Skip to main content
Normal View

Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 15 Jan 1970

Vol. 67 No. 10

Health Bill, 1969: Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time".

Yesterday evening when we adjourned I was speaking about the development of the health service, of which I regard this Bill as the next stage, and the fact that we had evolved our present situation from the arrangements that obtained up to about 1947 when really the only section of the community for which special provision was made by the State was the medically indigent. Now we have got away from that and the State has recognised that other sections need special help in order to deal with the very heavy expenses of a serious illness. This has led to the arrangement whereby the State has divided the community into the three sections with which we have all become familiar during the past 20 years.

In retaining this particular approach to the health services we have been wise; we could have departed radically in considering this new development and adopted some other method of providing health services, an entirely new method, but if you have tried a system and have had it in operation for 20 years, it is easier to modify it than to try an entirely different one and possibly find that it does not work as well. I have had occasion to talk about our health service in various countries, to lecture on it and to discuss it and I have always been impressed by the favourable views which people took of our arrangements when they were explained to them, of the fact that they were a sort of happy compromise between the arrangements whereby the State makes provision for everything and the other kind of situation in which only the medically indigent are provided for.

In discussing this Bill there are three aspects of it to which I should like to draw particular attention, three important new departures. The first one is the introduction of health boards to look after the general administration of the health services in their areas. The second is the setting-up of the special arrangements for co-ordinating hospitals under the regional hospital boards and the hospital council, and the third is the modification of the present practitioner service with special reference to the free choice of doctor which is now being introduced for the first time for the kind of person who is being looked after by the health services. The health boards have got three special kinds of significance for me. First of all, they do bring into existence larger areas than the former areas looked after by the local authorities. These areas consist of two, three, four or five counties as is projected by the Minister's document which he circulated some time ago. These are very much better units as a basis for planning; they do enable an authority to be created by a health board which will look after all kinds of services in these areas and try to co-ordinate them with each other.

We all remember the difficulty that existed in regard to mental hospitals, where you had not got a mental hospital for every county and sometimes several county councils had to join together to run a particular mental hospital. This, as it were, is almost a forerunner of the situation we will have where health boards will be nominated by several local authorities to run the areas and all aspects of the services in those areas. This will mean we will be able to have more specialised services because they will be able, more economically, to cover this wider area. It is also important in setting up these boards that the Minister has found it feasible to give a considerable amount of responsibility, as representatives on them, to doctors and workers in the ancillary medical profession. This was not possible previously. A doctor might be on a health authority but not necessarily as a doctor. Now doctors will be appointed on the health boards by the Minister on the nomination of the professional bodies concerned and, therefore, they will be on it in their professional capacity. I think this is a very important step we are taking in recognising that a doctor, as well as being a professional man, may also have some competence in helping to run a service and in administering a service.

It is also important that we should recognise that the establishment of these health boards is a step towards taking health services and health problems as far as possible away from politics. It has been a truism for a long time that health services should be above politics, but this is not very easy to arrange in general. Perhaps the countries which have gone furthest in this regard are in Scandinavia where the health services are administered by a national health board appointed by the Government without direct responsibility to any particular Minister. The board have a subvention from the Government and have the continuing responsibility of administering the health services.

If one discusses this with any responsible person from one of these countries one is likely to say that this is an admirable arrangement because the health services are then not in danger of changing with political changes which may take place every few years; they have a stability and the people concerned with them can plan in a forward manner. You will be told on the other hand that the fact that the health services are divorced from politics like this means there is no particular Minister responsible for finding the money for them—there is no Minister for Health to fight his corner in the Cabinet to get the best from the Minister for Finance. Therefore, they are always complaining there that they do not get their proper share of the financial cake.

The system we are evolving here of health boards which will have responsibilities to the health authorities and to the central Department of Health and who will, therefore, receive their financial support from both sources will be a compromise which might work extremely well. At the same time, the majority representation on these boards will be appointed by the local authorities but with considerable representation from the medical and ancillary professions. Therefore, the boards are less likely to be politically orientated or to make decisions on a clear-cut party basis such as the local authorities in the past on these matters.

In regard to the functions of the health boards, one is dealing with something which is an extremely wide subject. Obviously, they will have the responsibility for running the services, and any discussion of their functions is a discussion of the services as a whole, and it is hardly appropriate to embark on that now. There is, however, one point I should like to mention in particular. It is the possible functions these boards might have, or any committee set up under them, in the matter of the dissemination of information about the health services and in organising arrangements for health education.

This was referred to in the Dáil and amendments were suggested to include the function of advising the general public on the availability of the services. These were rejected by the Minister because he thought the possible cost of these information centres, if they became too numerous and too large, might become too great to be justifiable. He reminded the other House that the local authorities already have this function under the 1947 Health Act, and he mentioned there is a centre in Cork that deals with the dissemination of information about the health services. However, as far as I can gather, this is the only such centre outside Dublin.

I think that if an Act of 1947, 22 years ago, gave power to local authorities to do this, and if in the course of these 22 years we have had only one centre developed in one city in this country, it does not indicate to me that this is working well. Therefore, it would do no harm if the Minister took another look at this and put into the provisions dealing with the functions of health boards and their local councils a specific reference to either health education or to the dissemination of information about the health services. In the long run this at least would stimulate local authorities to take public notice of this and it would help in turn to make the services more efficient and possibly more economic to run.

There is a lot of general talk about various diseases that occur and it is a fashionable topic of conversation, but it does not mean there is any deep public understanding of such diseases. There was a discussion, for instance, on the early signs of cancer and the person conducting it discovered that not one of five adults with reasonably educated backgrounds could give one early symptom of cancer. If there was some better means of disseminating information like that, in the ordinary way so that it would not create scares, you might find that people would come forward for treatment in time so that you would not have to bear the massive cost of treatment in the long run.

It is also a fact that a big proportion of people are unaware of the services that are provided and available for them under various health measures. It has been estimated that, perhaps, up to half of the total illnesses in any community is latent; it is beneath the surface like the proportion of the iceberg, though not as big a proportion. This is one of the reasons why the health services in England have increased in cost so enormously. Their cost in 1945-46, when introduced, was based on the then conception of the amount of illness in the population. They have found since that that programme had to provide a service for illnesses which they did not know existed at the beginning. It is necessary that we become aware of these under-the-surface illnesses and the best way of doing this is by way of having centres not distributed too numerously, and, therefore, too expensively and possibly ineffectively, in reasonably large communities. There might be one centre under the aegis of each health board.

The Minister may say the local authorities already have under the Act of 22 years ago a responsibility in this respect, but if that Act has produced only one centre, it might be no harm to remind the health authorities of their responsibility in this respect. Therefore, as I said earlier, the Minister might think again on this matter.

On the question of membership of the boards, I think the agreement that has been reached by the Minister in the other House with the various people who put forward views as to the relative representation of the local authorities and the medical representatives is well founded and I have no quarrel with it. I agree also that ancillary workers should be represented on these boards. They are very important because of their direct responsibility for dealing with their patients, and this applies particularly to nurses.

Special reference has been made to psychiatric nurses. I do not know why they have been taken out of the whole body of the nursing profession for special mention. There are others, as well, with equal importance. There are obstetric nurses and paediatric nurses. In fact, the entire nursing profession is now becoming as split up into specialities as the medical profession. Therefore, I do not know why psychiatric nurses have been picked out and why they should have been given more of a right to representation on the boards than obstetric nurses. There is as much obstetric work these days as psychiatric work and I hope that situation will continue well into the future. That is a matter which presumably has been worked out with the Minister and the nursing authorities.

