Skip to main content
Normal View

Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 20 Feb 1975

Vol. 79 No. 8

Local Government Reorganisation: Motion.

I move:

That Seanad Éireann takes note of the discussion document on Local Government reorganisation.

I believe that the idea to abolish many local authorities was hatched in the Civil Service as far back as 1961. In that year I remember attending the annual conference of the Municipal Authorities of Ireland in Castlebar. It took place during the general election campaign in September, 1961. I recall the rumours that circulated throughout the conference, that many urban district councils and town commissioners were about to be axed. When the then Minister for Local Government arrived in Castlebar to address the conference I told him about the rumours. He referred to those rumours that night in the course of his speech. He categorically and emphatically denied that there was any plan to interfere with local authorities. Some years later, however, his successor appointed a committee to look into the whole local government structure. Some years after that, his successor — and the present Minister's predecessor — accepted those recommendations, which would have meant that urban councils and town commissioners under a population of 10,000 would in most cases have been abolished. The last Minister for Local Government, Deputy Molloy, intended carrying out those recommendations. I was bitterly and completely opposed to this plan. I felt that it would have retarded the growth of many towns.

Then we came to February, 1973, and the Government in their 14-point plan indirectly referred to it, and said that the National Coalition Government would hold it as a priority at all times that power be vested in the people and that local government be made truly democratic and relevant to their needs. After the formation of the Government in December, I attended the annual dinner of the municipal authorities in Powers Hotel in Kildare Street. I recall the enthusiastic reception the Minister got when he assured the delegates present that their councils and commissions were not being abolished. The Minister gave the impression to most people there that day that they would retain the same importance and the same influence that they held previously, and I recall he, too, emphasised the words "local democracy".

A short time later the Minister published the White Paper, Discussion Document on Local Government Reorganisation. I felt that it was a discussion document. I accept that the Minister, so far, is not committed to the proposals contained in this document, and I should like this morning to appeal to him not to implement many of the proposals contained in this document. I also accept that there is need for reorganisation in local government structure and that there are certain small councils and small town commissions that need reorganisation.

In this White Paper, or discussion document, the Minister asked that observations be furnished not later than 28th February, 1974. A year has since passed and nothing further has been heard on this document until this morning. Indeed, I know at least one very efficient town clerk who resigned to join the staff of the county council in the belief that the proposals contained in this document would be implemented and that his work as a town clerk would become less interesting.

In paragraph 3 the Minister tells us that he is opposed to the abolition of a large number of smaller local authorities, as proposed by the previous Government. I believe that, if the Minister is to implement the proposals contained in this document, it would have been much better and much more politically honest to do what Deputy Robert Molloy was about to do, that is, to abolish the urban councils altogether, because the Minister will be leaving the urban district with no power whatsoever.

In paragraph 5, dealing with planning and development — it is proposed that planning and development functions should be transferred from urban district councils to the county councils, because, it says the legal boundary of an urban district "has little relevance". Was this not the very point that persuaded the former Minister for Local Government to make his proposals? His proposals were rejected by this Government and instead they substituted a scheme which would denude the councils of any power.

Members of an urban council up to now had the right to approve of the town plan, but under the Minister's proposals county councillors living perhaps 60 miles away would take over this power and urban councillors would have no function in the matter. This certainly is not an example of local democracy. The decision document goes on:

The urban council should, as a reserve function of the elected council, have the right to be consulted in connection with the development plan and other appropriate decisions, and in case of conflict there will be a right of appeal.

These words, of course, are absolutely meaningless, because any organisation and any member of the public under existing legislation has the right to be consulted in connection with the development plan and has a right of appeal. Indeed there is a statutory obligation on the local authority to hold a public meeting to explain the plan to the public and there is a statutory obligation on the local authority to receive and adjudicate an appeal. Therefore, that paragraph, when it tries to create the impression that some power is being left to the local councils, is absolutely meaningless. What paragraph 5 will do, if it is implemented by the Minister, is to take from members of urban councils and town commissions their say in the drawing up of the town plan.

Emphasis is again placed in paragraph 6, dealing with sanitary services, on the hinterland outside the urban boundary — the point that concerned Deputy Molloy most of all. Here we find that it is proposed that responsibility for sanitary services should be transferred from urban district councils to county councils. One of the principal functions of an urban district council is to provide sanitary services for its community. If this discussion document is implemented that power and that responsibility are being taken from it. This is very serious not alone for the urban council but for the county council as well. Most county councils have a priority list for sanitary services, and any efforts for one area to get in front of another area on this priority list are resisted strongly by county councils in that area.

Very often the urban areas in the council are targets for criticism and jealousy by county councillors from rural areas. Here again we have the situation that that urban district would have to take its place on the county council priority list. Of course, urban councils at the moment have their own borrowing powers for sanitary services. I believe, from my own personal experience as a member of an urban council for 20 years and a member of a county council for 15 years, that the removal of this responsibility from an urban council such as my own in Letterkenny would have a very serious effect on the development of that town.

In paragraph 7 — roads and road traffic — we are told that in most areas main roads through an urban district are the responsibility of the county council, and that other roads within the urban district are the responsibility of the urban district council. The next sentence not alone surprised but shocked me. "This appears to strike a reasonable balance and no change is proposed." I believe that if the Minister had said in this paragraph he was prepared to hand the entire responsibility of all the roads in an urban district over to the county council, it would have been welcomed by the urban councils concerned, because urban councils have suffered down through the years from lack of finance to repair urban roads, while the county areas had the county road improvement fund to tar and maintain council roads. While I realise that this county road improvement fund has been drastically cut by the Minister in my own county, to the tune of £120,000, nevertheless there are still reasonable funds available to the county council to repair what they call county roads. The only grant available to an urban council to maintain the many urban roads in their area is the urban road improvement grant which amounts, as far as I recall, to something like £1,000 or £1,200 per year. In the year 1975 this figure is absolutely absurd. If it is the Minister's intention to leave this responsibility with the urban councils he should consider at least trebling the urban road improvement grant to give urban councils the necessary funds to repair their own roads. The last paragraph is an attempt to placate urban councils when it says:

In general, traffic and road safety functions within the district will be a matter for the urban district council as a reserved function of the elected council.

We all know that traffic and road safety functions, in the main, are the responsibility of the Garda Síochána, and to suggest to urban councillors that they have any final say in this matter is misleading.

In regard to paragraph 8 — housing —the cost of local authority housing schemes has in the past been a problem for many urban districts. Again we read:

Accordingly it is proposed that there should be a flexible power to transfer housing functions from specified urban district councils ... or all urban district councils, to the appropriate county councils.

Here again the Minister intends taking from the urban council the responsibility of building houses within the urban area. This is very serious, particularly for urban councils such as mine. The progress of the biggest town in the county is possibly looked upon rather jealously by some county councillors in the county. That town will now fall in along with the county council for housing development, and their method of raising money up to now will be denied to them. I feel that this is very serious from the urban council point of view and particularly for the county council in that obviously the Department will insist that a certain amount of its funds will be directed to urban areas in the future.

There is another attempt to placate urban councils. The sentence that amuses me is:

In general, the aim would be to transfer functions relating to the construction of houses ... and to leave vested in urban councils the functions which really matter to the citizens (e.g. assessment of needs, allocation of tenancies, collection of rents).

Since when was it the responsibility of members of the urban council to allocate tenancies of houses? Whoever prepared this document for the Minister must think that members of local authorities throughout the country are very innocent indeed.

Paragraph 10 states:

It is therefore proposed to give power to county councils to provide staffing services for the urban districts and also to empower the Minister to direct that such services be provided in specific cases.

In other words, if a local authority refuses to provide this extra staff the Minister will direct it. Again, this is another example of the National Coalition's views on local democracy.

Paragraph 11, dealing with finance, states:

It is a matter for consideration whether this system should be retained or whether the levying of rates in the urban area should be assigned to the county council, the rate in the urban area being made up of two elements.

I listened to the Minister for Local Government in December, 1973, assuring the executive of the Municipal Authorities of Ireland that he was not like the rest of men, he was not a big, bad wolf like his predecessor, Deputy Molloy, and that he was not going to abolish urban councils. But the same Minister publishes a White Paper that proposes to take from the urban councils their authority and responsibility for finalising a town plan, providing water and sewerage and housing, and for striking the rates. He is taking from them every little power and responsibility they had.

I remember reading this document at a meeting of Letterkenny Urban Council. I remember going down through the agenda of that meeting, which was quite lengthy and detailed, and pointing out to the members that if this White Paper were implemented there would be only one item on the agenda of that council that night — to renew the licence for the local cinema. If Deputy Tully implements this — I realise he may not and I hope he does not — in my opinion he would be guilty of political dishonesty. It would be evident to all, particularly to members of urban councils and town commissioners, that the approach of Deputy Molloy, when he was Minister, was an honest one. These proposals would have a very serious effect on many urban councils throughout the country.

There is one paragraph in this document with which I agree. It is paragraph 17, which states:

The pace of urban development makes it necessary to speed up the process of boundary adjustments. Legislation will be introduced providing for a simplified and comprehensive system of boundary adjustment applicable to all local authorities.

If this were done, it would go part of the way to solve local government reorganisation.

There are many urban areas whose boundaries need to be defined. My own urban area has a population of less than 5,000 and just outside there is a population of 1,000 to 1,500. There is an obvious need to have these boundaries redefined. The same applies in many urban areas. I hope the Minister's proposal in paragraph 17 will be implemented as quickly as possible. I also hope the Minister will reject the suggestions in this document concerning the responsibility for housing, water, sewerage, planning and the striking of the rate. If he insists on going ahead with these proposals, then he should do the honest thing and abolish the urban councils altogether, just as his predecessor intended doing.

I second this motion. In my opinion this is a document of subtle thinking and total bluff. In the last line of the first paragraph, dealing with the Government's 14-point programme, it says that local government must be made "truly democratic and relevant to the needs of the people". Yet, after giving the political dig to the previous Minister for Local Government, which is what the first page is all about, the remaining pages of columns and paragraphs are just a complete denuding of town commissioners and urban councils of their power. Paragraph 6 states:

It is proposed that responsibility for sanitary services should be transferred from urban district councils to county councils.

It correctly states that county councils are better equipped than urban councils to construct houses. Naturally, this is so. There is a need to pursue the housing drive as effectively as possible and to do this it would be desirable to transfer to county councils.

It is proposed that supplementary grants and loans should be the function of county councils in respect of all urban areas.

Paragraph 9 states:

It is proposed to provide for the transfer of all remaining housing responsibilities to the county council.

Paragraph 10 deals with small urban areas, staffing and finance. It states:

It is therefore proposed to give power to county councils to provide staffing services for the urban districts councils...

For what services do they need those staff when the Government have completely taken away from them all they would be requested or, indeed, entitled to do?

Paragraph 11, dealing with finance, states:

It is a matter for consideration whether this system should be retained or whether the levying of rates in the urban area should be assigned to the county council...

With the exception of paragraph 17, dealing with boundary extensions, which is a very deep matter and deserves much consideration — yet it has been given the shortest paragraph of all — the only thing the Minister for Local Government is giving to urban and district councils in this document is the right to call the chairman a mayor. That is about the sum total of that document in relation to the 14-point programme of the National Coalition Government, which says that they will hold local democracy as a priority at all times, that power must be vested in the people and that local government must be made truly democratic and relevant to their needs.

The Minister for Local Government should stop this bluff. Let him say that his predecessor, Deputy Molloy, was correct or incorrect. He should not accuse Deputy Molloy of being incorrect and yet be still more incorrect himself and more subtle about the whole situation than his predecessor. The truth should come forth. Let us be clear and emphatic that what is proposed in this document is the denuding of town councils, urban councils and town commissioners of their power and responsibility.

The first point we should make clear is that the Minister is not giving the local councils the so-called democracy he talks about in this document. Many things could be done. Town councils are necessary and should be helped along. Smaller town councils should be given more responsibility. There are peculiar anomalies in local government. I should like to point out one in County Galway. There is a corporation in Galway city which strikes its own rate and runs its own city council. Yet last May, when the county council were having a revision of seats, Galway city — and I am sure all other cities — happened to have their bread buttered on both sides. Galway city has grown enormously. It now has its own city council. Yet seats were taken from the county council and put into the Galway city area. It is very unreasonable that where there is a dense population, where flat-dwellers live, where the corporation have their own council, that they should have another increase over the county council.

One would only have to go a mile and-a-half to one of the estates to get himself elected to the county council. But in a rural part of the county one would have to travel miles. Yet the rural area must supply the roads, must try to supply water and make various improvements. Yet it will not have the same power in the council as the larger cities. This is where the Minister for Local Government should start. Are we to make a decision for all the people equally or merely for the masses of people and denude and forget about the areas where people are fewer? The same services will have to be provided for them as for the larger communities. If the Minister is to be effective it is at this point that we must start talking about being truly democratic.

It is not good enough to suggest that calling a town commissioner in Tuam "The Mayor" is giving him power. It is an insult to the integrity of people who seek to be elected to local councils while, at the same time and in a back-handed way, as is happenning in County Galway, depriving people not alone of seats on the urban council but also on the county council. The Minister should be fair and have a look at this situation.

When Deputy Molloy, the previous Minister for Local Government, was talking in terms of local government and changing the basis of commissioners and urban councils, he was giving strength to county councils. He was emphatic about that point — that the county council would be a stronger unit and the county council electoral division would be an even stronger unit. More public expenditure was demanded in rural areas on roads and sanitary facilities than in congested cities or big towns. One must compliment Deputy Molloy on that point, even though one might not agree with what he proposed to do. He was emphatic that each county council would be a council of responsibility.

There is no mention in this document of the situation which exists in my county — and, I am sure, in other counties — where one section of the community is blessed in having a representative on the corporation and the county council while another section is not entitled to have a representative on the county council. This is causing a lot of trouble. As any councillor in the House knows, the amount of money we have available today in county councils is so trivial that it is insignificant. Yet vast areas of roads have to be made workable and fit for traffic. In County Galway, out of 31 councillors, seven come from Galway city.

I do not think this document is of any significance because it does not attack the problem. It is a political gimmick, nothing more and nothing less. It is a gimmick which may work for the moment but, in time, it will be seen for what it is worth. It is a humiliating disgrace to suggest to those in local authorities that, with the exception of giving them some kind of right to discuss their boundaries, all other responsibility is taken from them and given to the county councils ad lib, against the wishes or, in some instances, the desires of the county councils.

