering adding a subsection to define what is an Irish advertiser when this Bill goes to the Dáil. It is not, I should add, intended that the preferences should be restricted to businesses which are wholly Irish-owned——

Preference for the Irish language?

——as is the case in regard to sponsored programmes broadcast by Radio Éireann at present. The second point mentioned was the question of extending the preferential treatment envisaged in subsection (b) of Section 5 for the use of Irish in advertisements to all advertisers. On reconsidering this matter, I am inclined to agree that a preference in the use of Irish should be given to anybody who uses it. Here, again, I propose to consider having the subsection amended on Committee Stage in the Dáil. I could not get this matter cleared in time to have the necessary amendments inserted in the Bill today in the Seanad.

I am, indeed, grateful for the reception this Bill has got in the Seanad. I do not propose to reply in detail to the speeches made on this stage by Senators because I have, in so far as I possibly could, replied definitely to the points raised during the debate on the Committee Stage. I am also grateful for the usefulness of the debate in this House. I feel that the more the debate is read by people interested, the more it will be apparent that the debate was in itself a useful contribution to the measure and the method by which the Government should endeavour to see that the Authority is manned by the best possible people, that the Director-General should be the best possible person and that the personnel employed by the Authority, when it is set up, will be the best possible people they can get.

I felt, and I expressed the view when introducing the Bill, that the Bill was a good Bill and that it was soundly prepared. I am still convinced, after listening to the debate in the Seanad, that the Bill is a sound Bill, a good Bill and is soundly prepared, and that if the proper people are appointed to the Authority and if the services of the people who are competent and capable to carry out a service of this nature are got, we need have no fear that our broadcasting service will not be of a very high standard and of a very high character, and that it will be of immense service to the people.

Question put and agreed to.
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