An amendment that was suggested and pressed with some force in the other House was the desirability of having other workers in employment on the health boards represented on these boards. I do not find myself completely in agreement with that. I agree with the Minister that if you make these boards too large nothing will ever get done. Having served on a number of these boards, I feel that the people who have the direct responsibility for the particular function that the board has to carry out, namely, dealing with sick people and promoting health, are the people who are more likely to give the best service on these boards. This is not to say that I underestimate the valuable work done by everybody connected with an institution like a hospital, but I think the best way of dealing with that is to bring in these other people, the people who run the catering service, the people who run the clerical side of the hospital and the administrative side, everybody, in fact, on various types of committee where these particular functions will be discussed.

There are two other points about health boards that I should like to mention. There does not seem to be any provision for either the health boards or the local committees to have members other than those who are appointed by the health authorities and nominated by the Minister. They have not, so far as I can see, any power to have on them people outside this range of expertise, if you like. On the other hand, in section 40, dealing with the reorganisation of hospitals, both bodies under that section have the power to have on them people who are outside the membership, in other words, to go outside and bring people in, presumably for their special knowledge in particular matters.

I agree with the view put forward that some provision should be made to have members of health boards on local committees. If the local committee are to function properly and bring the health board into close relationship with the conditions in the various areas for which the local committees have responsibility, then there has got to be some very direct communication between them. In the Medical Research Council we have a number of committees and we have a rule that the chairman of each committee is always a member of the council. We find that this gives a member of the council a direct responsibility for seeing that that committee get on with their work and, in turn, he then has to report on the work of the committee at the council meetings. This is an arrangement which works very well and I am sure it obtains in many other institutions. If some sort of bridge like that were to be made between the health boards and their local authorities the whole thing would find itself in a much more unified and satisfactory position.

I should like to mention another point in relation to health boards. In the health board areas where there are medical schools—there are three such areas in this country: Dublin, Cork and Galway—the health board should have a very close relationship with the medical schools. They will have to use, by and large, the graduates of those schools for the purposes of staffing their health services. The younger graduates will be the house officers of the hospitals. The training arrangements and the teaching arrangements will be, or should be, very closely dovetailed with each other. It would be appropriate for the authority that is running the medical school, the university, that is, to have some representation on the health board. I am sure that this can be looked after by the Minister when he is arranging to make his nominations on that section of the health board but I should like him to assure me in that regard. It works very well in England where the university, if it has a medical school, has representation on the regional hospital board and also on the regional practices committees.

That brings me to the next point, that is, hospital reorganisation. One can only welcome what is done in the section in this Bill dealing with hospitals to rationalise and co-ordinate the hospital situation. It has become extremely difficult with the enormous number of small hospitals scattered all over the country and the desire of each hospital to pursue its work at the highest possible level of specialisation and to have this desire supported by adequate funds from the central pool. This leads to a situation which has become completely impossible and not least of all in the city of Dublin.

My particular interest in this regard is in section 40 and in the implications of that section in regard to the question of medical education. Comhairle na nOspidéal which is being set up under that section is being given responsibilities of a very wide nature regarding the staffing of hospitals. It is very right that these responsibilities should be given to a particular body on a national basis so that proper co-ordination can be brought about but, on the other hand, there appears to me, in the first draft of this section, to be a danger that the staffing of the teaching hospitals might become a direct responsibility of this council rather than of the medical schools that are depending on these hospitals for the training of their students.

The Minister's predecessor and the Minister and the officers of the Department have looked at this problem in a very sympathetic way and amendments have been introduced into section 40 which will go a long way to deal with it but there is one still necessary in subsection (1) (b) (i) of section 40. This subsection gives the council the authority to determine the number and types of consultants in hospitals. Later on we find that they also have the authority to approve the qualifications of persons who are candidates for these posts and when they come to do that they have to consult with the teaching body concerned if there is a teaching responsibility. That is fair enough and we are grateful to the Minister for introducing that amendment but even at the level where they are approving the number of these consultants it has a direct implication for the teaching bodies. I just give one instance of this and this is one with which the Minister is very familiar. We wanted to develop cardiology in a particular teaching hospital in this town and it proved extremely difficult because the authorities in this hospital did not recognise that this level of development of cardiology was the kind of thing they wanted to encourage without reservation.

A very bright young man was appointed. He tried to work in those sort of circumstances and he found it impossible, so he left, greatly, I think, to the loss of medicine in Dublin. When we were replacing him we were in a position to insist that the hospital take a more rational view of this responsibility. Grudgingly, we got a certain amount of encouragement but it was not until we got money from an outside source, an American foundation, to support the post in part that we were able to make an appointment in that hospital of a cardiologist. What I am trying to say is that the hospitals concerned should have the obligation to consult with the teaching authorities in the establishment in determining the number of such posts. Not only in determining the qualifications of them but also in establishing new ones, it should be able to listen to the teaching body when such circumstances arise and take note of their requirements.

In regard to the qualifications that consultants, particularly in teaching hospitals, have on their appointment and in regard to the manner of appointment, the provisions in this section also meet our wishes and we are grateful to the Minister and his Department for this and for being sympathetic to our point of view. In Trinity College we are fortunate in having an agreement with the hospitals where our students go for training, with the federated hospitals, the Rotunda and St. Patrick's Hospital for different types of training that students get and for the appointment of people who have teaching responsibility. By and large, these agreements provide that such persons will be appointed jointly by the university and the hospital. The appointments board set up to deal with vacancies will be constituted from the hospitals central council and partly from the university itself. We have found in a number of instances that this works excellently. There is some difficulty in bringing this into line with the also excellent system of filling vacancies operated by the Local Appointments Commission but I believe that the wording of this section in this regard is sufficiently liberal and unrestricted as to make it possible for some proper arrangement to be worked out. I am sure the Minister and his colleagues in the Department of Education will be able to help us when we get down to dealing with that matter.

I do not think a teaching body should make an appointment to a hospital of somebody who has responsibility for looking after patients. The teaching body are not the kind of organisation who are equipped to make such an appointment, to judge the qualifications and the ability of the person so appointed to fit in with his colleagues, and so on. Nor do I think that a hospital on its own should make appointments of persons who have teaching responsibility without referring to the teaching bodies but together the two can make a very good job of it.

In regard to the functions of this council in relation to staffing hospitals, I would hope that the Minister, when we come to look at these sections in detail on Committee Stage, would take some special step to introduce into this section or some other appropriate place in the Bill some reference to the right of the general practitioner to work in hospitals. He mentioned this in his explanatory memorandum but there is no specific reference to it in the Bill itself. I think the whole arrangement would have a great deal more teeth if this was said in the early subsections of section 40 and if the words "general practitioner" were inserted in that section and the responsibility of Comhairle na nOspidéal for regulating the number and qualifications of other staffs in hospitals were set out. I think they could be given a right to be considered for incorporation in hospitals staffs.

The whole question of the general practitioner, which is the next point I want to take up, has been under very close scrutiny recently by various bodies and it is clear that only recently have we begun to recognise that this section of the profession is at least as important as—possibly even more important than—the consultant specialist group for the purpose of the ordinary running of the health service. In the Todd Report which I have here there are no fewer than 90 sections dealing with general practitioners and in section 31 we find this sentence: "A very substantial proportion of all illness, perhaps 90 per cent, is dealt with entirely within the ambit of general practice". That is a measure of the importance of the work of the general practitioner and it could be even greater with the development which the Minister foreshadowed of a more active investigative function for the hospitals so that patients are taken into hospital and investigated and then sent back with instructions to the practitioner as to what to do rather than having patients kept in bed in hospital to be looked after by the consultants.