The biggest insult of all is, to my mind, to offer to the chairman of the Tuam Town Commissioners or the chairman of any other town commissioners a new name — the mayor. This is a disgrace. The Minister should withdraw this document and bring in a document which tackles the problems of local government. There are problems in local government. Let us attack them. Let us not come in here with a subtle document and ask the people to accept it. This document says, in regard to local democracy:

The National Coalition Government will hold it as a priority at all times that power must be vested in the people and that local government must be made truly democratic and relevant to their needs.

He should get another dictionary and try to translate the meaning of those words.

I would be the first to admit that, when one speaks of "democracy", one is inclined to go overboard a little in regard to the definition and interpretation of that word. When we speak about it in connection with local authority administration we must remember that we are particularly concerned with democracy being a viable proposition. One can have democracy on a street corner. One can have democracy where more than two people get together within four walls of a private room. When we talk about local authority administration we must always bear in mind that in the last resort it must be viable. It is only right that there should be a number of guidelines and criteria set down for local authority administation. I would see these under three headings. There must always be a degree, no matter how slight, of financial independence; there must be some element of accountability; and there must also be an element of local responsibility.

If we look at the Minister's proposals within the terms of these criteria we will find that he has tried to steer a middle course between what his predecessor proposed, namely, the abolition of certain local authorities altogether, and what could well be put down as an impossible degree of democracy at local authority level where there is an absence of viability.

The previous Minister suggested in his White Paper not only the downgrading but the abolition of town commissioners in toto, and also of certain urban district councils, and their replacement by such bodies as area committees and community councils. Examination of his White Paper showed that these substitute bodies were largely without any fund-raising powers and, indeed, were merely advisory, with very little statutory significance whatsoever.

Looking at the Minister for Local Government's discussion document, which he has laid before the Houses of the Oireachtas, one sees certain merits in his way of thinking in regard to where local authority should go in future. He has patently opposed the abolition of a large number of smaller local authorities. He is very clearly against the abolition in toto of town commissioners. He still sees them as representing a certain value within the local authority framework. He has placed a great emphasis on the key role played by elected members within local authorities. In this he differs very much from his predecessor's White Paper, where certain powers were to be given, through co-option, to members of community councils and various other local organisations to sit side by side with people who went through the democratic electoral procedures.

The Minister recognises that there are limitations in smaller urban district councils. None of us can deny that these limitations are there. Indeed, back in 1972 Deputy Molloy set out these limitations in great detail. He even gave examples of where they were not able to purchase a typewriter. He accepted that the Government of that time were satisfied that the functions of many urban authorities must be transferred to county councils if the development of the towns concerned was not to be impeded.

Deputy Tully has looked realistically at the function of small urban district councils in the present local authority framework. He recognises and puts forward the argument that, for them to be a viable proposition for the welfare of the people within their boundaries, they must pass over certain services to a higher authority, namely, the county council, but not in any way depriving themselves in other matters of their own sense of independence and local responsibility. To help these small urban district councils, he would supply assistance through the staff of county councils. He has intimated reforms in the law relating to the constitution and procedures of local authorities. He mentions that joint committees of local authorities could be set up to co-ordinate matters affecting both.

When one speaks of local authority, one is speaking about something with which one can never be satisfied. There is always a limited amount of money available for an inordinate demand for services from the electorate and from the citizens. In looking at the Minister's document and comparing it with his predecessor's White Paper, one must see that he has tried to retain at local authority level, no matter how small that local authority structure may be, be it town commissioners, or even a small urban district council, that they will have the accountability and the local responsibility I mentioned at the beginning of my speech. These are the most important factors in local authority work. There is no point in having bodies which are merely advisory, which can make recommendations but never have to carry any element of personal or local responsibility in regard to the meeting of those services and wants.

Even town commissioners, who are much criticised, have that element of financial independence, limited though the range of their functions may be. Urban district councils have also that degree of financial independence in that they are able to estimate what their needs will be and to provide through a rate in the £ how the moneys will be forthcoming to meet these needs. It would always be unrealistic for any Minister to say that any authority should pretend to be something other than what they are. If he is thinking of reducing some of the functions of small urban district councils, he should do so realistically, knowing that the electorate themselves who elect the councils know always that the powers of these authorities are limited.

I congratulate the Minister on scotching once and for all the rumours and speculations which existed in regard to the abolition of town commissioners and small urban councils. He has set his face against this, and he is to be congratulated on it. I look forward to a further discussion document in regard to the reforms which the Minister envisages within the local authority structure, because there is much need for reform within county councils and urban district councils as regards the constitution of these bodies and how they operate. I certainly welcome the suggestion that joint committees between local authorities should be established. This is something that has not been attempted, in my knowledge, to any extent. It can only bring benefit through people realising that outside their own particular confines of town boundary or urban boundary there is always a greater responsibility and a greater range of needs.

I congratulate the Minister on his discussion document. He has cleared the air on a number of points which were giving rise to concern and he has given us some food for thought as to where to go from here in regard to reform of the constitution and procedure of local authorities.

I would have hoped that the Seanad might have discussed some business that would have been more urgent. I think this motion is probably being taken mainly to suit the Minister. I would not object to that but it is rather unfortunate that we did not arrange for the whole lot of us to go to Galway, and look after the business when we had dealt with the by-election. This is a matter that should have been timed when a full House would be possible, and I mean Members from both sides.

It is very important, but not more important than some items on the agenda. It has been sitting here for some time and it is rather strange to see it put on the agenda and accepted by the Leader of the House, out of the blue, so to speak. Nevertheless, I only hope that the Minister is now in a position to go ahead and give serious consideration to this document. I hope that he will accept it as a discussion document and that we are not discussing something about which the Minister and his officials have already taken a cut and dried decision. I also hope that it is not pure courtesy that has been extended here in allowing us to discuss it. It is to be expected that any contributions or recommendations we may make in regard to this so-called discussion document will be given consideration.

First, I wish to refer to item No. 5 of the Minister's document. I agree with it, which is to disagree with my colleague from Donegal, Senator McGlinchey. He would qualify his stand by reason of his being a member of an urban council. I am not; I am a member of a county council. I agree with item No. 5 because today planning and development are very important for an urban council. I strongly advocate that the views of an urban council be taken into consideration and that the council be given the widest opportunity to contribute and to make their wishes known.

Today we are getting away from urbanisation as far as planning is concerned. Not only are we getting away from it on an urban basis, but we are getting away from it on a county basis. An urban plan is relevant only within the urban area and a county plan on a county basis. Trends today are for regionalisation and planning on a regional basis. No effective results can be obtained if we plan small pockets in isolation. Nobody is more interested in regional planning than we in Donegal. Our part of the country is located against the unnatural boundary that prevented us from forming a proper regional plan. Because of our geographical situation, I agree with those who advocate planning on a regional basis. This is necessary, particularly in the short term, and I accept that there should be effective means available to ensure that local opinion is taken into account.

I also agree with the document in regard to sanitary services, water and sewerage generally. The suggestion in this respect can prevent a very big problem for a county council, where there is one urban council within its jurisdiction, as is the case in Donegal. I am sure the same would apply to other counties, where there are tendencies to have growth centres at a number of points within the county. Very often, if an industry goes to any one of these growth centres, the Departments are inclined to give a global allocation of money to counties. This money could disappear largely on the provision of services within an urban area or one of the growth centres.

For that reason money should not be allocated to an urban council or to a local growth centre. It should be allocated on a county basis. I would also advocate that where there are industries supported by the Government this support should include all of the services that it will take to establish that industry, without completely robbing the global allocation whether it is to a county or to an urban district.

In Donegal we have experienced that where an industry is established the obligation rests on the local authority to be helpful and to support that industry. The money allocated on a county basis is largely spent in the area where the industry is located. One then finds oneself in a vicious circle situation because, having provided those services in a certain area, any new industry would automatically be located where those services are available. Therefore it is important that money is allocated on a county basis so that members of the county council will be able to see what is happening to the overall allocation.

I disagree with the content of the discussion document in relation to roads and traffic routes. Roads are largely the responsibility of the county council and part of the money allocated for primary roads would be spent within the urban area. Unfortunately, too often a large amount of the money allocated can be spent within the urban areas. The cost of removing one house within a built-up area, the realignment of footpaths or changing water or sewerage lines can prove very expensive and would be totally out of line with the cost of providing roads in a rural area.

I hope that the reorganisation of local government will take into account the overall development and the needs of the county council. Of an allocation of £200,000 for three towns in County Donegal, 70 per cent will be spent within urban areas, not taking account of the large area of primary roads in rural areas. Within the town of Letterkenny the council will spend £30,000 on main road grants but for the seven-mile stretch of road between Letterkenny and Kilmacrennan they will spend only £15,000. This stretch of road has many dangerous bridges and bad turns; it also needs road realignment. I know the Letterkenny area well but the same would apply for every built-up area within the country.

The reason I disagree with this document is that the urban council can raise money. We can discuss these matters in detail but the Department would have to look into the overall position because they are not unrelated to each other. I would hope that the development of roads would be put under one authority and that the provision of services for urban areas would be with the county council. Even if we were to give the urban council part of the responsibility — it refers in this document to an acceptable balance — you cannot balance as far as the allocation of money is concerned. In County Donegal there are three urban councils comprising 27 members, and there are 28 members in the county council. Some of the 27 members are also county councillors. Their strongest pressure would be in the support of problems arising in the urban areas. Therefore the urban council strength would outvote the county council strength in any contest. I have seen this happen.

I hope the new local government organisation will take roads, housing and the services in general out of this area of conflict. The question of primary roads, as it now is, should be the responsibility of the county council. The question of minor roads within the urban area, town or village, should also be the county council's responsibility.

The present system is unsatisfactory from another point of view and that is that urban councils are at the moment building housing schemes but nobody has overall responsibility for the roads within those new areas. The roads fall into disrepair and the urban and county councils squabble over who should repair them. This is an opportune time for the settling of this matter. One Department should be responsible for the overall network of roads and should be run efficiently.

On the matter of finance in regard to paragraph 11 of this document, I hope that the system of collecting rates will be changed. The present system is unsatisfactory. I should like to see one rating system applying throughout the county. It is hard to accept that, for example, a man living in a rural part of the county is levied at £8 or £9 in the £ and then he learns that an urban district strikes a rate of £6 or £7 in the £. He is living in a rural area; he is not getting the services available within the urban area such as street lighting, footpaths, water, sewerage or electricity and still his rates are higher.

For that reason it is difficult for rural dwellers to accept having to pay higher rates. As against that argument somebody could say that in urban areas there are higher valuations. However I can categorically state that there is not a higher valuation in the urban areas in County Donegal. To give an example, if a man builds an ordinary bungalow within an urban area, his valuation is about £25 and this is the same as if he built it in a rural area.

That is the nearest guide that I can quote here. The argument that valuations are higher in urban areas is not a valid one. Ratepayers in rural areas are paying much higher rates but they are not getting the same services. While we still have a rating system— I do not agree with this system at all— I would advocate that it be levied fairly and squarely on a county basis and that the total rate be collected by the county council.

We had a farcical situation in our county where people living in an urban area could get a supplementary grant for building a house within an urban area while at the same time the rate demand collected by the urban council within the urban area did not include money to contribute towards that supplementary grant. I am glad to say that that situation has been corrected. I wonder in how many other counties a similar situation would exist. It highlights the anomaly that the two rating systems would bring about. I sincerely hope that the rates will be levied fairly and squarely on all those living in a particular county.

On the question of financing, since the first document was issued in February, 1971, and the present document was issued in March, 1974, circumstances have changed altogether. Now, in 1975, there is need to have a reassessment of what is happening in the various counties. When money is being allocated to a county, consideration should be taken of potential services needed for industrial development. There is no point in saying there is a global sum available to a particular county for housing and sanitary services if, at the same time, the Government are promoting industries for the area and where money will be subtracted from this global sum to provide services for these industries.

There is need for major development at some of our fishing ports which will include road works, sani- tary services and services ancillary to the fishing industry. There will be great need in my country for many years ahead for massive development of sanitary services for some of our ports. If these services are not provided our fishing industry will not develop as it should. Special allowances should be provided to local authorities for the provision of these vital services.

This document does not refer to the Department of the Gaeltacht. Our county is partly comprised of a Gaeltacht area and there is need for setting up a special local authority for such areas. There is a conflict of interest between Gaeltacht and non-Gaeltacht areas. There is a special system of financing Gaeltacht areas which crosses county boundaries. While this document could be discussed in detail, a further survey would need to be done before proposals are finally adopted.

The financial structure determines whether a local authority do a good job or a bad job. I ask the Minister for Local Government not to reduce the amount of money he will allocate to a local authority in any one year, because this would cause serious difficulties. Like everyone else, local authorities are suffering from the effects of inflation, and £1 does not do the same for a local authority this year as it did last year. Inflation and increased costs should be taken into consideration when money is being allocated. Thus local authorities will not be faced with the problem we have in Donegal where the same amount of money has been allocated for many services in 1975 as had been allocated for 1972. This sum will finance only 45 per cent of the work necessary in the county. I hope that on the reorganisation of local authorities there will be an in-built safeguard which will prevent the situation where there is an engineering staff and an administrative staff capable of doing a certain amount of work but they are being strangled for lack of finance.

I do not intend to keep the House very long. Having read the White Paper produced by the former Minister, Deputy Molloy, and having read the document which is the subject of today's discussion, it strikes me that a very extensive overhaul of local government is necessary. The structure of local government we have today is that which was initiated in the middle of the nineteenth century, and, as we are now three-quarters of the way through the twentieth century, locations which then had certain potentials and served certain purposes do not serve the same purposes today. Consequently, certain urban areas, areas of potential mineral resources, industrial locations and other locations of interest require arrangements whereby the special needs of these areas will be met. What is good for one town may not be so good for another and what may suit one town may not suit another.

Let me take the case of a town with town commissioners, for instance, the town of Mullingar, which has a population of no less than 8,000. There we find the town commissioners being able to draw from the county council, at the expense of somebody living in a remote area in north Westmeath, a service of a very modern standard appropriate to the particular town but which is being paid for by somebody in the remote area who has not a good road to restore and who is never likely to enjoy these services. These people have to contribute, and the people in the large town have a completely urban outlook and no notion whatever of what the other people's circumstances are.