Yesterday a Senator referred to the debt we owe to those who initiated the Hospitals Sweepstake scheme. I agree with him wholeheartedly. I mentioned this on the Appropriation Bill but it is not inappropriate to mention it again now. This scheme was introduced on 6th December, 1929, in Dáil Éireann by the then Professor of Medicine in Trinity College who was Sir James Craig. He had nothing to do with the Prime Minister of Northern Ireland at that time although sometimes confused with him. In his Second Reading speech on that occasion he made it quite clear that he did not relish introducing that scheme. He was a Northern Ireland Protestant and one could understand why he did not want to be in the position of putting forward a Bill in support of the health services of the country, including the hospitals, on a gambling basis. But he found this was absolutely necessary because the hospitals then were in a dreadful situation. There was no money for the development of their services, no money even to continue on the very low standard on which they were then being run. We have all seen the development that occurred following the operation of the Sweepstake scheme. This is one of the most important developments that have taken place in the health services of the country. The amount of money that has come in from this scheme has enabled a large number of hospitals to be built throughout the country and others to be developed. Most of us disagree fundamentally with the Government for taking a large share of this money in tax but this is a matter on which we have never been able to get any satisfaction and there is no use in raising it now.

I hope I am not being contentious when, in referring to these improvements, I mention that particular hospital of which Sir James Craig was a senior member of the staff. Sir Patrick Duns, which I attended as a student, has had relatively little benefit from the Hospitals Sweepstake scheme. The hospital is essentially the same as it was in 1929, which was about the time I qualified. There have been improvements but not of any major character.

This also applies to most of the hospitals in that group, hospitals to which students of our medical school go. I know there are reasons for this. I know that the multiplicity of these small hospitals has made it very difficult, in the absence of any agreement between them, for the Minister or his Department to achieve all the developments they would like to see taking place. This restriction has not applied equally to all the small hospitals.

This group has now taken certain steps which I think will help the Minister to help them. About ten years ago they formed a federation and, in the course of the negotiations, some of them extremely difficult, in the development of that federation, they have recently, with the help of the Minister, formed a plan for their future development. We will now look to the Minister to encourage this group of hospitals in this development in a way which I think they deserve.

This federation is made up of seven hospitals. Some of them have been serving the sick poor of Dublin for over 200 years. Most of them were built in the slum areas so as to be easily accessible to the sick poor. They provide about 1,200 beds altogether and they have over half the attendances at out-patient departments in the year. These are figures which are not generally recognised. When the amount of work done is staggered over seven small units like that, it tends to be lost but, when it is all gathered together, it makes a very substantial total. They want to go on doing this and they want to go on doing it in a modern and worthy style. They want a provision in a specific way to allow this to be done to the standards of the 70s, 80s and 90s of this century.

At the same time, they do not want to deny their younger people the opportunity for post-graduate work and specialist training. This is absolutely necessary at this stage of the development of medicine and, if some provision were not made for this, they would not be able to persuade their younger people to stay in the employment of these hospitals. The agreement we are in process of working out with the Minister—I do not want to go into it in detail here—will provide for both of these aspects and I would hope that there would be no suggestion that the aspect which deals with the ordinary day-to-day illnesses of the very large majority of the people of this town is in any way secondary to or a less worthy aspect of our medical effort than, say, the training of specialists and the carrying out of prestige operations in special centres.

We come to the choice of doctor under the section which deals with general practice. This is an excellent innovation but I find myself in a little difficulty in understanding how it will work. I would welcome an explanation from the Minister on this when he is replying to the debate. Will we continue to have dispensary doctors? That is my principal difficulty. If we do, will we be paying twice for the same job of work? Will we be paying a dispensary doctor to look after a sick person, but that sick person does not choose to go to that particular doctor but chooses to go to somebody else? Will we be paying specifically for that act of service? In other words, will we be paying twice for the same job?

Could it happen that a dispensary doctor would make himself so unpopular with the people in the lower income group that they would all opt to go to someone else? Then he would be getting paid but he would not have anything to do for that part of his salary. I am sure there is some way around this. I am quite certain that doctors are not like that and that that would not happen, but that is just an extreme point that comes to my mind and I should like if the Minister would elucidate it.

It is very important that there should be good quality doctors available in the rural areas. One of the things that the Local Appointments Commission have done over the past 30 or 40 years was to recruit good quality doctors for those dispensary posts. I have been on a number of boards constituted to make those appointments and I was always impressed at the way they weighed up the qualifications and experience of the candidates. As a result, in many parts of the country there are highly qualified people running this aspect of the service.

I should like to mention briefly to the Minister that I believe it is very important to stimulate and encourage the provision of good quality general practitioners. I believe quite honestly that there is not any country in the world where the scarcest form of medical care is not quality general practice. In most countries you can get highly qualified surgeons and very well trained specialists. They are to be found in the cities working in hospitals of various degrees of adequacy but, when you go to the rural districts and look for good quality general practitioners, very often there is difficulty in finding them. I know this applies to those countries as well as the less developed countries.

There are several ways in which we can do this. We have to provide better facilities for general practice so that the practitioners can examine their patients properly and have them properly investigated. They should have access to facilities in hospitals for special investigation on their patients. I saw with pleasure recently that University College, Galway, have succeeded in making such a service available. This should be general and should cover the whole range of general practice. I am not talking about putting specimens in a tube and sending them by post to some laboratory and reading the result and possibly not being able to understand it because you have not read that amount about recent developments. I am talking about an opportunity to make as close contact as possible with the people who are involved in these investigations, who understand what they are doing and are in a position to explain to the practitioner the implication of the results so far as the patient is concerned.

We have in one hospital in Dublin —that is the one I happen to know about; there may be others—an excellent arrangement whereby a particular practitioner works in the outpatient department of that hospital during certain sessions each week. This is not recognised by the health authority for payment but he does it and this brings him and his viewpoint and his knowledge of the background of the patient into close contact with the hospital. I think this would be an excellent arrangement for the health boards to have.

I also think—and this is getting away from the function of the Department of Health—that if the Department of Health could bring influence to bear on the Department of Education so that the medical schools would be encouraged to establish departments of general practice, this would add greatly to the prestige and status of the practitioners. We could have a professor in charge of lectures on general practice teaching the students the organisation of practice and the responsibilities of the general practitioner, sometimes out of contact with the specialist service of a hospital.

We have in Trinity College during the last five or six years instituted a scheme, which is working very well, whereby medical students go for a few weeks each year to a number of practitioners around the city, who are prepared to co-operate and take these students around their practices, show them what is going on and explain to them the nature of their work. This has two effects: first of all, it gives students an insight into the other side of illness, the side away from the hospital, and the implications of this illness on the family and it also shows them that general practice can be an attractive and stimulating way of life. This, in turn, will enable us to recruit better quality students for this type of practice.

There are only two or three other matters I want to mention briefly. Research was mentioned here. There is provision in the Bill for the Minister to support specialist investigations and to encourage research. We are grateful for this. The desirability of encouraging research in rheumatism in the western parts of the country was mentioned and emphasised. I wholeheartedly agree with this. Rheumatism is, as the Senator said, one of the most important reasons behind absence from work and so forth, but I would not agree with him in his suggestion that this type of research is an inexpensive type of research. It is anything but that. If one wants to do good quality research in rheumatic diseases one needs to have a very complicated laboratory; one wants a couple of electromicroscopes which cost about £10,000 or £12,000 apiece. One wants teams of workers to look after them, people who understand how to use them. One needs very special X-ray equipment which will cost several times as much as a couple of electromicroscopes. That represents a nice little bill for a start. I do not think the Senator should go away with the impression that he can set up very cheaply in Galway a small unit which will discover the cause of rheumatism in a very short time and relieve the incidence of that particular malady in that area. I am not suggesting such a research unit should not be established in Galway, or that the expense is any reason for not establishing it but, if anybody is thinking in terms of establishing a rheumatism research clinic, he should not think in terms of a small amount of money.

I am in agreement with other Senators about the amount of work that the Department and the Minister, and his successors, will have to do in future when this Bill is passed in drafting regulations to try to make the Bill work properly. There are two kinds of regulations. One kind has to be approved by both Houses before they can be put into operation and the other kind has merely to be laid before the House for 21 days. There is nothing in this Bill that states this as a particular requirement, but I take it that is the overall ruling which has been accepted as binding for all sorts of regulations. Then there are orders. There is nothing at all about the orders. The Bill does not say they will be laid before the House, or put before either House of the Oireachtas, so that we will never know about them until they have been made. I wonder are we entirely at the mercy, shall we say, of the Minister and his successors in this regard. Can he just make an order, having consulted with whatever local people the Act asks him to consult with, and we will not know anything about it until the matter is a fait accompli?

There is, then, the use of the words "shall" and "may". I note this over and over again in the Bill. Sometimes it is quite apparent that the one word is appropriate where the other would not be, but it is not so apparent in every instance. For instance, I know that home nursing "shall" be provided, but I also note that home helps "may" be provided. I do not know why there should be a subtle difference between these two because, if one is ill, a help in the home may be just as important as a nurse. Indeed, there are certain kinds of illness which do not need nursing but do need a great deal of home help. Rheumatism is one of these. One might be crippled with rheumatism and unable to cook a meal. A nurse cannot do anything but one does need a home help. Why have we "shall" and "may" as between these two sections?

I conclude by welcoming the introduction of these two sections providing these ancillary helps. They will be an enormous benefit in keeping down the extravagant use we are making of our hospitals at the moment, not merely for medical but very often for social purposes.

When this Bill was being discussed in the Dáil the question of who should have a majority on the health boards gave rise to a great deal of discussion and I am very glad to know from the Minister's opening speech here that members of local authorities will, in fact, have a majority on these boards. In saying that, I do not for a moment disagree with the fact that doctors and other professional people will have a fairly big representation on these boards. Indeed, this is essential.

I see no reason at all why the Minister should not have the power to nominate a number of people to these boards. When this was being discussed in the other House it was suggested that this was in some way undemocratic and that the Minister should not have nominees. That seems to me to be a very peculiar approach to democracy because the Minister, after all, represents the people and he is providing something like 75 per cent of the cost of these services. It is a peculiar approach to democracy to argue then that the Minister should not have the power to nominate some members to these boards. However, as I said at the outset, it is appropriate that the local authority representatives should have a majority on the boards.

Having said that, I should like to make a brief comment on something Senator Jessop said. He dealt with the extent to which politics should be involved in the health services, the extent to which politics should obtrude on them, and he suggested, I think, that politics should only play a minor part in health services. It must be realised that were it not for the efforts of politicians, Members of the Dáil and Seanad and, in particular, members of local authorities, we would not have today anything like the health services we have.

In point of fact, I said party politics.

It is largely due to politics that we have the health services we have. It must be realised that health services are not merely a matter of providing hospitals, operating theatres, and skilled personnel. The other side of health services is finding out, first of all, what are the real needs of the people and then finding out whether the services in existence are giving the people that which legislation purports to give them. Politicians, whether they be party politicians or independents, have a very important part to play and it is only right that they should have a majority, even if it is only a slight majority, on these health boards.

Having made reference to Senator Jessop in a mildly critical way, I should also like to take this opportunity of congratulating him on an excellent speech which dealt with the problem of health in a very comprehensive way and which all of us found very interesting and helpful. I find myself at a disadvantage speaking on health after the speech made by Senator Jessop, who has such an expert grasp of this matter.

The main improvements in this Bill are the structural and administrative changes in the health boards throughout the country. I think these changes are essential. It must be realised that we cannot stand still. We cannot ignore the fact that services must change and that the cost of such services, whether we do nothing to change them or whether we make big changes, will inevitably go up. Hospital costs are going up by an astronomical amount the whole time and so is the cost of equipment. Not only is the cost of equipment that has always been in existence going up but more sophisticated kinds of equipment are needed all the time and the cost is not merely doubling but is going up ten times in certain respects. The cost of specialists is going up, not because the specialists are being paid more, but because more specialised specialists are required.

If we are to give the service considered to be normal and reasonable in the present day those who administer the health services as well as Members of the Dáil and Seanad find themselves in a dilemma. They have to decide whether they are going to allow the health services to deteriorate or whether very much more money is to be provided to continue or slightly improve the type of service given under the present structure. If it is agreed that resources both in regard to money and the skilled personnel required are limited—money will always be scarce and taxes cannot provide for everything—every effort must be made to ensure that these resources are provided for and distributed in the fairest and most rational way possible. I do not think any Member of this House would want the services now being provided to deteriorate, nor do I think any Member of this House would merely want them to stand still. I think we all want them to improve and be as good as possible within our resources.

Those who object to the structural and administrative changes in the health boards, which will ensure that improved services can be provided at the lowest possible cost are, in fact, objecting to the cost of such services and the fact that they are having such a heavy impact on the rates. It seems to me that we cannot have it both ways. If we are conscious of the cost of these services and if we are conscious of the fact that the available money must be spent in the most rational way possible, then we must face up to whatever structural and administrative changes are necessary to provide that service. It seems to me that the provisions in this Bill supply these services in the best possible way.

We can only provide hospitals able to deal with every case, no matter how difficult or obscure, in two or three places in the country. Some people seem to want every county to have a hospital able to deal with almost every case. Clearly, this is something which is not possible. The Minister said in the Dáil that the average county surgeon could probably deal with something in the region of 80 to 90 per cent of the cases which come into the hospital and that it was only in something slightly over ten per cent of the cases that a patient who came in for treatment had to be sent elsewhere for specialist treatment. This is a very good figure. Nevertheless, the present system met with great difficulty in trying to provide treatment for the other ten per cent. It created the problem of what hospitals these people should be sent to and whose responsibility they should be when they went to these hospitals. It created an undesirable situation which, far from getting better in the future if we continued with our present system, would get worse. Specialist treatment is improving all the time and it would be impossible to have the various specialists in every county. This situation is serious at the moment and it will, inevitably, get very much worse unless the kind of structure provided in this Bill is brought in. This is not something which is going to be provided next week or even next year. The Bill merely gives the Minister power to introduce gradually this new structure into our health services.

The reaction of Opposition parties to this Bill has in some cases been mildly critical and in almost all cases they have given it rather niggardly praise. If the Opposition accept that resources are limited one wonders what type of services they would wish this Bill to provide. In the Dáil, although certainly not to the same extent in this House, Fine Gael advocated an insurance system by which everyone in the country would be insured against ill-health. There would then be an insurance fund which would pay for medical attention for everyone who needed it. This is a positive suggestion and certainly something worthy of consideration. It is difficult to understand how this would work. In the first place, we must realise that the voluntary health insurance scheme is there and everybody in the country is entitled to be a member of that scheme if he wants to be. However, there are very large numbers of people who will not subscribe to the voluntary health insurance scheme and there are very large numbers who, whether they want to or not, cannot afford to subscribe to it. What is the system which Fine Gael advocate?