The Minister should set a standard for the population in respect of which it would be appropriate to have town commissioners as an urban authority. An urban council is an entity in itself. We all know that in the recent past urban authorities did not have to have some of their services supported by subventions from the county council. Urban areas, on the other hand, in certain growth areas have expanded far outside the confines of their authority. There was a reason for the aim to have equality of responsibility as between the towns and the rural areas.

It is an anomaly that county councillors should be providing a rural service at point A and that at point B the urban council would have authority. This is the situation that has obtained in most towns that have expanded in the last ten to 15 years. Members of every local authority, irrespective of what their political persuasions are, breathed a sigh of relief when this White Paper came out. Every urban councillor congratulated the Minister that urban authorities were not being eliminated and that the status which has and should be associated with progressive towns and towns which already have urban councils should be maintained. The outlook of an urban dweller is vastly different from that of a rural dweller. The urban area, because of the amount of industry and the density of the population, has to have certain standards for amenities such as water, sewerage, light, parks and so on.

The cost of providing these and the interest in them is for a large urban area on its own. The smaller urban areas at the other end of the scale are certainly not able to stand on their own feet because extensive growth in population or industry has not taken place over the years. Certain areas, because of geographical location, mineral resources, and tourist interest have progressed extensively. Some urban authorities are at the same standard today as they were in the early twenties after their initiation. Where there is such a wide variation in the structures of local government, if a universal system is applied, it will impose a hardship on one section of a community and confer unfair advantages on another.

What was envisaged in the White Paper by the former Minister was that local voluntary committees should have the right to have a say in administration. Where an urban authority of nine members existed, four of them could be from voluntary organisations. If that sort of an organisation, plus four or five county councillors, was to determine what went on in a housing scheme, in the development of services of any kind, water, sewerage and so on, then an urban area would have a haphazard structure of local government without the people at the ballot box having a say as to who were to be their representatives. I think the present Minister's departure from that was a gesture welcomed by all.

The minimum structure of local government is town commissioners serving a very small population made up of an extended area of hinterland. For example, in Granard, where I have been a member of the town commissioners for almost 25 years, I find that 40 per cent of the valuation in that urban area is on agricultural land. The population is a little more than 1,000. Yet a town clerk, a town surveyor, a rent collector, caretakers, and so on, have to be paid for looking after a small amount of property. There is no need for a town surveyor; the county council could handle that end of it. There is no need for the retention of responsibility for less than 80 houses the property of the town commissioners. The county council could take responsibility for those also, as they have for 80 or 90 more houses which were built within the last few years.

There is the other end of the scale where people in a rural district are mulcted with a special town rate — let me say this in reference to what Senator McGowan said — and the urban authority there strikes a rate of roughly 60p in the £. Somebody may say it is great to be in that area where the town commissioners have only a rate of 60p. But they may not realise that this 60p is in addition to a rate of £7.40 which is the county rate. The county rate of £7.40 plus this 60p charged by the town commissioners falls upon the town dwellers. The people in that urban area are obliged to pay towards water and sewerage and housing in the rest of the county. In respect of their own housing they are obliged to stand on their own feet. That is an anomaly that I would appeal to the Minister to eliminate. Recently, thanks to the Minister of the time we did have a section put into a recent Housing Act whereby the county council could, if they wished, come to the rescue of such an authority. Fortunately, our county council have come to the rescue and have provided for bathrooms, and so on, in 74 houses belonging to the town commissioners.

These are examples of what the Minister is faced with. In order to regularise that and have a structure of local government which will not by its general application present difficulties in one urban authority and confer unwarranted advantages on another, I wish him the best of luck when he starts this new local authority structure.

We had in the past problems of county councils agitating with urban councils with regard to where heavy traffic was to be directed and so on. When the urban council builds a house and it becomes part of a housing scheme, the occupier of that house should have the same right to the public road, at the general expense of all ratepayers and of the State, as somebody who happens to be either in O'Connell Street or in a remote road taken over by the county council. Roads should be a national charge. The county councils should be the road authority. The responsibility of providing roads is something for which urban councils have not the resources. Urban councils would have to carry a very extensive service if they were to provide these amenities.

Legislation on restructuring local government will eventually come before both Houses. At this stage may we say to the Minister: "You have taken all our recommendations into account and you have produced something worthy of 20th century planning in other fields"? It is not always possible to do all the things that we would like, but we would like the Minister to do what is best in the light of all that has been said.

I welcome the opportunity of discussing this discussion paper particularly because, being a Member of the previous Seanad, those of us who were in the House at the time were disappointed that we did not have an opportunity of discussing the previous Minister's White Paper on Local Government Reorganisation.

This is a discussion document and as such does not go very deeply into the need for local government reorganisation. One must accept the principle that it is good to have a discussion document, because it may bring out some new ideas and some new thoughts. I would fault both this discussion document and the previous White Paper in their approach to the whole problem of local government reorganisation. Both of them approached it in a very narrow context and looked at local government with its functions and services as of today rather than what are the future needs of the community in regard to local government.

In the present document, the document which we are discussing today, the Minister states that he intends retaining the smaller local authorities. This has been universally welcomed from all sides of the political divide. The Minister was right having made that statement, to try and define a bit more clearly what their functions and powers should be and to try to get them into easily identifiable compartments. This has to be done if we are to avoid the present confusion, waste and lack of expertise in some smaller local authority areas.

While this is not a positive statement of what will be implemented, it was worthwhile putting down the views of what the Minister thinks should be the functions, and broadly speaking, I agree with him. I think the division is fairly good.

One of the other controversial items in the previous Minister's White Paper was the proposal to merge the three Dublin authorities into one area, which presumably would have been called something like the "greater Dublin area". I must say I am glad this proposal has been abandoned. This stirred up tremendous political controversy in the Dublin area, and is now history. The whole Dublin area needs to be examined very carefully in relation to the operation of local government. The discussion document points to the need for boundary adjustment. Senator McGlinchey referred to similar problems in his area. This must be done and done rather quickly. It should not necessarily be delayed for the implementation of a complete reorganisation of local government.

We have, for instance the ludicrous position in Ballymun in the north city and county that the county boundary runs practically through one block of flats. The children on one side, in the county area, cannot get school meals, whereas the children who are in the city area can get them. Equally in the industrial estate in Coolock, one poor unfortunate industrialist had to apply to both authorities for his planning permission because a county boundary ran right through his proposed factory. This adjustment of boundaries should be approached in the attitude not that it is the city taking over part of the county area or vice versa, but in a reasonable exchange of lands to get us out of this ludicrous position which exists at the moment.

There is also a proposal to set up joint committees within the Dublin area, and I welcome the idea of doing it on a mandatory basis. We have at the moment many joint committees in operation on a voluntary basis. They have met with very mixed success partly because there seems to be a deep distrust between the elected members of one local authority about the operations and functions of the other. In paragraph 16, on general issues, the Minister states that he believes the power of local authorities should be widened. This is very important. He has already tried to devolve some of the centralised power of his Department to the local authorities, and I would welcome an extension of that and indeed the removal of the whole power of sanction which has stultified many good ideas in local areas. That power of sanction needs to be examined deeply and I would rather see it removed altogether.

The Minister also says that he would like to restate the permissive powers of local authorities and modernise the ultra vires rule. This again is very important and I welcome the suggestion. My own concept is that a local authority should have the power to do everything that needs to be done in the community, that is. everything except what is specifically retained by the central power. But they should not be in a position of having to wonder: “Have we power to provide this particular thing that is not being provided?” It should be within their power, taking into account that we assume always that they will act with reasonableness, and therefore I could welcome very much the widening of the ultra vires rule.

Senator McGlinchey said that it was in 1961 he first got an indication of local government reorganisation. I do not dispute that, but I think the need for local government reorganisation has been there from a much earlier period than 1961. We need it, because we need to strengthen and enlarge the concept of local government in the circumstances arising from social and economic development of our community in the post-war period. I also think it needs to be done and examined to prevent the continued erosion of the existing system by the tendency to hive off various services in an ad hoc manner to State-sponsored bodies and boards. The most recent example of a hiving off was the setting up of the health boards. Other examples are regional tourism and, indeed, the Industrial Development Authority. This is a trend in Irish structures and society which developed in the post-war era, and it is time and past time that we stopped and examined it.

We now have a highly centralised form of State government which has underminded the democratic participation of the community in some levels of social and political affairs. The basic principles of local government are laid down in an Act of 1898, which set up the county unit. Since then we have had a considerable volume of local government legislation but mostly dealing with development services rather than with organisation. It dealt with the innovation of the city and county management system. I am surprised that to date none of the local elected representatives has referred to this as I thought it was one of the great bones of contention with local elected representatives. This system did bring efficiency into the local service, but it removed part of the democratic process, not deliberately but in its operation.

Referring back to what I said earlier about what has been hived off, services such as health, education, economic planning and development are ideally matters which the local community should be able to introduce. In our present structures they are not able to do this. If we retain the county as a unit — and I think we should because it is very deeply ingrained in Irish life now as a unit which people relate to very easily — and if we expand our local government service, we may then have to look at what Senator McGowan was saying in relation to certain functions, at least, a regional level of local government as well. I do not want to develop that one too far, except to say that I feel very strongly that any other organisational arrangement that is made on a regional basis will at least take the opportunity of having the one module and not have a county in one region for development purposes, in another region for health purposes, and in another region perhaps for tourism.

Both of these papers did not broaden the debate enough in their approach to local government. If we are to reorganise local government, we should look at the functions of the other Departments of State and see what we can revolve back to the local government level. Therefore the only way we can approach the matter is not to confine it to the Department of Local Government but to have whatever body the community in the 1970s or, indeed, up to the end of this century, will require for local government.

My suggestion, for what it is worth, is that the House would be admirably equipped to set up a select committee to examine the whole functions and operations of local government. It might be better to have a select committee of both Houses, but I am only suggesting this. I would see this body, whatever group of people they may be, as one which would consult with the elected representatives at every local level, with community organisations, with organisations such as the National Association of Tenants' Organisations, with the staff representatives in local government. They should also examine the operation of the City and County Management Acts.

Another area which we have not touched on at all so far today is that political parties themselves should revise their attitudes to local government. I do not agree that politics should be taken out of local government. It is political decisions that are made at local government level, and political parties have a valid interest in these political positions. Political parties, in my concept of a revised structure of local government, might look on local government in a different light. They would find that there was a very satisfactory political career to be had in an engagement in politics at local level. Added to this, I would see part of the reorganising to include that remuneration should be paid at least to the chairman or chairmen, and that it would be a full-time, paid, elective post. I would also see that every local representative would be supplied with adequate secretarial services and research services. Included in the survey or review of our structure I would ask that the question of staff development and career structure be examined. A career in local government can vary very much and provide job satisfaction. That is very important from the point of view of recruitment because people coming into the area should have a career structure which they could follow and training should be available.

Finally, given a national understanding of what is meant by real local government and an elaboration of appropriate local government institutions at various levels, all the services I mentioned, such as education and health, could be incorporated into a local government system. This could be done in such a way as to bring about a considerable decentralisation of government.

The opportunities which a democratically based local government system would provide to local communities and to the nation at large by such participation would make a major contribution towards the further development of the socio-political organs in our community along democratic lines and thus arrest a further growth of centralised bureaucracy and the alienation of the community from government.

Perhaps we should be very thankful to Deputy Molloy who was responsible for initiating discussion on the whole formation of local government. Local authorities were first set up in 1898. It was only natural to expect that over the long troubled period in our history from then until now, it was found necessary to examine in some detail local government structure. The document the Minister issued was very important because it highlighted many interesting things and gave rise to much discussion and debate. By doing that, he was able to get the best out of the county councils and urban councils.

Despite what has been said about the 14-point plan, naturally one would question the delay, seeing it is now two years since this matter was introduced. Many county councils were more or less rushed into a quick discussion and examinatiton of this document because the Minister set the deadline for the month of February last year. Despite that, nothing has happened in the meantime. Perhaps the fact we are having this discussion today will put the final seal on this and the Minister will get down to doing something concrete about the matter soon.

Most of us agree county councils are very important bodies. They provide one way of having some devolution of power, so far as the community at large is concerned. A county council must be elected on a democratic basis through a secret ballot. This is the best test that can be applied to the formation of any responsible body. The fact that county councillors must be elected is tremendously important. The same would apply, of course, to urban councils and town commissioners. There is no substitute for this system — the individual who subjects himself to letting his name go forward, allowing the community in the area to judge on his capabilities and to hold a watching brief on his performances during his term as an elected member. In that way they can scrutinise and judge for themselves what effective contributions elected representatives can make and can estimate their value as public representatives. For that reason, I have always had misgivings about the suggestion to allow members of local communities to take their places along with elected representatives on either urban or county councils.

The way to gain entrance to these bodies should be through the ballot box, and I should not like to see that abolished in any shape or form. I agree that there should be communication with local communities and, indeed, local voluntary bodies who are doing a tremendous amount of voluntary work on behalf of the community. Any county councillor or public representative should do his best to ensure that there would be consultation and a sound examination of any proposals which these people put forward, because they are dedicated people working at local level and trying to do their best for their own areas. There is nothing selfish in such organisations. The same would apply in ordinary life. It behoves every person to do the best he can for himself and his family. Likewise it behoves people living in certain parishes, small towns, villages, and so on, to take a pride in their own areas. It is only right that these people should get a fair share of what is going by way of grants towards improvements and so on. Community and local organisations teach people that it is a good thing for them to rely not alone on the elected government to solve all their problems, but to think out these problems for themselves and so to help their areas. In that way, many worthwhile things have been accomplished by such organisations and will be in the future. I regret that amenity grants, which were being used by many of these communities to do what they considered very necessary jobs, have been withdrawn. I hope it will not be for long.

I should also like to mention co-operation between various county councils. Senator Owens mentioned it in another way when she referred to the regional areas. It was a mistake in the beginning to set up regional areas under different headings. In my home county of Cavan, we find ourselves, under the heading of tourist development, in the Midland Regional Tourist Development Association. But when we come to regional development, we are in with County Louth and County Monaghan. We have no objection to that except that they do not correspond as a region. When it comes to health, we find ourselves in the North-Eastern Health Board, comprising Counties Meath, Louth, Monaghan and Cavan.