It seems to me that if the Government tried to introduce a scheme of this kind, they would, first of all, have to decide on various categories of people; they would have to decide on certain categories, which I suppose would coincide pretty well with those who are fully eligible, partly eligible and not eligible under the present Bill; then they would have to introduce some kind of means test to decide what people were to be in the various categories and they would have to pay the premiums of approximately 30 per cent of the people who are fully eligible under the Bill and help those who are only partly eligible to pay their premiums. What would happen if the people concerned refused to pay the remainder of the premiums is not quite clear. Finally, they would say to the other ten per cent, or thereabouts, that it was up to them to provide their own services.

What is so different from doing that and having the present system? In effect what the Government are doing is raising from taxes the money needed to provide full medical attention for those who need it fully and part medical attention for those who need it partly. Is there any difference between doing that and raising money to pay the full premium for an insurance scheme for those who need full attention and to pay part of the premium for those who need part attention? In the end it seems to me to get back to very much the same kind of system. It seems to me that the impact on taxes or rates, or however it is financed, will in the end be very much the same. Although the system proposed by Fine Gael on the face of it seems to be very different, we would be dealing with something which is insurance rather than a Government provision of medical attention and the end result from every point of view would seem to be very much the same.

I must say I see no advantage, no real advantage, and I see many disadvantages, in the system advocated by Fine Gael. In a community which accepts, as this community accepts, that everybody who needs medical attention is entitled to it the only way to provide that service is to provide it in the kind of service we have at present and the kind of improved service which we have in this Bill. The fact that some people need some attention and that at present the State does not feel obliged to provide everything for them, illustrates the difficulty of introducing a kind of insurance system because, as I said earlier, if the Government pay some of the premium it is not clear what happens about the remainder.

When I comment on the voluntary health insurance scheme I want to make it clear that I am not for one moment criticising the scheme. It is an excellent scheme and anybody who can afford to contribute to it should certainly do so. In every way it has proved to be an excellent scheme and one which has done a great deal of good work and provided magnificent help for those who subscribed to it. Its success however is due to the fact that it is voluntary, that it is there for people who are prepared and able to subscribe to it and to try to change it into a kind of compulsory scheme would, to my mind, mean that it would not have anything like the same kind of success. When I say that some of the other parties were critical of this Bill, or certainly lacking enthusiasm for it, I do so because I read some of the speeches and I heard some of the speeches made by the Labour Party on it. Some of the Labour Party, of course, are reasonably satisfied with it but some say that it is merely a stop-gap solution and that the real solution is to have a free-for-all health scheme. I wonder whether anybody outside a few doctrinaire enthusiasts for free health services really want this kind of scheme. It is impossible to understand exactly who it would benefit and what the overall effect of it would be. In the Dáil the Minister mentioned that the cost of introducing a free-for-all scheme would be at least an extra £20 million. That would be an extra £20 million on top of whatever extra cost there would be for the improvements in this Bill. What would be the advantage of spending an extra £20 million? The position is that those who are in need of free medical attention already get it and they would be no better off. Those who are getting part help, hospital attention and so on, might be marginally better off because they would get general practitioner and general medical attention as well, and those who at the moment are able to provide for their own needs are the people who would really benefit.

It is difficult to understand why the Labour Party should be advocating that the relatively wealthy members of the community who can afford to provide medical attention for themselves and their families should benefit in this way. The result inevitably would be that the general standard of the health services would deteriorate because the resources available would have to be spread more thinly. The standard would suffer to some extent and the only people who would benefit are those who do not really need help. I cannot accept that this approach to our health problems is in any way reasonable or helpful. It is a doctrinaire approach which does not seem to be pushed in this House and I do not think that the Labour Party are 100 per cent in favour of it. Their attitude to it is somewhat half-hearted and I believe it will continue to be half-hearted in the future.

I welcome this Bill because it provides the structure for administrative changes which I consider essential for the improvement of the services in the future. It introduces a number of relatively small but very important improvements which already have been referred to by a number of Senators, but which I should like to refer to again.

The choice of doctor is an excellent improvement which has been discussed for many years and which, as far as the individual patient is concerned, may be of considerable advantage to him. In many cases, of course, it will not be of any advantage because in many cases a person may be quite satisfied with the local dispensary doctor. In many other cases, however, this may be of exceptional importance to a person in a part of the country where for some reason he or she does not get on very well with the local dispensary doctor.

The improvement in the matter of eligibility of various classes, the improvement in the means test and the fact that there is an appeal in this respect, are of considerable importance also. Several speakers referred to home help, nursing help, and I agree this is of great importance, something which will not only be of tremendous importance to the patient concerned but which will also be of great importance in helping to keep a family together. It will also help in keeping down the cost of the health services because the cost of keeping a person in hospital at the moment is very high and just as much can be done in many cases by providing nursing assistance in the home. Accordingly, in every way this development of the health services is of great importance from the patients' point of view and from the point of view of cost. Also, the relatively minor abolition of the charges for outpatients is something which must be recommended.

I think it will be agreed this Bill is fair to all sections of the community: it is fair to those who need full medical attention; it is fair to those who need some medical attention; it is fair to those who need the various services, some of which are new and some of which have been improved. At the same time, in so far as it is possible to be fair, it makes some effort to cut down, to minimise, the increasing cost of the health services. This Bill represents an effort to deal with changing circumstances in the health services, changes which are inevitable. It is a matter of whether we face up to them or allow the situation to take over from us. This Bill makes a very good effort to take that problem in hand and to deal with it in a rational way.

I should like to mention one point in conclusion. It is not really a point in respect of which the Minister is responsible: it is a matter of drafting and I mention it more in a professional way. It is on the question of repeals. Repeals in many cases are repeals of entire Acts. In some cases they are merely sections of previous Acts being repealed. Here, however, the Health Authorities Act, 1960, with the exception of two sections and a schedule, has been repealed.

I suggest to the Minister and to the Parliamentary draftsman that in a case like this to repeal the whole Act and to allow two sections and a schedule to stand is not the best way of doing it. Surely to repeal the previous Act in its entirety and to reintroduce these provisions in the Bill before us would be a better way of doing this, because the difficulty for anybody reading Acts of this kind, tracing back amendments and repeals and so on, is immense. It gets more difficult as time goes by.

I, therefore, suggest that where you have a situation like this, to leave an Act on the Statute Book containing only two or three sections seems to be carrying this system too far. I should like to mention that on a previous occasion—I think it was when the Income Tax Acts were being consolidated a few years ago and an Act was being introduced and a certain amount of publicity was being given to it in the newspapers—I happened to be talking to the then German Ambassador who asked me why so much fuss was being made of the fact that Acts were being consolidated. He said it was difficult for a German to understand this because in Germany most Acts are consolidated Acts to the extent that as far as possible when an Act like this is being introduced it would incorporate all the law dealing with health services —all previous Acts would be repealed and the whole system would be reenacted and brought up to date.

This may present a very big difficulty in some cases but as far as possible we should aim in this country at having consolidation Acts which would bring all the law on a particular subject into the most recent Act. I, therefore, ask the Minister whether it would be possible—obviously it is not possible in this Bill—when further changes in the health services are being considered, to introduce a Consolidation Act which would deal as comprehensively as possible with everything dealing with the health services.

At the outset I should like to compliment the Minister for his approach to the introduction of this Bill in so far as he went to some trouble to meet representatives of the local authorities to hear their views on the new Bill. I should also like to compliment him for having gone to some trouble to indicate to the councillors present at those meetings that he would be all the time mindful of any suggestions they might make. That is a good spirit: it is good to have liaison between the Minister and the members of local authorities who give long years of their lives to the public service and who have no reward other than the pride of achievement.