Had we at the beginning studied some of our past history and read of the seacht ríocht in our country long ago, seven natural divisions, or some of the older divisions, it might have been possible to devise a common area for the various counties involved. The county boundaries were more or less defined around 1607. There is a certain amount of finality to them and the people who live within these boundaries have a certain pride in them. It is not an easy thing to get away from county boundaries. The present Government were not able to preserve the county boundaries: when the Electoral Amendment Act was going through here county boundaries were slashed up and down the country in an effort to manoeuvre certain seats and so on. There is a bit of a mix up regarding regions. There has been a tendency to cut across the county boundaries and put them into regions. But, as I say it is a pity that we could not have the one region common to the areas concerned.

There should be co-operation between county councils at certain levels and between county councils and urban councils. The position in Dublin has been referred to. During Deputy Molloy's term in office there was a proposal to make one authority responsible for all County Dublin. That was a good proposition. We in the northern part of the country have been frustrated industrially and economically. On the way to Dublin city from Cavan one finds that at some places, such as Clonee and Mulhuddart, portion of the road is worse than the roads in County Cavan. It is a deplorable state of affairs that such a situation can exist in 1975. The people living in the country areas, the people who are producing the goods, manufacturing and exporting, are hampered and hamstrung. I suppose it is not fair to blame Dublin County Council or Dublin Corporation, but the responsibility is between them and we are the sufferers. Reference was made to boundaries running through big housing estates, leaving some school-going children entitled to school meals and others not. These are situations that should never have existed and this document should show some means of solving the problem. These are the human problems that affect the lives of people living in a city area.

As far as I can see from this discussion document urban councils will be retained. It had been suggested that urban councils should be abolished unless they had a population of about 10,000. Now I see it is proposed to retain them in many areas, but they will have very little power. If they are being retained, they should be given some semblance of authority. Almost every function will be referred to the county council and on an appeal to the Minister.

There should not be such great divisions between urban and rural areas. In my county there is only one urban council within its boundaries and two town commissioners. The remainder of the people are living in what is called rural Ireland. We are gradually moving away from the situation in which there is a vast difference between those who live in an urban area and those in a rural area. The people in rural Ireland demand and expect to get the same amenities and facilities, as far as possible, as are provided in urban areas. We are giving too much encouragement to people to live in urban areas. Our population is unevenly divided, most of it in the east, where in many areas no housing is available. There are not sufficient schools, churches and hospitals to meet the needs of the people.

There is a reluctance to locate industry, housing, universities or any worthwhile schemes in rural Ireland. In the north-west counties of Cavan, Leitrim, Sligo, Mayo or Donegal people rearing families have no hope of ever sending their children to a university. They may be only small farmers but due to their geographical position they are penalised. Unless such people are sufficiently well financed, their children will not have a hope of a third-level education. However if they lived in a built-up area, they would have the necessary facilities for secondary and third level education. That is one of the reasons many country people drift into built-up areas. In my county we had the experience of not being able to get a dentist to live in the rural area. They usually insist on living in Cavan town or in Dublin and travelling down when necessary.

Situations such as this mitigate very much against the advancement of our rural communities and discourage people from living in a rural area. The more urban areas that are built up on the eastern seaboard, the more problems we are creating. The schools and colleges on the other side of the country are being left empty, as are the houses. Small towns and villages are practically deserted. I would like to see this tendency of drifting towards the east coast stopped. One way of preventing it would be to ensure that local councils would have a greater say and that their opinions would be respected. Departments should have county representatives. When people in Cavan want to contact an office of any kind they should not have to come in deputations to Dublin. The Departments should go to towns such as Cavan and other areas throughout the country, rather than compel people to travel, perhaps in adverse conditions, to meet Ministers or their representatives.

The county council should also be encouraged to take an interest in many local schemes such as forestry and land division. These are matters that should be known at local level. It is true that there are county development officers, who are doing an excellent job in many areas, but they are often fighting a losing battle when trying to get grants for industry or to get new industry into an area. The first thing an industrialist looks at is the road structure. He will not choose a place that is situated a long way from a port; and if there are no adequate roads leading from it, it is useless to tell him that there may be improvements made within 20 years. The arterial roads leading to the cities and ports should be well maintained if the rural areas are to be given a chance of survival. In the north-eastern region, to which I belong, we were trying to get a road provided from Cavan to Dundalk, Greenore or Drogheda, because we cannot get into Dublin. We do not know when this will happen. There does not appear to be any money being provided to carry out the work.

The county manager of my own county is a tremendously progressive man. He visited all the small towns and villages in order to find out if there would be land available for housing. Then, if an industrialist came along, he tried to ensure that there would be certain infrastructure available in the areas where new industries could be placed. That is the type of development needed, and something in which a county council should be interested. In County Cavan, in common with other counties, we have given remission of rates for ten years to industrialists to encourage them into the county. We would like to see people remaining in the rural areas, and therefore the county councils should take an interest in industries, road structure, water and sewerage.

We, in County Cavan, discussed this document at county council level over 12 months ago. To be fair to the Minister, we did not write it off entirely. While agreeing in principle the proposals to transfer the major functions of the urban councils to the county councils, we realised that there was a need to examine the financial implications involved and to ensure equity between the urban and rural dweller and that further detailed consultation would be necessary on this aspect of the proposal. It was agreed that responsibility for roads in urban areas should also be transferred to the county council, along with other major changes proposed in the document. We felt that many urban councils were not capable of making roads, especially the main road running through their areas.

It was also proposed to retain town commissioners and:

That the Minister should give such bodies the general power to spend any surplus funds available to them on works of improvement or amenity in their areas.

I made reference to the fact that the amenity grants appear to be discontinued, so for the present at any rate that might not mean very much.

In regard to the proposals at paragraph 16 of the document, we expressed the view that the devolution of authority from the central to the local government unit and the relaxation of administrative controls should be as wide and as far-reaching as possible.

These were some of the recommendations made by the Cavan County Council. We should like the Minister to examine them. County councils from all over the country sent in replies over 12 months ago. They are lying dormant on the Minister's desk since. Perhaps, now that this proposal has been discussed today, the Minister will take a fresh look at the recommendations made by the various county councils.

I welcome this document. As was stated, it is high time that the whole matter of local authority should be discussed in depth. In the preamble to the discussion document there is reference to the element of local democracy being preserved by what is outlined in the document.

I am amazed at the ease with which some of the speakers from the opposite side have misinterpreted plain and unambiguous language. A county council is a local authority. Some speakers — not Senator Dolan I am glad to say — felt that the reduction of some of the powers vested in urban district councils and town commissioners would result in the complete abolition of any authority exercised at local level. The logic of the argument is that if the Minister proposes to take some of the functions heretofore vested in urban councils and transfer them to county councils, so be it. The question is to try and strike a balance for the good of the area in which those councils operate.

One of the faults to be found in the discussion on the document — it might be the fault of the document in that it is too narrow in its view, and I think Senator Owens referred to this — is that we seem to be discussing a struggle for power between urban district councils and town commissioners on the one hand and county councils on the other. This is a foolish approach. We should be concerned with a local authority policy which would be for the benefit of the country in general and for the local areas in which they operate in particular.

Some of the arguments put forward by Members of the Opposition would seem to be bereft of any logic, simply because, on the one hand, they seem to condone the proposed actions of the Minister's predecessor — which proposed the abolition of councils in towns with a population of less than 10,000 — and on the other hand they find fault with the proposals in the Minister's discussion document because there is a suggestion that some of the powers vested in these councils might be transferred to county councils. They cannot have it both ways. Some logic must be applied. If that is done, the folly of such an argument will be seen.

The fault I find with this document, and it has its faults the same as any other document, is that it is too narrow in its concept of what a local authority ought to be. It is confined to one Department. I should like to see an authority created which would span the whole area of services in a particular region. For example, at the moment we have regions which are not based on any definite geographic pattern. As Senator Dolan pointed out, Cavan is in one region for one thing and in another region for something else. We have the same experience in our county. If we are to get a comprehensive policy on local democracy and regional government, which will get us away from the centralised system we are operating at present, we must broaden our horizons, not only for an individual local government department but also into the field of education, tourism, fishery, agriculture; in other words, all aspects of life must be catered for by such an authority. To do this would involve a radical approach, and very many changes would result. Some of them might result in teething troubles which could be ironed out as we went along. Many of us may feel that the regional health boards have faults which were not evident in the first year of operation. We can now look back and say that they would be better organised if we had another chance. The same argument would apply to any new ground being broken in this area.

The promotion of local democracy, if it is to be achieved, demands a radical approach. It demands, first of all, political courage from the Government of the day. Because to break away from a system which we have operated for so long will not be easy. Let us look at the word "democracy"—the most abused word in the English language. It has been found that a democracy can be self-destructive. If from Government level down we give people executive powers at regional, county council, urban council and parochial levels, we will never get anywhere. This is democracy at work, but how effective it is to get the work done is a different matter altogether. In fact, it is a self-destructive process because somebody must call the tune. There must be somewhere somebody in authority who can, first of all, provide the money to execute plans and to bring about development.

Business suspended at 1 p.m. and resumed at 2 p.m.

I was referring to the idea of democracy at local level and the seeming abuse of the word "democracy" which was evident in what has been said here today — a misinterpretation or a misunderstanding rather than an abuse. We are all in favour, and it is desirable from all points of view, that the element of local democracy be promoted and maintained as far as possible. The result must be a viable system of local democracy where some things can be done. It is no use having democracy for the sake of democracy alone.

In the discussion document the Minister has set out in paragraph 3 that he is opposed to the abolition of a large number of smaller local authorities and would favour instead a series of measures aimed at promoting more effective local administration while preserving the democratic character of local government. This assurance that he will not abolish, as his predecessor had intended to, small local authorities, urban councils and so forth, is to be welcomed.

The reasons he has given in the discussion document are very justifiable. If we take, for example, planning and development, we all know that in provincial centres — take a town of 5,000 or 6,000 population where development is taking place at the moment — you will find if you are involved in local government at urban council level or county council level there is great overlapping of functions between urban and county councils. On the question of infrastructure for industry — water, sewerage, housing, drainage and so on there must be very close co-operation between urban and district councils and urban and county councils. For the sake of efficiency, the idea suggested in the discussion document that these functions ought to be the functions of county councils is a very wise one.

The Minister is not ruling out the functions of the town councils or local urban councils in a consultative capacity. They will be there to draw up some plans in conjunction with the county councils. The same thing applies to sanitary services. If I might take the example of my own town, at the moment we are in the throes of providing a new water scheme, which is a very expensive item, as anybody can see from figures, and a new drainage system for the urban area. However, we cannot do it without the full co-operation of the county council, simply because the source of our supply is outside the urban area and the drainage system comprises mostly areas over which the county council have control and not the urban council.

Up to now, all main roads through towns have been the responsibility of the county councils and the Minister has suggested that this be left unchanged and that the urban councils be responsible for the other roads in the towns. This, as he says, is a fair balance. It gives the urban council a function which they might not have if the Minister's predecessor had his way.

I should like to point out that Senator McGlinchey mentioned that the only function left to the urban council now is that of granting licences to a local cinema. I happened to be at an urban council meeting last Tuesday night and of 13 items on the agenda there were something like nine for which the county council had some responsibility and indeed in some cases the urban council could do very little without the sanction and the blessing of the county council. For the sake of efficiency and expedition, the county council ought to be given the functions, as suggested in the White Paper.

The overall responsibility for housing is also to be passed on to the county council, together with the functions of the urban council, which are the functions of assessing the needs in their urban areas. This is a very important function and somebody from the other side this morning suggested that we would lose out if this were implemented because the block allocation of money made to the county council could be used in such a way that the urban areas would not get their fair share. That is on the assumption, of course, that there would be no additional moneys made available to the county council for taking the urban councils under their wing. I am sure the Minister will have other ideas on that and that the block allocation made will be increased for the provision of housing in the urban areas.

There is one overriding factor in all this discussion which I think should be mentioned and it is the present day function of a county council. In my county I can see the proper function of the county council as being that of a developing company or corporation with a very large turnover, providing services and facilities to improve the area over which they have control to promote industry, to promote development and all the other activities in the lives of the people. As a development company, they must have some freedom to operate as they see fit.

I am glad to see the suggestion in paragraph 16 concerning the powers of local authorities. The Minister believes that the powers of the local authorities should be widened and that there should be a reduction in the detailed control exercised by his Department. A special inter-departmental group are examining this matter in depth at the moment. Apart from questions of devolution, there is also a need to restate the permissive powers of local authorities on a broader basis and to notify the ultra vires rule. The importance of a county council is as a development company. This is the function they are taking on nowadays whether they like it or not.

Far too many politicians seem to play politics at local level. We are all involved in political parties. I would think it a sad day if political parties withdrew as such from local authorities because they have a function to operate and implement schemes and so on; but to play party politics at local level is wrong and is hindering the progress of councils whose function it should be to promote the welfare of their areas. If we take the functions of a county council as being that of a development company or a corporation, then playing party politics in such a situation is unjustifiable and wrong.

Broadly speaking, I am in agreement with most of the suggestions as outlined in the discussion document. I should like to voice again my reservations on the narrow approach. Being a discussion document, I presume the Minister is looking for suggestions from outside and possibly this discussion document is just something to make us sit down and think. When it comes down to formulating policy on the future of local authorities as a result of the discussions that this document has prompted, he will be in a better position to broaden the horizon and see what best can be done for local authorities and local democracy in this country.

First, I should like to thank the Senators for allowing me to come in at this time, out of turn. I am very glad to have the opportunity of hearing the views of the Senators on this discussion document. Let me again repeat that it is a discussion document. While a number of the views expressed were perhaps rather contradictory in some cases, at the same time I feel that discussing them here at this level gives everybody an opportunity of straightening out some things about which we may not be too clear.

There are a few points I should like to clarify at the very start. One is that as far as I am concerned elected members of local authorities are the most important because they are really the people who have the responsibility for doing the job. In no circumstances would I be prepared to agree to the suggestion made by my predecessor that there should be in certain bodies certain co-optives who are not elected. I want to repeat that as far as I am concerned those who are elected to office will retain that office and the responsibility that goes with it.

Second, I want to make it very clear that I have or had no intention of allowing small local authorities to be wiped out and I am very glad to find that not alone here in the House, on all sides, but throughout the country, no matter which shade of political opinion I discussed this matter with, I found a unanimous view that the previous Minister was wrong in deciding to wipe out 42 local authorities. Indeed the difference between the attitude of the previous Minister and mine is that he issued a White Paper saying what he was going to do and I issued a discussion document asking the elected representatives of this country and others what they thought I should do.

What I got back, in the main, has been in line with my own thinking. There are, however, a few things I should refer to. One is that there may appear to be a long delay because this discussion document was issued in December, 1973, and I asked that I should have the views of the local authorities before 28th February, 1974. Most of the local authorities have submitted their views, but so far I have only an interim report from the three Dublin authorities. As the saying goes, "The nearer the church, the further from God." It is rather a pity that they did not pay a little more attention to this. I am aware that an election intervened but at the same time I feel that almost 12 months after the closing date I should have the views of the Dublin authorities. I am aware they had a lot of other things to do. But as soon as I get this — I understand I will have it in the very near future — I will then be going forward to prepare the necessary legislation.

There are a few things I cannot blame people for misunderstanding when they read them in my discussion document, but I can blame them when they were present and heard me explaining what they meant and still did not seem to understand them. That refers particularly to the powers which would be retained by those small local authorities. I made it quite clear on more than one occassion, and was particularly definite at the Association of Municipal Authorities dinner in Galway on 12th September, 1974, when I said: "It was never intended that functions of smaller urban authorities would be taken from them contrary to their wishes." Indeed The Irish Times, the following day, with their usual flair for setting a headline, stated: “Tully Denies Intention to Strip Power from Councils.” That was on 13th September. A number of people here today repeated that they thought I had intended to take powers against their will from small authorities were present at that time.

Mór an trua. People should have known because it was not the only occasion on which I pointed it out. I want to ensure that, for instance, a small local authority who feel that they should have a sewerage or water scheme extended or installed and who are unable to do it because one penny in the £ on the rates may produce only £10, £15 or £20, will have the right to suggest to the county council in their area that it should be done. If the county council do it, all right; and if the council say they will not do it, the small authority then have the right to appeal to the Minister for Local Government. I think that is a good idea and this I spelled out. I can assure anybody who has any doubts about it that this was the original intention.

Housing is not such a local matter now. The Government are paying all the additional money for housing now and it is not as big a local problem as it was. The question of the town commissioners, where they are affected by housing administration, is not of great consequence, here again the county councils could and should make arrangements to see that the administration is carried out. The urban councils should have the right to decide how many houses are needed. They should have the right to decide who gets those houses. This is something which has got to be retained. They are the people at local level.

With regard to planning, there is a problem. Very few urban councils, particularly the smaller ones, have any planning officers of their own. They are depending on the county council planning people. The right to offer an oninion on planning would still be retained by members of the urban councils. I am shocked when I find that many local authority members think they have done their job when they agree to a general plan for their area. In many cases that plan has been drawn up by the county council officials anyway. They do not have anything further to do with it and they offer no further comment on it. This is no reason why all of them should not insist on having some kind of planning sub-committee. At least they should be able to offer an opinion on these important issues before a final decision is taken.

Far from taking away powers from local authorities, my intention is to make them the real custodians of what they were elected to do.

Some of the comments which have been made seem to give the impression that some people misunderstand what has been happening. Senator Killilea referred to the fact that I was taking away all the significant powers of local authorities and that I was going to insult them by leaving them the title of mayor. This was felt to be a good idea. There is no reason why there should not be a dignatary in each town, who would be a responsible elected person, so that somebody coming to the area would not have to go to the local public house to find out from some barfly what was the situation in the town. One should be able to meet the mayor of the town. This is done in other countries. It may be only an empty title and people may have objections to it — there are pros and cons — but the comments we got are both ways. There is no intention to insult the local authorities and I am quite sure they understand that.

Senator Killilea seemed to suggest that rural areas are not getting a fair deal by way of services and State assistance. I am surprised that he is not aware of the fact that the capital allocation for housing in Galway county for 1975 was £440,000 and that when I took over it was £169,800. The house purchase loans in 1975 for Galway amount to £450,000 compared with £260,000 when I took over. Road Fund grants will be £772,450 this year as compared with £641,160. That was decided before the by-elections came up.

I like to deal in facts, and if someone wants to make a factual comment he is entitled to do so. But I get a little disappointed when they put their hand in the air, pull down a figure and trot it out as if it was gospel and saying something which is entirely incorrect. Senator McGowan's general comments were fair enough and in common with practically every other politician I have met and people of various political views. In general he seemed to welcome the document. He suggested that expenditure on main roads within urban areas lies unduly heavily on the county councils. In respect of national primary routes he said the Road Fund did not cover enough. I should like to point out that with respect to national primary and national secondary roads the Road Fund meets 100 per cent both of making the roads and maintaining them, whether in an urban or rural area.

Senator Dolan also seemed very satisfied with the document. He talked about maximum assistance to rural areas. He had to admit that the rural areas have got more than a fair deal from my Department since I took over, possibly because I come from a rural area myself and I believe in fair play. Up to now I felt they were not getting a fair deal. Senator Dolan said he was in favour of the principle, and that is something to be thankful for. He also said that he opposed entirely the suggestion that certain outside bodies should be co-opted on to the county councils — that this would be a mistake if it happened.

We had comments from Senators Markey and Kilbride. They agreed that the suggestions were good and welcomed the proposals of the discussion document. With the exception of a few local authorities who did not seem to understand what is happening, perhaps through my fault that I did not go to more trouble spelling it out, all the local authorities seem to agree with the principle. There were certain aspects which some of them objected to but most of them agreed with the principle.

Senator Owens also was in favour of the document and referred to the question of staff. This is a problem about which I have tried to get something done. Senator Owens referred to the need for studying staff development and training people for the job and she said she felt this was something which must be done. Senator McGlinchey referred to the question of people who leave their jobs and one man in particular who left because he felt there was no future for him. The man who thinks his whole future is bound up with the town clerkship of a small town would be just as well to leave his job and go somewhere else——

He went into the county council.

Good for him, but I would not say it was in despair. It was not an alternative to shooting himself. He went into it because he felt it was an outlet which otherwise he might not get.

He was more active. He felt that by remaining in the urban council he would not have enough to do.

Then he was right. I believe that a number of these small towns should not have the situation arising where a town clerk is appointed and he stays there — there is a joke about it being a type of Purgatory where he suffers for a time until he can get a more decent job. The result is they stay for perhaps three months in one town or 12 months in another. They are simply on the way up and only go there because it is a step in a certain direction.

It is part of his training.

Yes and the local authorities pay for it. This is the trouble. Their own suggestion that they should be trained for the job before they go there might be a much better approach. I have asked the Local Government Manpower Committee which I set up to do something about this and their terms of reference are concerned with advising on the manpower needs of local authorities generally. This would be of great help in having this matter attended to. I made a suggestion in the document, and some people seemed to take issue with me over it. Where small local authorities are finding it extremely difficult to carry on the business because of the continual changes by town-clerks, the local county council send out an officer who carries on as town-clerk until the next town-clerk arrives, then disappears until that person goes, then comes back again, and it is a shuttle service backward and forward with intervals of anything from a month to a couple of years. This might be got over if the trade unions representing the staff and the local authorities got together and had some kind of arrangement that the staffing of these small local authorities could, in fact, be carried out by a person appointed temporarily to the job from the local authority themselves. Somebody who lives in the area and knows it, would be a lot better than somebody who comes in from the other end of the country and leaves as soon as something else looms up on the horizon. It was a suggestion which met with dissatisfaction in some areas and a lot of satisfaction from people like Senator Brennan, and indeed Senator McGlinchey and Senator McGowan. It was a sensible approach to something which is a real problem.

Having said that, the legislation to deal with this local government reorganisation will be, I hope, in the course of preparation in the near future. I would not like anyone to think we just sat back and waited until such time as this legislation was ready before introducing changes in local government which needed to be changed. I have been looking at some files and I find that my predecessors, no matter how good or bad, some were good and some were not, did have a flair when anything difficult came up. They had an inquiry into it and a document out. They were great at doing things like that. We have got piles and piles of suggestions which were chased all around the place by a sub-committee of some kind or, eventually, a document was issued and it was put carefully away and that was the last that was heard of it.

To give some idea of what has been happening, as far back as 1961 Fianna Fáil recognised the need for rationalisation of the system of local finances. It is amazing all the studies they did on it and when we took over, within weeks. I changed it. A few days before the election Fianna Fáil decided on something which they felt if they were returned they would do. But with all the information they had they could easily have done it over a number of years if they wanted to. But the evidence was that it was not the right thing to do and they wisely decided against it. However, at the last minute they said: "OK, this is what we are going to do." With the Government's support I changed the financing and I took both health and housing off the rates on a progressive basis. Next year the last ones will be taken off. That is not the end of it. That was a step in the right direction which could have been taken before and which at least I did.

But you also took £8 million off the estimates for the health services.

No, I did not. The trouble about this is——

(Interruptions.)

Not reduced. The situation is that people in the health board when they found that they were not responsible for additional expenditure, decided they were going to have a ball at the expense of the ratepayers and taxpayers of this country. It did not come off. Certain people thought they were having a "go" at the Government when in fact they would have been having a "go" at the taxpayers, if they had got away with it. They are the people who stuck on the extra £1 million which they did not need. This was proved because they were able to balance their books without it. For goodness sake, do not let us hear any more about that one.

The estimates were submitted to the Department before the general election in February, 1973, and the Minister knows that.

It was a try on which did not come off.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Could the Minister continue on the Local Government Reorganisation Discussion Document?

It was a try on which did not come off and the result was that the health boards were able to carry on with a reasonable estimate on the amount of money they got. Perhaps Fianna Fáil felt that something like this would have happened when we were in Opposition. It would not. We were decent fellows and would not do something like that on them.

Thank God I am not like the rest of men.

I am like the fellows on this side. In 1972-1973, the last year of Fianna Fáil's administration, the total contribution from rates towards the cost of health services, and local authority housing provided for letting, was £43.2 million, representing approximately 44 per cent of the total rates levied. Over a period of four years the effect of this decision will be to remove, in real terms, 44 per cent or almost half the total burden on the ratepayers. It is estimated that over the country as a whole for the present financial year with 25 per cent of the health and housing charges yet to be removed, the rate will be as much as £4 in the £ higher than they are but for what happened. The total contribution of the State towards health and local authority housing has risen from £74.9 million in 1972-73 to £207.3 million in the current year. That is something you cannot get away from.

We have being trying to deal with malicious injuries claims in order to take some of the burden off the ratepayers. In May, 1974, the Exchequer decided to recoup in full all payments made by local authorities on and after 1st January, 1974, in respect of malicious injuries to property which in the opinion of a chief superintendent in the area had been caused by the use of explosives and attributed to the troubles in Northern Ireland. There was a great to do about this and they said: "But that only includes certain things. But what about others? What about all the extra money which arose because of other causes?" We had, in fact, some pretty hefty claims which were made and processed and which would not be paid until the ratepayers provided the money. This has happened on and on over the years.

The previous Government did nothing about it other than the single exception of Nelson Pillar. Perhaps they felt they had a responsibility for that. They did not make any attempt to take the burden off the ratepayers anywhere else in the country, except for that one, and we decided to do something about it. The result was that we decided that if any compensation for malicious injury to be paid by a local authority in 1975 or any subsequent year exceeds the produce of 20p in the £, the excess is recoupable to that local authority from the Exchequer. This had a big effect in keeping down rates also. It proves that we did not have to wait for legislation, that it was something that could be done. As Fianna Fáil proved, it was done when it was politically wise to do it in one case. We did not put it on the long finger; we simply dealt with it and that is the situation.

That is not the last word with regard to rates. I made it quite clear that it is Government policy to change the system. I never agreed that the rating system, as we have it here, the poor law system, was the proper way to raise local taxation. Eventually I hope to see it replaced by a more equitable system. Work on this is being carried out in my Department and the Economic and Social Research Institute have undertaken a study of certain aspects of the problem.

Why not do it now? Is this not a vital part of the whole reorganisation?

If Senator McGowan would come to me after this debate and tell me where the money is to come from, we might be able to dispense with all the services of the people who are working on it. I do not wish to be rude to Senator McGowan, but he knows that the whole problem is to find out a way in which local taxation will produce the necessary funds to run the local authority and produce something which will be equitable.

Is it not much more important than giving me a clever answer here? Is not the whole structure of local government being financed here?

It is not exactly a question of the whole structure of local government being financed. I explained what we are doing about the financing end of it, but the other aspect — how it is going to be financed in the future — has still to be dealt with. I am sure that Senator McGowan is well aware of that.

I should like to make a final reference to rates and to refer to the 1972 White Paper on Local Finance and Taxation issued by Fianna Fáil. After 11 years deliberation they did not succeed in putting up anything until about four days before the last general election when they suddenly decided that they were going to remove rates from houses. If Fianna Fáil had the answer to it, they should have published it a little earlier. I am quite sure they are working on it now, and good luck to them. If they come up with a solution in ten or 15 years' time, they will get an opportunity of putting it into operation and we shall see how it works.

We heard much about the question of the electoral system but, unfortunately, nobody seemed to have been very anxious to do anything about it. During my time in Dáil Éireann I have been listening to Fianna Fáil telling us how they were going to improve the electoral system. I often had doubts as to what they meant by "improve". The first Bill I introduced, as Minister, was one which reduced the voting age at local elections and the minimum age for membership of local authorities from 21 to 18 years. A year earlier the Labour Party and the Fine Gael Party moved amendments in this House and in the Dáil designed to reduce the local government voting age to 18 years. Fianna Fáil threw them out.

I do not see any of this in the discussion document. I had hoped that the Minister would speak on the discussion document.

I am speaking on local government to the Senator's motion before the House and to what he himself said. If he wants to confine the debate to what he likes me to comment on——

You are giving us a lot of bull.

I am commenting on what Senator McGlinchey said. He tried to claim that there was too long a delay in dealing with the question of local government organisation. I am pointing out to him, as I am entitled to, a Leas-Chathaoirleach, what has already been done under local government reorganisation even before we go to the question of the discussion document. If Senator McGlinchey does not like it, I am very sorry, but there is nothing I can do about it or propose to do about it. When I came to office there was no Dublin Corporation and there was no council in Bray. I appointed both. We know that every day a lord mayor can make statements on behalf of the city and criticise various people, including myself, for what is done. He is entitled to do so. The capital city had no council because of the peculiar sort of arrangement the previous administration had with regard to democracy.