I should like further to compliment the Minister for acknowledging in his introductory speech that the Bill as it came before the Seanad had been improved as a result of suggestions from all sides in the Dáil. That, too, is a welcome spirit: the Minister welcomes suggestions rather than becoming annoyed when they are made.

To get down to the Bill itself, I think regionalisation is absolutely necessary for a couple of reasons. One is that it has become necessary to have well-equipped and well-staffed hospitals— well-staffed from the point of view of numbers and their ability to deal with the work being done. In this context I draw attention to the decline of population in some of our counties which is so low that they could not be considered as practical units for health services.

Taking three counties in one section of the country from the point of view of valuation, in Meath 1d in the £ yields £2,400; in the adjoining county, Cavan, it yields only £1,200 and in the other adjoining county, Leitrim, its yields only £600. Therefore an improvement in medical services in Meath might cost the ratepayers something in the nature of 3d in the £; in Cavan a similar improvement would cost 6d and in Leitrim 1s. For these main reasons the introduction of a system of regionalisation is welcome and, as has been said by other speakers, is the system most likely to give an effective health service as economically as possible.

The Minister has indicated specifically that the health boards will be established on 1st April, 1971 and I suppose that from that date there will be a gradual implementation of the Act. The Minister has not indicated when building of the new regional general hospitals will commence, whether it is likely to start in this decade or might not occur for two decades. That poses a problem as to what will happen in the case of existing hospitals in the meantime. Will they be kept in a reasonable state of repair or will there be an attempt to modernise them to any degree?

There are hospitals that are in a bad state of repair structurally and it is possible that these hospitals would be allowed to go into further disrepair and would be rubbed off the hospital map, so to speak. This is a problem in which local authorities are keenly interested. They are anxious to know when the building schemes provided for in the Bill will get under way and what the approach to existing hospitals will be in the meantime.

Notwithstanding what has been said by Senator Ryan, it is a disappointing feature that rates are still to be the source of revenue for hospitals under the health scheme. There is a good deal in what Senator Ryan has said. The point is that it must be accepted that rates are based on an outmoded system and that the collection of rates causes very severe hardship in a big number of cases and, as a result, there is opposition to schemes that there otherwise would not be. Down the years the Government have recognised to a degree that hardship is imposed by rates. They introduced the Act giving relief of rates on agricultural land. As the Minister pointed out in his introductory statement, the subvention from the Government to health has increased over the last number of years from 50 per cent to approximately 56 per cent. That also is a result of the growing awareness of the hardship imposed by the burden of rates.

It is a fact that the collection of the necessary funds to implement a hospitals scheme, or any other scheme, must cause some displeasure to those who have to pay but there are some forms of payment that cause more annoyance than others. It is not very popular to compliment the income tax collectors on their system but that system does make certain allowances in respect of dependent children and the education of families, whereas rates do not make any such allowance. Take, for example, the figure of £1,200 maximum in the case of the middle income group. A person in receipt of a salary of £1,600 could be granted allowances in respect of children, whereas no similar allowances are afforded to the person in the corresponding bracket whose valuation is £80.

For these reasons and others, rates are a particularly objectionable form of collecting revenue and opposition to worthwhile schemes often grows up because of opposition to rates. There are people who are opposed, not to the broad outlines of the Bill, but to the collection of the necessary finance in the form of rates. That is a distinction that I should like to make.

Groups will continue as under the existing Health Act: lower income group, middle income group and upper income group. I do not intend to criticise that matter at any length but I do hope that there will be more standardisation. In certain counties the ceiling in the case of the lower income group is about £10 a week for a married couple with a family of two. In other counties the ceiling for the same category may be as high as £14. There is dissatisfaction when persons do not qualify for the general medical service card while others in the same category in an adjoining county, who may be in better circumstances, do qualify.

With regard to the ceiling of £1,200 per annum in the case of the middle income group, the point I want to make is that if the right to £1,200 per annum is written into the Bill and becomes law, in four or five years time that may not be a fair ceiling because of depreciation in the value of the £ and an increase in the cost of living.

I think that in such cases when a specific salary or wage is introduced into a Bill it should be linked with a clause that would enable the thing to move up or down—if the latter likelihood ever comes about—with regard to changes in the cost of living. If we have £1,200 as the fixed amount for the ceiling for the middle income group at this date with the value of the £ what it is and the cost of living rises above the figure it is now, then within three years or, perhaps, even less the cost of living will be appreciably higher and the value of the £ becomes increasingly less. There should be some scale written into this clause that would automatically raise £1,200 to whatever was the equivalent value at a future time. When I make that suggestion to the Minister I have in mind something of the same nature that occurred with another Act. It was with regard to the sum given for reconstruction of dwellinghouses. A limit of £140 or some such limit—I am not actually certain what it was—was written into the Act ten, 12 or 15 years ago when the amount of £140 had a purchasing power much greater than the purchasing power of the same amount of money now. I make the suggestion, that when these specific sums are introduced into a Bill they should be linked up with the cost of living and capable of adjustment without having to go to any great difficulty —that it would be done automatically in fact.

The Minister mentioned in his address that radiologists are scarce, and I do not have any reason to dispute that. The point I want to make is that in some areas doctors are scarce. There are areas in the country where you have not had a doctor under the dispensary scheme for the past five, six, seven or eight years. In those remote areas the doctors do not wish to go when they can find remunerative employment in a more convenient place. Tribute has been paid here by Senator Jessop to the work done by general practitioners throughout the country, but in my opinion the Minister or his successor in the very near future will be faced with the difficulty of being unable to keep doctors in certain remote areas in this country. It will probably be necessary to offer an incentive of some kind, monetary or otherwise, to doctors to settle in the more remote parts.

It was mentioned here yesterday by one Senator, and, perhaps, more, that married nurses are being brought back into employment in hospitals throughout the country. This is quite true, and I know it to be true because it is happening in my own county. It would, therefore, appear that we do not offer sufficient inducements to young nurses to stay in this country. A number of Irish girls continue to go to England to be trained and then we are not able to induce them to come back here. Much of the good intentions of the Minister in this Bill will come to nought if we are not in a position to attract good doctors and nurses into the rural parts of this country. Reference was made yesterday to the difficulties that confronted people in Mayo and other remote places when they have to call on medical services. In this regard I would say to the Minister that here is an exercise on which he might advise some of his officers in the Department to continue to work. They are people who got high places in the junior executive examinations years ago, and because they are skilled in comparing and contrasting one thing with another they could employ that ability to compare and contrast the conditions that prevail in many parts of rural Ireland with those that prevail in the more thickly-populated centres. Then it might be seen that there was a great need to have more incentives to people to do their work there.

The idea in the Bill of affording general practitioners an opportunity to use the local hospital for treatment of patients is to be welcomed wholeheartedly, and I compliment the Minister on its introduction.

There are one or two other points. I have no hesitation whatever in extending my congratulations to the Minister for ensuring in the Bill that income of the family will not be taken into account when the means of parents are being assessed. It has been happening down the years under the old Act that parents who could have benefited under the health scheme were denied benefit because of the supposed contribution they were getting from members of their family which, in fact, they were not getting. Furthermore, I should like to say that in my experience the payments of disability allowances and even, indeed, the granting of GMS cards to certain classes of people left cause for discontent and complaint. It has been interpreted down the years that a person who becomes immobilised applies for assistance under the local authority disability allowances scheme, and I have known it to happen that people were ruled out because it was said that they were not in gainful employment before the illness. "Gainful employment" as far as I have been able to find out means earning wages but it did not include work done on a farm. Therefore, it would happen with farming people in some cases that you would have two brothers and a sister working on the farm and their labour was helping in production, but when one of them was stricken down with some illness he was ruled out from disability allowances because of the interpretation that he was not engaged in gainful employment. If contributing to the production of wealth on the soil is not gainful employment, then my knowledge of life in the country and of the English language is badly in need of a check-up. I know another case of a housewife who was crippled with arthritis and because of the fact that she had not been in this "gainful employment" for 15 or 20 years when she was bringing up her family she was ruled as being ineligible for payment of disability allowance. That sort of interpretation cannot be the intention of any Minister however anxious he might be to tend to the needs of the less well off members of the community.