May I ask the Minister a question?

I would prefer if the Senator left it until later.

An Leas-Chathaoirlech

Senator McGlinchey will have the right to reply.

I have heard much spoken in the House about postal voting. Everybody seemed to have been under the impression that postal voting was a good idea but nobody wanted to grasp the nettle: however, I introduced it. While it was not perfect — there were areas where I was led to believe it was anything but perfect — Senator McGlinchey may smile because he may be able to put his finger on what happens at home and he may possibly realise where the difficulties occur. We have had an experiment with local elections. We propose to introduce a Bill with the necessary safeguards in all future elections, to prevent those who claim more than one vote. This is something about which we heard a lot of talk from Fianna Fáil. At the last local election 27,000 voted who would not have voted but for the fact that we introduced the postal voting system.

Some of the voters who were dead.

I would take Senator McGowan's word for it if he knows of those people. I am not aware of it. I understand that the Garda Síochána are very anxious to get evidence of such a practice and so far they have not got what they are looking for in order to bring prosecutions.

I wish to refer to the question of who can be a member of a local authority, and I should like to mention the case of a clergyman. There are some clergymen in the other part of the country who are members of local authorities and who should have cried off. However, I believe that they are entitled to be members, if enough people give them support and I gave them the necessary powers. Other people, including those who are not Irish citizens, should be entitled if they can get the support of the electors. The result is that we have quite a liberalised system of election. One very important thing was done. The Petitions and Disqualifications Bill was introduced and passed by both Houses. These provisions were replacing a procedure which was found to be unconstitutional 13 years earlier. The previous Government did nothing about it. They talked about local government reorganisation and the reform of local government, yet they left it lying and said: "We cannot do anything about it."

I should also like to refer to the ratio of councillor to elector, something that I have not done anything about so far. Within county areas, as far as possible, I made the ratio the same. I should like to see the perfect situation where we would have the same ratio applying all over the country. In the short time at my disposal before the very necessary local elections which were awaited for seven years, I had only had time——

You postponed them for a year, too.

I had to, because you people made no arrangements. You were preparing it with a tenure of local authorities, but you made no provision to do anything about them. The Fianna Fáil Government did nothing to change them before they left office, so I could not do it in the short time at my disposal between March and June and I had to postpone them. I used it quickly enough when I got the opportunity to have the election.

You did not do very well.

My party did very well. If the Senator asks some of his colleagues, particularly in places like County Meath, he will learn whether we did all right or not.

Fianna Fáil felt it was all right to leave it there so that there could be no question of any action being taken about somebody who had behaved irresponsibly or unlawfully at local elections because there was no legislation to deal with such an occurrence for 13 years. Now that is changed.

I feel the Government have done pretty well. The ratio of councillor to electors was not changed for 30 years. Fianna Fáil were satisfied to leave the matter as it was for 30 years. Some Senators in the Fianna Fáil Party had the temerity to stand up and ask why had I not done this, that or the other thing, when they had all the time in the world to do it themselves or have their party do it. If there was no inclination or will, then there certainly was no way in which it could be done.

The Fine Gael Party also said that in Sligo and Donegal.

That is a matter between the Senator and the Fine Gael Party in Sligo and Donegal. The thing was done and that is that.

With regard to the question of local democracy, it has been suggested that I have been taking away powers from the local authorities. I have done nothing of the sort. All the toing and froing between the local authorities and the Department of Local Government with regard to such things as the building of houses, single houses, groups of houses up to 60, the sanction for various schemes, and the sanction of the expansion of sewerage and water schemes up to £20,000. Before now, the previous Government kept a tight hold of these affairs because they wanted to ensure that nothing except the niggardly amount of money made available would be spent.

Because people had to look for sanction, the easiest thing for the previous Government to say was: "You have not got that `t' crossed or that `i' dotted" and back again it went for six months. This Government stopped that carry-on. Now, if a local authority wants to build houses, they build them; if they want a water or sewerage scheme up to £20,000 they can have it and there is no question of chasing backwards and forwards.

Deputy Molloy stopped it, and the Minister knows that perfectly well. The Minister improved on the scheme.

I prefer not to mention what Deputy Molloy did, because I would only be inclined to tell the House what he did not do and that would keep the House here till Christmas. I am the Minister for Local Government of the day and what I did, I did as representing the Government of the day. I am proud of the fact that I was able to do what I did because I had the support of a Government who believed in doing something for the ordinary people of this country.

In addition to that, I have given to some local authorities, including Donegal — although Senator McGlinchey may not be aware of the fact — the right to carry out group water schemes. Donegal and Tipperary North are carrying out a pilot exercise on group water schemes. This means that people are not chasing from O'Connell Bridge House to the far end of Donegal to see whether or not a pipe was put in properly or whether or not the connection is made to a house before a grant of a few pounds is paid.

Surely the Minister is not claiming credit for having introduced the group water schemes?

I would never do that. What I am saying is that I made it work which Fianna Fáil were neither prepared nor anxious to do. They only wanted to write it up and leave it there.

The water and sewerage grants were reduced by £8,000 in the Minister's first year in office. They were £14,000 in Deputy Molloy's last year of office and £6,700 in the Minister's first year in office.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The debate is becoming very disorderly. Senator McGlinchey is aware that he has a right of reply at the conclusion of the debate on this motion. The Minister should be allowed to continue his contribution to this debate.

How long more do I have?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Minister is already slightly over time.

I shall conclude by saying that, having listened to Senator McGlinchey giving figures out of his head a few weeks ago, and all of them were incorrect, I do not propose wasting any time commenting on them today.

I will produce those figures in this House. I got those figures from documents in the Minister's own Department.

I welcome this opportunity to have a discussion on local government reorganisation in the Seanad. Having listened to the Minister's catalogue of all the things he has done in this area since becoming Minister for Local Government I had a temptation to interrupt him and ask him, in a slightly different context, about this Boundary Commission that is so long promised, and how high on his list of priorities it might be?

The discussion document, which is the basis of our debate in the Seanad today, begins with a salute to local democracy, which has been referred to by other Senators who contributed. However, I think that is all it is — a salute to local democracy and no real thinking about the concept in a meaningful sense. I join with the many Senators who said that they regarded this as a very limited document, one which does not pose the real question asked by quite a number of Senators during this debate. I hope their views will be listened to and their contributions studied.

It is stated at the start of paragraph 3 of this discussion document:

The Minister accepts that the present system needs improvement but considers that the defects which exist are such as to require for their solution a selective and measured response.

The document goes on to outline what is meant by this selective and measured response. It seems to me that by "selective and measured" the Minister meant piecemeal, limited and ad hoc, really talking about very slight transfers of functions at the local level without any fundamental examination of either local government or the framework within which we must examine and consider our concept of local government.

The Minister in his contribution, for which I was pleased to be present, made reference to previous studies on this question and criticised the previous Government, in particular, for having set up various studies but for not having done anything constructive on the basis of those studies. I think the Minister has perhaps erred in the other direction. The Minister has thought too little in this discussion document about local government and about the type of structure and the framework of local government which would be responsive to the needs of the people in modern Ireland. The Minister might have learned a little from the approach of some of these earlier reports and discussion documents.

For example, a report relating to regional reorganisation which seems now to be very much forgotten on the shelf, a report which did not meet a general welcome for its proposals at the time, is the Buchanan Report which was commissioned by the United Nations at the request of the Irish Government in 1966. The report was published in 1968. I do not want to refer to the recommendations of this report but to the initial approach it adopted. In dealing with local government we could learn from this approach. It is stated in the introduction to the Buchanan Report:

There is fairly general agreement in Ireland on broad national objectives affecting the well-being of the people, such as the need for full employment, rising incomes, improved social services and an end to involuntary emigration — and also agreement on many of the social and economic policies needed to realise these objectives. But the implications of these policies in terms of the amount and distribution of physical development have not been fully worked out. Which areas have most potential for agricultural development? Where should the future industrial centres be? Which places are likely to gain population, and by how much? What are the consequences for the organisation of social facilities and communications? The purpose of this report is to describe the studies we undertook in order to suggest answers to these questions, and to outline what appeared to be the most advan- tageous and practical pattern of development.

It is that approach which I want to emphasise because the question of regional development is related to the needs and aspirations of the people. The report begins by asking the significant questions at the regional level. However, by contrast, in this discussion document there appears to be no attempt to ask questions about the type of local government which we want and need in Ireland today; despite the assertion that the present system is unsatisfactory and the statement that the approach by the Minister in coping with it will be "selective and measured".

I should like to join with other Senators, and in particular with Senator Owens, in criticising this very limited approach to local Government because the basic problem is one of deciding what is the best level at which to take policy decisions, decisions affecting the lives of the people in the community. While I have been listening to the debate, no Senator has really approached the problem in this framework. I believe it is a critically important framework to discuss democracy at any level, and, in particular, at local government level.

Our membership of the European Community is having a very significant effect on decision-making at every level. We are now part of a large, supranational grouping so that very important decisions and initiatives are taken at the European Community level. Certain other decisions are taken at the national level by the Irish Government and discussed in both Houses of the Oireachtas where appropriate because that is the level at which it is appropriate to take them. Again, other decisions are taken at the regional level. I would agree with Senators who pointed to the tendency at that level in particular to prefer a joint body approach rather than the development of democratic regional bodies with power to decide on the policy for the region within a national framework, and with power to discuss this in a democratic forum. Therefore the appropriate framework must encompass the Community level, the national level, the regional level and what most occupies us in relation to this discussion paper, the local level.

It is within that general framework that the important policy decisions must be reached. We need, particularly now that we are in the European Community to analyse in a very basic way how we want the power in this country distributed; to what extent it is appropriate that decisions be taken at the different levels; whether we can reverse what has been an almost one-way trend of centralisation or of hiving-off to State-sponsored bodies or joint boards; whether we can devolve certain types of decisions which can be taken, perhaps not in their entirety — but which certainly can be taken some distance — at the local level.

I am disappointed that this discussion document does not relate to that sort of framework showing an awareness of the potential of modern means of communication, of modern technology and so on. If the priority is to create a structure and framework which allows the fullest participation by the citizens in decisions affecting their lives, the approach must be a flexible one, and must not be defined in terms of units which were established by Victorian legislation in 1898 and have not been changed very much since then. The approach must be much more flexible and responsive to the needs of modern Ireland. The organisation of local government must be seen in the framework of an elaborate structure from Community level down to the local level, so that power is exercised where it is proper and valid, where participation by citizens can be the fullest and most meaningful participation, and where, in certain circumstances, there will be a national plan to which there will have to be regional and local adjustment and co-operation and thinking. In certain instances perhaps the initiative will be at Community level and relate directly to either regional or even local bodies in elaboration of a Community regional policy. None of this seems to have been thought through by the Minister in putting forward his discussion document for reaction and opinion.

This is particularly sad because anyone who examines the framework of structure of government and administration at present would be rather alarmingly aware that it is one of the least democratic structures in Europe as a whole and certainly in the member states of the European Community. There is more centralisation of decision-making here; and a larger part of the decision-making is outside the direct democratic control of the Oireachtas, in so far as policy making is carried on by State-sponsored bodies. For example, it is incredible that a decision of the magnitude of the decision about the use which will be made of natural gas finds off Kinsale can be taken by State-sponsored bodies without any real debate in either House of the Oireachtas, without any real assessment by the representatives of the people as to what is the best use that could be made of this valuable resource — whether it is better to be halved between the ESB and Nítrigin Éireann or whether in so far as power stations are concerned this is a wasteful and expensive use of this natural resource.

The relationship between central government and local authorities is one of subservience by the local authorities, one of centralisation of real power, particularly through financial controls. In this context the county and city managerial system has contributed to the weakening of the democratic element.

Reference has been made by other Senators to the lack of any coherent system at regional level. There are different and, to some extent, overlapping regions depending on the subject matter for which the regions are designated. In any case whatever the reasons for the particular regions whether it is for tourism or for health the units are not democratic structures in the sense of having direct participation by representatives of the people and having open discussions on the policies that are being discussed at that level.

Consequently, this discussion paper has an inherent weakness in that it tries to consider local government in isolation from the framework of the distribution of power from Community level to the local level and also in isolation from an examination of the needs of the people, the expectations of the people, the problems which must be coped with and administered at different levels. Unless we have a full analysis of this and a full analysis of the proper level at which to take and administer decisions; the proper level at which to consult, how to consult and how to stimulate co-operation and joint participation in ventures at regional, local or national regional or even national local level, then our view of local government is extremely limited, extremely ad hoc and is, to me, an entirely unsatisfactory one. Every Senator who has contributed pointed to very serious flaws in the present system of local government and the only way in which we can decide how to reorganise local government is in a general analysis of the distribution of power, in the general framework of the functions and needs and the problems which have to be solved and at what level they should be solved.

Having made that general criticism of the approach of the discussion paper, I should now like to refer more specifically to the recommendations in the paper. I agree with the functional approach in that limited context, that the type of functions which are now to be exercised at the county level are more appropriately exercised at that level, given the proper right of consultation with the other local authorities concerned.

For example, it is appropriate in relation to planning and development that the county be the major unit at local government level for planning development. It is hard to consider this question in such a strange context. The basic problem is that we do not have sufficiently evolved national planning of our environment to which the representatives at regional and local levels can relate. One of the great flaws in the Local Government (Planning and Development) Act, 1963, was that there was an apparent effort to try get small local units to bring forward considered plans for their areas, but they did not have a comprehensive national and regional development plan to which to relate their local needs, expectations and requirements.

I accept that in the area of roads and housing the county unit has more resources and is a better unit to exercise those powers. Also the Minister's approach is right. He is not trying to compel authorities but to get their co-operation in transferring the exercise of particular functions. He is right in this because to use compulsion or to override local views would be to dilute still further the concept of local democracy left. His task will be a great deal easier if he approaches the problem in the framework I outlined. He should get across the argument that there are very valid policy reasons, common sense and practical overall reasons, for taking decisions at different levels.

There are obvious decisions taken at the Community level now, which affect us very vitally, such as the fixing of agricultural prices. There are many decisions taken at Government level which might be taken at the regional and local level if we had much clearer thinking on when the decision is better taken at the centre and when there should be the possibility of a degree of devolution to the smaller local government unit so that they do not feel alienated or isolated from the problems.