I would, too, join in support of the Senator who said that we should devote more attention to the school medical inspection and to the dental treatment of children at school. I know that this is being done under the old Health Act, but in some areas because of a shortage of dentists there is a great back-log in the dental treatment of schoolchildren. Anything that can be done to have the situation improved will be appreciated and the money will be well spent. I remember being told by one of the Minister's predecessors that the aim was that every child should have at least three medical inspections during its primary school life. That should be realised and there should be even more than three inspections if possible. Above all, greater attention should be given to the care of teeth and eyes. I am not ungrateful for the great headway that has been made but the shortage of dentists and specialists in some areas means that people are not getting the treatment it was intended they should get when the Act was passed. Anything the present Minister can do to ensure that the present situation does not continue unalleviated will, I am sure, be done and I can assure him that his efforts will be widely appreciated.

We still have a long way to go in order to deal properly with mentally retarded and deficient children. I know of two cases in my own area. One is the daughter of a widowed mother who had to go out to work when her husband, a small farmer, died. The eldest girl in the family is severely retarded and at sixteen has the physical development of a child of five and the mental development of a child of about six months. The child was taken to a suitable institution but last year the mother was told that as the child had reached the maximum age for children in this institution, she would have to make arrangements to take the child home. What kind of treatment was that to mete out to a woman who must go out to work every day in order to rear the other children in the family? When she had made this career for herself she was suddenly told that a child of this kind would be sent back to her. What could she do about a child in that condition if it did come back? Fortunately, people intervened and after great difficulty and much torment for the woman concerned the child was put into another institution.

I know another case where nothing has been done. I cannot delay the House citing individual cases but they are such serious cases that I am certain the Minister and his officials would not tolerate things of this kind if there was any possible remedy. I am referring to the case of a child of nine, the eldest in a family of five. The parents are small farmers. The child is severely retarded and blind and dumb. Every effort that has been made to have that child accommodated in an institution has so far failed. It is no harm to reflect for a moment on the mental anguish of the parents of that child. The mother, who is at present an expectant mother, must get up each morning of her life and try to deal with a child of that kind and one can imagine the mental torture unnecessarily inflicted on her. One must also consider the two brothers and two sisters of this child who are being brought up in this environment. One also knows the uncharitable remarks that children in the school playground often hurl at each other. When one takes all these things into account one realises the necessity for an all-out effort to make suitable provision for the treatment of such a child. I make a special appeal to the Minister to ensure during his term of office and as early as possible that every back-log in a service of that sort is cleared up. I know the difficulties that arise in regard to the treatment of children of that type. I suppose institutions are overcrowded but as a layman I believe it should be possible to add a chalet or some prefabricated cubicle to an existing institution to enable a child such as the one I have spoken of to be taken from the home and so afford the father and mother some prospect of being able to live their lives in reasonable comfort without having to face such a difficult existence daily.

The Minister has the wholehearted support of a big section of the people in his efforts to reorganise health services so as to get the best possible results in the future, taking into account what we can afford to spend. We all know there are difficulties in health administration here as in other countries and the bills must be met. Sometimes there is a difference of opinion as to the best way of raising money. We are aware that the health service is costing a colossal amount of money in England and in other countries and we also know that our health system gives us better protection than any provision made in the United States for the people there, some of whom are Irish emigrants, who live in fear of having to undergo a long period of hospitalisation in New York, Chicago or other cities.

I compliment the Minister on introducing the Bill and on the new provisions he is introducing and I wish the measure every success. I hope the urgent cases I have mentioned will be dealt with at an early stage and that so far as possible we shall have standard allowances for all those entitled to benefit whether they live in Donegal, Meath, Mayo or Kerry.

I welcome the Bill not so much for itself but as an extract from work in progress because I found when I tried to study the complexities of the Bill that I was going back as far as the Public Assistance Act of 1939 and yet was in imagination looking forward to a Government decision on the Devlin Report and to future legislation which would implement many of the recommendations from the reports on the hospital system, child health services, mental illness and mental handicap that are still left untouched.

In looking forward, I look forward particularly to the day when we will have what the Devlin group so rightly pointed out we lack at present, a general conception of total welfare. I think that is a very good phrase, "a conception of total welfare". I look forward also to the day when we can say we have done everything within our power to prevent ill-health in our community and, in particular, when we can say we have done everything possible to see that institutional care really is the last resort in the treatment of our aged and handicapped.

My look at the Bill will be taken in the light of these preconceptions. I should also like to look at it accepting that larger organisations and administrative units will be necessary in the interests of economy and efficiency in the health services. While accepting this, I recognise that it is desirable that any health service should be a personal service. I shall be keen to point out, where I think it relevant, what future developments will help to retain at least the feeling of community service people have regarding the health services, as at present administered through the health authorities, which are largely identified with the local county council administrations.

Looking at the Bill in this spirit I should like to comment first of all on the structure of the health boards. Speakers on all sides of the House have welcomed the amendments made by the Dáil which now mean that representatives of the local authorities have a majority on the health boards. I accept why these amendments were made. Speaking as a politician, speaking as a democrat, I fully appreciate that you should not have taxation without representation. I appreciate also that our electoral system in local government is the time-honoured and established way for the people to express their views on certain matters, but I still wonder whether it is entirely desirable that the major voice on these bodies should be that of the representatives of the local authorities.

If this sounds a bit like heresy from a politician, could I make my point a bit clearer? In many aspects of our life today there is a lot of general dissatisfaction with our political institutions as an adequate expression of the voice of the people. We see this particularly in many of the writings and expressions of our young people. Though in a sense one always gets the Government or the representatives one deserves, at times, nevertheless, the people they see in office, whether on local authorities or in government, may not appear to the community to have all the necessary and desirable expertise.

I find myself in a dilemma. On the one hand, I respect our political institutions and the role of democracy and, on the other hand, I recognise the genuine criticisms which people can make about the electoral process whether at local or national level. In local terms, for example—I do not know if Senator Belton would like to comment on this as we both come from the same area—in an area like Dún Laoghaire there might be many people who would feel that a representative of one of the very fine voluntary organisations in the area with an interest in health problems, like the Dún Laoghaire Borough Old Folks' Association, would be able to make a better contribution to the deliberations of a health body than many of the representatives of the local authority. I am just suggesting that this is the way many members of the public see it.

I should like to suggest some compromise which, without altering the situation as it is at present proposed— this structure of the health boards with a majority for local representatives— would give a better voice to local people, on the health boards, or in the field of local government generally. One idea—I will just suggest it in general terms; it is a concept which we will hear a lot more about in the future and which will have a lot more support—is the idea of local community consultative councils. These can be recognised and approved by local authorities, I understand, under the Local Government Acts, 1941 and 1955. A local community consultative council could bring together all the forces of the voluntary organisations in an area with health and other interests and could play quite a role in advising the local elected representatives on health matters.