The reference to the need for reform of the constitution and procedures of local authorities is very minimal in this discussion document. It is in paragraph 20. There is a statement that:

A general programme of reform will be put in hands for modernising the law relating to the constitution and procedure of local authorities.

Again, I think this a very minimal reference which does not examine the problem of how — if decisions are to be taken at the appropriate level for such decisions — you will get the necessary flexibility to allow for consultation at other levels, and at the same time that decisions can be taken with the necessary degree of speed and urgency in some circumstances: the problem of how to get local authorities in an area to co-operate on a regional basis in a much more meaningful sense than they have. The minimal reference to the need for reform in their present constitution and procedure is inadequate to cope with this problem.

My conclusion on this discussion document is that it is a narrow and functional document confined to a limited transfer of certain functions within an existing framework which it is admitted is unsatisfactory. I hope that the Minister, in the light of the response he has received from local authorities and in the light of the debate in the Seanad today and his consultation with other interests, will bring forward a paper which displays much more fundamental thinking on the reorganisation of local government within a framework of improving the democratic content in our Irish life today which compares so un-favourably with the situation in other member states of the European Community. We pay far too much lip service to democracy, and we do not pay nearly enough attention to the job of analysis that needs to be done to make this concept meaningful and to evolve a framework where power is exercised at the right level and subject to democratic control in the country.

This discussion document on the format of local government is not as comprehensive as that produced by the previous Minister for Local Government, but it is probably more relevant. I welcome the Minister's assurance that he has no intention of abolishing small urban councils or town commissioners. I am a member of two local authorities — a county council and an urban council. There is a third local authority body — the town commissioners who were mentioned here today.

Senator McGowan mentioned regionalisation of local authorities. Our experience on local authorities has been that regionalisation had a detrimental effect on services in the field in which it was introduced — health. If it were introduced into local government it would be a retrograde step. Our system of government should be based on our way of life. Regionalisation is suited to more densely populated continental countries but it does not fit the circumstances here.

I am all for the promotion of small groupings of people under the heading of a local authority, be it a county council or an urban council. I should like to get rid of the expression "town commissioner". All small towns wishing to have a local government authority could be designated as having urban councils. I will deal with that in more depth later.

It is often said that people get the type of Government they deserve. This is probably very true. My favourite programme on television is "The Frank Hall Show". The portrayal of the cast of the Ballymagash Urban Council is quite hilarious but also quite true to life at times. That is not a reflection on the people who are elected to these bodies. Maybe it is a reflection on the public at large that they do not take a more active part to ensure that the best local representatives are elected.

In the first page of this document the Minister refers to:

... promoting a more effective system of local administration while preserving the democratic character of local government.

He proceeds to outline the administration of local government under four different headings: planning, sanitation, roads and housing. The degree to which these matters are retained by urban councils surely is bound up very deeply with finance. The size of the urban bodies dictates the extent to which they can promote these activities and projects.

For instance, some of the larger urban areas could very well have a planning department but the smaller ones could not afford such a department. They would have to rely on the county councils to do this work for them. Most urban councils are in a position to provide their own sewerage facilities and water schemes but for the smaller councils this would not be a viable proposition. The passing over of these functions to small urban councils is simply a matter of economics.

Roads at the moment are completely the function of county councils. The urban councils have passed this function over to the county councils. Very few urban councils have anything to do with the roadwork system in their area.

Housing is dealt with by urban councils. Town commissioners do not really have much to do with the provision of housing. It is probably in this light that town commissioners should be given more power. Very few towns commissioners, if any, build houses, maintain or seem to have a say in the letting of their houses.

On page 8 of the document the Minister states:

The public representative, elected by statutory elections, occupies the key role in local government.

This may be so as regards county councillors and urban councillors but town commissioners have not sufficient powers. They do not have a say in some of the really important matters of local government. I do not go along with the assertion already made that there is something very wrong with our system of local government. I find the county council and urban council systems generally very satisfactory and they should be retained in almost every respect.

As I said earlier, town commissioners should be designated as urban councillors and given more power, especially with regard to the allocation and building of houses. They should also be consulted more seriously about planning development, roadworks and so on. I have experience of a small town commission. Members ask me what is happening and what the county council are going to do in their town next year or next month? Surely this is not local democracy. These people should be the first to know what is going to happen in their own towns. I plead with the Minister today to up-grade the position of town commissioners.

I welcome the manner in which the Minister devolved power from the central authority down to the local bodies. In particular, I wish to refer to housing and water schemes. Previously we had to get sanction for everything we did in this regard. Now the Minister has made very generous concessions and we can do a considerable amount of work without consulting him. The allocations given for building houses have been greatly increased. We can go ahead with any water scheme up to a cost of £20,000, a concession we never had before. He is to be congratulated on this.

I suggest the Minister consider the suggestions made today dealing with smaller urban councils and town commissioners. These people seldom retain a town clerk because of the promotional system in the local authority service. They are always on the move from one grade to another. It would be a far more satisfactory situation if the staff officer of the county council was nominated to look after the interests of the smaller councils. He could attend meetings of the county councils, the parent bodies, and immediately afterwards meetings of the urban councils in order to keep the members in touch. There is a great lack of liaison between the county councils and smaller bodies, such as town commissioners and urban councils.

I do not think that many local representatives will shed tears because local community committees have been abandoned. That was not a practical proposition. It was a back door entry for many people who had not the courage to face the people in an election. However, the idea of having certain bodies represented such as doctors and nurses on health committees and teachers and so on on education committees, has been a success. The Minister should consider an extension of the system whereby farming organisations would automatically have representation on committees of agriculture. At the moment they are dependent on the goodwill of elected representatives. A certain number of places on committees of agriculture should be reserved for members of farming organisations.

The idea of having joint committees between the county councils and the urban councils is also a very good one. Quite often towns can be completely left out when committees, such as health committees, are formed at county council meetings. This is not a desirable trend.

By and large, this is an excellent document. It is concise and deals with the more relevant points of local government.

In recent years Government Departments appeared very anxious to make changes in rural Ireland. To them it may seem an improvement but, coming from rural Ireland, I feel that this is not the case.

The Department of Education have had a policy of closing one-teacher and two-teacher schools in rural Ireland which, when it was first suggested, looked all right. The Department now realise they made a mistake and because of the cost of transport and the difficulty in getting transport to take children to school that scheme is out. I mention that because it has affected rural Ireland. It has closed schools in rural Ireland and brought the children into the towns. It has taken teachers who lived in villages and the countryside to live in towns. The same can be said of agriculture, creameries and so on. The policy of the Department of Justice was to close Garda stations in villages of rural Ireland.

As far as local government is concerned, we should make changes there, too. The Department of Local Government have not made many changes down through the years. Many years ago we had the boards of guardians which had representatives in every parish. They were abolished about 1925. Many of our older people still talk about the boards of guardians and the good work they did. During the 1930s I understand a number of town commissioners were abolished. The town commissioners of Fethard in County Tipperary were abolished about that time.

The last Minister for Local Government brought out a White Paper in which he proposed to abolish all urban councils in towns with a population of fewer than 12,000. This is something that I completely disagreed with because I felt he went too far in doing away with such urban councils. It would have meant that most of our urban councils would go. Clonmel, which has a population of more than 13,000, but a year or two ago had a population of fewer than 12,000 would not have an urban council. I feel, however, that urban councils should be abolished in areas where they represent fewer than 2,000 people. They do not serve a useful purpose and it is not possible for them to get sufficient money from rates to meet the demands of their towns. I was glad to see that suggestion made by the last Minister.

We still have town commissioners in some towns such as Portlaoise and Tuam and I do not understand why towns such as these should not have urban councils. Portlaoise is the largest town in Laois and has a big population.

I should have said at the outset that we have been asking the Government side of the House to deal with motions which we have had on the Order Paper for some time. Last week the Leader of the House said he was agreeable to take a motion this week but we did not expect that it would be the one on local government. There are others on such subjects as agriculture which are more urgent.

This document was brought out in December, 1973, and there was no real urgency about it. Perhaps it gave the Minister for Local Government an opportunity of saying something new. He has said that existing urban district councils and town commissioners are to be retained. There is not a great difference in what the Minister has stated and what the last Minister was about to do: he wanted to abolish all urban councils in areas with a population of fewer than 12,000. The present Minister assured us that he would leave certain powers to the urban councils but I do not believe they will have any power at all. The last Minister was being honest in that respect by doing away with them. The present Minister will leave them there, but just as a rubber stamp. They will have no powers.

As far as planning and development are concerned, it is suggested that this should be taken from urban councils and given to the county councils. There is a lot to be said for and against this, but I will be sorry to see all powers taken from urban councils. There are towns with no representatives on county councils and perhaps nine people on an urban council who would know the needs of the town as far as planning and development are concerned. I should prefer to leave the planning and development of a town to the urban council except where link roads and trunk roads through towns are concerned.

On the subject of sanitary services, I am in complete agreement with the Minister that they should be handled by county councils because they are closely linked with rural areas. For instance, if a water scheme is needed in a town and it comes from a distance of ten miles through a country area, if the pipeline can also supply that country area it would be a good thing for rural Ireland as well as the town. Tipperary town is one where such a rural scheme helps to supply the town. The same applies to Cashel.

I agree with the Minister that roads should be under a county council and there is a lot to be said for his suggestion about housing. He said the county councils should have the most power but I do not think they should have all the say. If that were the case some towns would be neglected. County councils look after all towns in a county. One town may have greater representation on the county council and get more attention than another town with less representation.

In the White Paper from the last Minister, it was suggested that instead of urban councils we should have community councils which would be selected from different organisations in the area, both in the town and rural area. I was not in agreement with the idea of selecting people from any kind of a rural organisation. There are an awful lot of them. In my parish we formed a community council recently and it was decided that they would select one representative from each organisation in the parish. My parish is a small one but it turned out that there were 34 rural organisations in it when we went to pick people for the community council. If Deputy Molloy's White Paper had gone through, in this respect there would be a big unwieldy council which would not get anywhere.

The Minister has suggested in his paper that we should have in small towns some sort of community councils, councils of some kind —"new local authorities" he called them. We have towns like Cahir and Roscrea in County Tipperary and they have got on very well without any kind of a council — they are under the county council. I should leave them alone rather than set up new authorities there.

What we should have in every town or, if possible, in every parish is a community council set up by the people, without any rules or regulations from the Department. They could have their own rules, each council with their own rules.

I regret to say that community councils have been badly hit just now by the Minister's announcement that for this year amenity grants are to be withdrawn. He has said he has no objection to county councils or other local authorities giving their portion of the amenity grants, but if the Department of Local Government are not able to find money to give amenity grants it will be very difficult for the local authorities to give it. I urge the Minister, even at this stage, to restore amenity grants to the community councils as soon as possible. They were doing a very good job.

I agree with the last paragraph of this document in which the question of expenses for councillors is to be reviewed. County councillors have got an increase in their subsistence and travelling allowances recently, but I feel county councillors or others on public bodies are not getting what they should. Membership means they have to lose a full day going to a county council meeting and a day's pay to any person, even to a farmer, is worth much more than he would get going to a county council meeting.

There is also the question of postal expenses. County councillors are hard pressed nowadays to pay for postage. Any who is worth his salt has quite a lot of postage and this is something to which the Minister should give serious consideration. Travelling allowances for councillors should be further increased and some allowance for postage should also be made.

In the first instance I thank the Minister for making it possible for the Seanad to enlarge its own role and function by making himself available for this debate. I hope it presages a wider and more vigorous use of the Seanad as a means of not only participating in the formulation of legislation but also in the pre-legislative phase.

We are here discussing a document which is in itself a discussion document. This is something which is not too frequent in Irish public life, a document which comes even before a White Paper. Therefore, we are at a stage in thinking when the Minister and his Department are perhaps even more receptive to ideas than they would normally be, before their own views have hardened and taken on the shape of Government policy.

There has been some element of confusion between the two components within the subject matter we are discussing — the elements of local and central government, because, inevitably and essentially, there will be a clash between the two. They do not always run in tandem and they are not always compatible. So in the first instance, we must ask ourselves why should there be local government at all? We have a population of just fewer than three million people: in other countries, local authorities serve populations greater than that number of people.

In the original discussion document produced by the last Minister for Local Government, when they were discussing the appropriate size of a local authority, of county council powers, they accepted that a priori there was no number which suggested itself as being an appropriate number. Simply because we happen to have a small population is no argument in favour of having a totally centralised government. Neither is there an a priori argument which says that there should be X, 2X or 3X local authorities in a country.

The answer must be based on two principles. In the first place there is the nature of democracy itself, which depends on the degree of involvement by people in the decisions which shape their lives and determine their environment. The democratic system does not operate by using oppressive means for achieving its end. It is essentially non-coercive. It inevitably results in the long run in decisions being taken as the result of various pressures exerted on the decision-makers and the development of a consensus between competing groups. These groups need to feel a sense of participation in the ultimate decisions even though they may be prepared to leave the decisions to those over whom they mave have very little power in the long run— in this case, a Government Minister.

It is also true that there are decisions which are more appropriately taken at lower levels. All human society is organised and all human organisation is built around the principle that at different levels in the organisation, different types of decisions are taken. In other words, within the human society we have a hierarchical system, no matter how much we might try to get away from that occasionally.

This is the second principle on which local government must be based: it is that a certain range of functions are better done at a local level. There is a whole hierarchy of levels at which things can be done more efficiently. This in itself carries two dangers. In the first place, it carries the danger of tensions between the groups within the hierarchy — those on top may try to centralise too greatly and at the bottom there may be a tendency towards anarchy. Those at the bottom may be seeking more power than is appropriate to their function. Both ends of the pyramid can make mistakes peculiar to themselves.

Senator Robinson decried the tendency towards greater centralisation. In certain circumstances it is necessary to have greater centralisation. The fact that something is done at a lower level does not necessarily mean that it is being done better. Those who are accustomed to the problems produced by systems analysis know of the problem caused by, for example, sub-optimisation, which is that a group lower down the line see something as being optimum in its own terms which can be in conflict with the greater good, of which it is only a part.

There is need for central authority and central control. The difficulty is to maintain the proper balance. We should be a bit less demanding on ourselves and, as some Senators have said, there is no a priori solution. We are dealing with a system which has developed organically over the last century and a half. It is a system of government being applied to a totally new type of society infinitely more complicated than that of half a century ago, and that which we inherited as an independent State. Therefore, if one can find plenty of anomalies, defects and weaknesses, one should not be surprised or too critical.