On the same point—and I should like to inquire if my reading of the Bill is correct on this—do I understand that the local authority, when electing a representative either to a local committee or to a health board, can elect only a member of that local authority? If that is the case it is a pity. Why cannot a local authority have power to elect any member of the community in that area?

That will not happen.

It may not happen, but when the Senator says it will not happen I think he is taking a pessimistic view of human nature.

A realistic view.

It may be a realistic view, but I have a great belief in the implicit goodness of man. I think that goodness will "out" if only we have structures to encourage people to be good and to express a bit of idealism. Even if initially it means nothing in practice, it is a gesture which is well worth making. It should at least be put up to the local authorities that, when looking around for members to elect to local committees or to health boards, if they feel that in their midst they may not have perhaps the same expertise as some well-known figure, who is working in a voluntary capacity in an organisation doing good work, they may at least consider electing that person to go forward to represent the community on the local committee or the health board.

I should like to move on now in much the same spirit to the sanctions in the Bill dealing with officers and servants. There is quite a bit about the appointment of the chief executive officer of these regional health boards. I understand the terms and conditions will be decided jointly by consultation between the Minister and the Local Appointments Commission. There is one point I should like to make which is, I think, in the spirit of the Devlin group report and also in the spirit of progressive thinking in this field generally. It is important that these posts of chief executive officer should be open to competition from people outside as well as inside the existing local government service.

I should like to see more to-ing and fro-ing between industry and commerce and local authority services so that we could have an exchange of managerial and administrative skills. When the conditions of appointment are laid down the possibility of someone from outside the local authority service being appointed should be left open.

Again, it seems to me that an officer who wishes to leave his post temporarily will have the task of finding a locum to replace him during that period. I have experience of this from the point of view of the attitude of school managers; it is up to the teacher to find a locum when he is away. I do not think that is a good idea. If we have planned personnel administration it should be the responsibility of the chief executive officer to deal with this type of situation. There should be a constant watch kept and people should be encouraged to leave their posts from time to time to attend courses of study, or whatever it may be, in order to encourage career development in their sphere of work.

Again, the chief executive officer will be open to surcharge and the work of the health authorities will be subject to Local Government audit in the same way as it is at present. One often hears what seems to be justifiable complaints from those working in local authorities that this practice of surcharge and audit exercises a constraining influence on genuine initiative. Some relaxation in this respect might be desirable in the working out of administrative details. In a health service it is desirable there should be as much flexibility as possible. Those administering the service should not be all the time looking over their shoulders at the Local Government auditor.

The Bill proposes that if, at any stage, a chief executive officer has to be removed, there may be a local inquiry. Similarly, if a hospital is being closed there has to be a local inquiry. Obviously the local inquiry on the removal of a chief executive officer would be somewhat different from the inquiry necessary in regard to the closure of a hospital. Should there not be a little more detail here describing what is actually meant by a local inquiry in these situations?

With regard to eligibility for the service, I welcome the clarification of the conditions and the future uniformity of conditions, plus the right of appeal. These are important advances. Nevertheless, I am somewhat pessimistic in that I recognise that there will continue to be disputes about decisions in particular cases. Now that there is provision for appeal, it would be very helpful, if, in addition to the normal information leaflets, either the health authorities or the Department would publish leaflets giving case studies on decisions with regard to eligibility and on appeals. These would, of course, be anonymous, but anyone who felt aggrieved would be able to look at the cases stated and thereby get a better understanding of the workings of this service.

I recognise that one of the major problems will be that facing the middle income group and those who are above the £1,200 level. I appreciate that this is a financial problem which will always be a matter of concern, but I should like some information on a point made in the Third Programme for Economic and Social Development, at page 183. I may have missed a report on progress since its publication, but we are told that an examination of the feasibility of introducing a contributory scheme to finance part at least of the cost of the service available to the middle income group is almost completed and I would be very interested if the Minister could report further on this and tell us what the results have been.

In regard to section 58 (2), the explanatory memorandum makes it quite clear that the purpose of this section is to introduce a new scheme for persons with limited eligibility under which they will be entitled to get assistance on drugs, etc. The cost, or a proportion of it, over and above a fixed amount within a prescribed period will be met by the health board. That is the explanatory memorandum. In the Bill itself I do not think this quite comes across. It is, of course, one of the provisions I welcome in principle.

Another point I very much welcome is the provision of home help. I gather "home help" is a very basic term, literally meaning help with cooking, cleaning and so on. Of course, in the background, we have the work of the public health nurses and doctors themselves. In all our health legislation one rarely finds a reference to the role of professional social workers. Some indication of how drastic the situation is in this country, with regard to the professional social worker, is gained by reading Career Leaflet No. 141 on the Social Worker, which is produced by the Department of Labour. The child thinking of a career as a social worker is told with regard to the field of the family caseworkers that: "Most of the family caseworkers at present work for voluntary organisations". Where child care and probation are concerned— and child care is an area we know the Minister is extremely interested in—we are told: "Child Care and Probation are other well-established fields of social work abroad". This is a sad state of affairs. I should like to see much more involvement by professional social workers. I was glad to hear the Minister say in his opening speech in this House that one of the grounds for recommending the larger health regions was because they would make it more economic for the employment of social workers.

I welcome the news that the home assistance service will be tied into the new health regions. It is important that there should be close liaison between the health services and the home assistance services. I also welcome the news that the whole role of home assistance is under review. It was ironical, when thinking about speaking here today, that I received in the post this morning the news that Séamus Ó Cinnéide's book, "A Law for the Poor", which is a study of home assistance in Ireland, is to be published this week. In the autumn, 1969 edition of Administration Séamus Ó Cinnéide said, in a timely comment which his book will expound: “Home Assistance is the last bastion of the Poor Law; Home Assistance recipients will, it seems, be the last to benefit from social change”.

With regard to child health I particularly welcome the priorities laid down by the Minister in the Dáil Committee Stage, on 3rd December, 1969. At column 274, volume 243, of the Official Report he said:

I can assure the House that my own priorities in regard to the health services are in keeping young children healthy by the development of the child health service and in looking after the old people and mentally-handicapped people, particularly, the mentally-handicapped people.

Those are fine priorities and I wish the Minister well in this work.

I look forward to the link up of social problems and health problems. It was suggested in the Devlin Report that the Department of Health and the Department of Social Welfare be merged. I welcome this proposal and look forward, for example, to the day when the Adoption Board will be reporting to the Department of Health instead of to the Department of Justice.

Whilst the provisions in existing organised social welfare legislation may seem to be extremely generous, in practice they may not mean a great deal because of the non-availability of funds. If we are really serious about reducing the amount of institutionalised treatment, and I am certain the Minister is, we must spend money building up our strengths in areas like social work and the information service which Senator Jessop talked about. We cannot hope to keep people out of hospital until they know what services are available and until we have field workers to bring these services to their homes. In times of financial difficulties the irony is that services like the information service and the employment of social workers are usually the services which are pruned. One of the few decreases in the current Health Estimate was a decrease of £1,000 in expenditure for the dissemination of information on health and health services. If we really want to keep people out of institutions we must advertise the services available to them.

I welcome the Bill generally. I look forward to the future legislation, which will bring in many of the fine things already in the pipeline. I hope in administrative terms future legislation will also bring in procedures which will further the spirit of the Devlin Report. I join with Senator Ryan in looking forward to the day when we will have a consolidated Bill which will be a health code or charter for the community because certainly it is an extremely difficult task for anyone coming to study health legislation as it is at present to find his way through the jungle.

Debate adjourned.
Business suspended at 1 p.m. and resumed at 2.30 p.m.
Top
Share