The present system of local government is an English creation, based on the Local Government Act, 1898, which used counties and county boroughs as the basic unit of administration. The boundaries of these administrative units — if we take Senator Robinson's ideas as a basis of criticism, we should go back and look at those — originated as rewards of land holdings to English war lords in the 16th century. The boundaries were not drawn from any predetermined plan and there is no necessary logic to them.

If we accept that the system has developed organically it would be correct to take the viewpoint that we should attempt to improve it in like manner and it would be wrong to scrap it in its entirety in a revolutionary way: it would be far better to take out the more obvious anomalies. We should build into it a flexibility for growth in dealing with a society that (a) will become more complicated, complex and sophisticated and (b) will become much more urbanised.

First, we must agree on what will be within the new system the basic administrative unit. I agree with the principles set down in paragraph 3 of the local government reorganisation discussion paper, that the county or county borough should be the basic administrative unit. However I should wish to see it being at the centre of the system rather than being the sole unit within the system. We must recognise that because of the growing complexity of human activity there will be a tendency towards regionalisation, whether we like it or not. The tendency towards regionalisation should be dealt with in this fashion: rather than creating regions which supersede county councils or county boroughs, regional authorities should be established composed of representatives of county councils or county boroughs. In other words, we would not have an extra layer of government imposed on county councils, but the county councils and county boroughs would be themselves the foundation on which a wider geographic unit would be brought into play.

There are certain areas of activity that absolutely require regionalisation. Various Ministers have in hand at the moment proposals that will involve new regional authorities. One can think of proposals of the Minister for Education as being an example. Education would be an appropriate function to be handled by such bodies. The contrary tendency should be that the county council and county borough would devolve downwards as much authority and as much power as is possible. This has always been a basic socialist principle and it is a fundamental principle stated in the Labour Party's policy document on local government, adopted in 1969. I am glad to see the Minister putting that principle into effect, and the contributions from this side of the House in the debate have shown appreciation of the authority and the power that has been devolved downwards since he took office.

In regionalisation I hope we will avoid the mistake that was made in the establishment of the health boards. That will be the basis of discussion at another time because they contain within themselves all that is wrong in the tendency towards regionalisation. They provide us with an example of what should be avoided in the future.

The size of the basic unit, the county council, because of the 16th century geographic formation of the basic unit, which it would be virtually impossible to discard given the degree of local patriotism in Ireland, provides us with a number of problems which we must face up to frankly. Of the 32 county councils and county boroughs, 24 have populations of fewer than 100,000 and 15 of them populations of fewer than 60,000 people. It is ludicrous to think that counties such as Leitrim and Longford, with a population of fewer than 30,000, have got all the panoply, power and authority of county councils when areas such as Finglas and Ballyfermot in Dublin are totally devoid of any local powers. It is an accident of one's birth that one happens to live in Leitrim or Long-ford rather than in Finglas or Ballyfermot.

Clearly the right and the opportunity to involve themselves in local government is limited in the ratio of practically 30 to one for the people in Dublin city since these are approximately the population differences between the geographic units I have mentioned. If one takes it that 24 of the basic units which at present exist have populations of fewer than 100,000, then clearly in comparison with other countries we already have a high degree of local involvement. I do not believe it to be correct when one puts forward the argument that we have a more highly centralised system than in other countries because if we really compare ourselves with our nearest neighbour, the United Kingdom, this will be seen to be a ludicrous comparison in terms of the respective sizes of the basic units.

We should be less ready to criticise ourselves, and almost debase ourselves, in comparisons with our continental partners, when we remember the very small size of a fifth, 24 out of the 32 administrative bases, of the whole local government system.

One of the major contributions which has been made in the discussion paper, and one to which too little attention has been drawn, is the suggestion of the opportunity being afforded to create in suburban conurbations new local authorities. We must do this particularly in relation to Dublin because one-third of the population of the entire country is covered by three local authorities. There is therefore less local democracy within the capital and within the county around the capital than there is anywhere else in the country. That concentration is created by sociological and economic forces.

We should attempt to create within these conurbations local authorities with powers analogous to those enjoyed by urban district councils at present. They should not be, as was proposed by the previous Administration, non-elective authorities composed of people who are involved in voluntary organisations, but they should be in a real meaningful sense local authorities dealing with local issues which the people in the area believe to be important to their environment and to their livelihood.

There is a serious defect in the local government management of the Dublin area. There are two lessons to be learned from this. In the first place, whatever the differences between a local authority and central government, the central government should almost never dissolve that body. Not only does local democracy itself suffer but the effects of it can be long-lasting. Secondly, it shows the necessity of the central government to retain in its own hands ultimate authority for certain functions. While there is a necessity to devolve them downwards, there is also the necessity for the central government in the last analysis to hold on to final authority.

I want to refer to the state of Dublin city between the two canals in relation to the planning and development function of Dublin Corporation. At the moment I believe that Dublin city is the dirtiest, most decayed and decrepit capital city in Europe. The city centre between the two canals is falling into ruins. The state of disintegration has gone so far that the capital can be described virtually as a city without shame, because there is no public outcry or demand for remedy. The newly-elected local authority has not been overactive. Anybody who travels throughout Europe at the present day must agree that Dublin is the dirtiest capital in Europe.

We are faced with a situation where the EEC heads of State will pay this capital city a visit in the coming month and the local authority will cover up the mess in the vicinity of Dublin Castle by putting up overnight shields which will prevent these people from sullying their eyes with the scenes which we must look on every day. The ordinary citizens of this capital city are outraged by the state of decay into which their capital city has fallen. But what can they do, given the absence of local authorities with real powers at community level? At the moment, O'Connell Street is like Coney Island — full of ice-cream parlours, slot machines and strewn from end to end with litter. I drive through the street four times a day and this is what I see.

It is essential that, in the anxiety to devolve authority downwards, we do not lose sight of the fact that local authorities themselves can be remiss and derelict in their duties, that they can engage in the fallacy of what I described earlier as suboptimisation. I believe that the local authority in this case has contributed to the problem — for example, in the decision on the civic office block. Central authorities also have contributed to the destruction — for example, the Central Bank in their handling of their new head office.

The basic aim of the Government in reorganising local government should be to regularise the functions and powers of the subsidiary bodies. Those who have said that there is no reason to have a distinction between towns like Mullingar and Longford in terms of authority are correct. We must bring the authority down to the lowest possible unit. There are, in the last census, 154 towns with populations of over 1,000. These towns are the appropriate base for the lowest unit in the system. They have a combined population of 650,000. Within that number of 154 towns there are 26 with a population of 5,000 each. They should have a second tier of functions. At the top of the scale there are 12 towns with a population above 10,000. These towns should have corporation status and the final level of authority.

I would conclude with a warning by an eminent philosopher, G.D.H. Cole, who said:

There is always within democratic systems a tension between democracy and efficiency.

That is never so self-evident as in the case of local government. However, when the tension rises we should choose democracy rather than efficiency.

Like many of the previous speakers, I am of the firm conviction that our present system of local government administration is slightly archaic. It needs many improvements and much streamlining.

As regards the proposal contained in the document to totally abolish a large number of smaller urban councils, the Minister has refuted completely the allegations from the other side of the House that any such proposals were in mind. I am very pleased, as a member of a local authority, to hear this reassurance from the Minister again today. When the White Paper was brought out by the previous Government and issued to members of the urban councils and local authorities, it caused general consternation. It was a complete negation of the democratic processes as we have come to know them.

It is common sense that county councils must of their nature be the principal local authorities. There is no point in elaborating further on this statement; it is one of fact. There are financial and other reasons why the county authority must be the major one and must be regarded as such. The Minister has expressly stated and I quote:

Existing urban district councils and boards of town commissioners are to be retained.

I welcome this statement. I fully agree with the Minister, and I am sure that the members of urban district councils and town commissioners who are honest enough will be the first to admit that the planning and development of any town must be correlated with the needs and amenities of the immediate hinterland. This is elementary. The functions of the urban authorities and the county authorities must be co-ordinated and streamlined if sensible, sound planning is to be maintained or developed. The keynote of such thinking must of necessity be based on available financial resources. Urban councils suffer from a dearth of this vital commodity. There is no gainsaying the fact that pennypinching is the order of the day in urban councils. Were it not for the subsidisation from the rates and the underwriting of the various loans by county councils, not many urban authorities, harbour boards and such like could exist.

I can see no reason for the dreadful forebodings of the Senators on the opposite benches in regard to the transfer of planning and development functions from urban district councils to county councils, if full and due consideration is given to urban councils in the formation of development plans generally, and particularly in view of the Minister's assurance that in cases of conflict of opinion there will be a right of appeal. This is something which has evolved in the past two years. Heretofore planning was really a nightmare. I am a member of a local authority which has become famous, if not infamous, through its use of what is now commonly knows as section 4 of the County Management (Amendment) Act.

Planning authorities, many of whom in their wisdom or otherwise were rather dictatorial in their outlook, saw fit to turn down many of the proposals and applications which were put forward. The buck rested there. The only resort that a person had was to go to the local representative and try to override these decisions by the use of the County Management (Amendment) Act. Fortunately this situation has changed dramatically in the past few years. We now have a Minister who is prepared to study appeals and to deal with them effectively and expeditiously. I am grateful to the Minister, Deputy Tully, for this change in so far as it concerns County Wicklow, and in so far as it concerns the Garden of Ireland. We sometimes regard it as the back garden of Dublin. It takes considerable administration to preserve the local amenities, green belts and the beauty of the scenery and amenities which we hold so dear in County Wicklow. Now more than ever it is of vital importance that pollution of our rivers must be strictly controlled. It is as a result of the independent report on water pollution that the Minister has made this suggestion.

I come now to paragraph No. 7, Roads and Road Traffic. Development now being carried out on the main trunk roads is so enormous and is being done at such a pace that it tends to create a complete bottleneck and we get practically every morning what is described by Joe Jennings of CIE as a huge traffic snarl. This is not peculiar to O'Connell Street or Ballsbridge but to practically every town and village in Ireland through which major trunk roads or even secondary roads run.

With regard to pollution, much thinking is needed, particularly in regard to the provision of dumping grounds. Many towns and villages have figured in newspapers and magazines, much to their detriment, because of pollution created in them. Much of this pollution is blamed on lack of control on indiscriminate dumping by local administration — county council administration. We in Wicklow are amazed and disgusted that beautiful scenic amenities are often spoiled by day trippers from Dublin who come with the boots of their cars filled with rubbish of all descriptions and dump it indiscriminately along our roads. Central dumps should be established in every county in Ireland, rather than having a dump for every village and town.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Senator is straying a little off the discussion document.

In view of the acute housing problems which exist in many areas I agree with the co-ordination of all the relative forces, both urban and county. Many unnecessary delays which occur because of duplication of effort could be eliminated. There is a shortage of qualified staff and we should pool our efforts in order to increase efficiency. Senators spoke of town clerks resigning because of dissatisfaction with their jobs or because they thought their councils were going to be abolished. I do not think this is so because nobody leaves a secure pensionable job except to secure higher status, and I am sure this was the reason for most of the resignations.

I should like to refer to Senator McGlinchey's comments regarding the allocation of houses, whether they be in urban or county areas. We would be naïve to admit, even at this level, that urban council houses are allocated by urban county councils. Such has never been the practice in our county, and I have been a member of a council for the past 16 years. This is the prerogative of the county medical officer. I would hate to think that such a defective system would exist — perhaps it did exist — that would allow the allocation of houses to be left in the hands of public representatives, elected on a political party basis. This would be nothing short of corruption to the nth degree. Political pull is something which I hope we left behind us with the last Administration. I hope the Minister will exert all the pressures he can to see that a system of allocation of houses be maintained to provide for the most needy cases, and on reports submitted by the elected members for consideration. There are times when elected members do not always agree with officials but, by and large, when the facts are laid before us they receive proper consideration.

I agree with the Minister in his comments on the problem of staffing and financing in small urban areas. I do not wish to elaborate on this, as enough has already been said about it. I welcome the recommendation to extend the powers of local authorities and to reduce the detailed control exercised by the Department. I am in complete agreement with the Minister when he states that he does not agree that community councils should in some respects replace local authorities. I would be loath to see a situation arise where every Tom, Dick and Harry would be allowed to have power without responsibility. An elected representative has integrity. He may be elected for one term of office on false promises, but if he is to seek reelection and face the electorate for a second time, he must have integrity and an ability to fulfil promises given when first elected. Community councils would have power without responsibility. Grass root opinions should be channelled through local representatives. Here I would refer to local development organisations. There is hardly a town or village in Ireland which does not proudly boast of its local development organisation. Many of us who are public representatives have the pleasure of attending their meetings and are "put on the mat" to render an account of our stewardship and to be the voice of that organisation at our local council meetings. This is a very welcome development and one which must be maintained, but it was certainly not the idea of previous Administrations to give power without responsibility to unelected people, who decide to go forward on any basis. As somebody on the other side has said, we would end up with councils which were just talking shops.

I can see a situation evolve if this type of community council was set up where we would have nothing short of pressure groups — power without responsibility. We who are elected sit yearly at what are known as estimates meetings and wade through miles of figures and try and sort it out so as to make the best use of the moneys which are made available to us through the collection of rates. Consultative committees, yes, but responsibility must remain with the persons elected to do their job who are in the final analysis accountable for their actions to the ratepayers and taxpayers.

Finally, I think it is high time that due consideration be given to the Minister's suggestion to enable councils to incur expenditure in the reception of distinguished visitors. I have had the honour of being the first woman chairman of a county council in Ireland. While at the time I did value the honour and still do, the expense involved precludes many persons who have both the ability and the time and who have given service to the public and who are due their trip as the first citizen of the county, from being chairman of the county council. To the ordinary member incurring such expenditure may seem rather negligible, but considering what it adds up to at the end of the year, I think it is time the Minister should sit down and consider seriously making some provision for entertainment, particularly so far as the first citizen of the county is concerned. I would also favour Senator Ryan's suggestion of free postage, because of telephone and postal charges going up and because of the demand on county councillors. Many of our county councillors are doing as much field work if not more than some of the Deputies and Senators in both Houses. Their correspondence is enormous and I think that we must seriously consider making allowances to them on these grounds.

It is appropriate that a body such as the Seanad should have an opportunity of contributing to a debate on the organisation of local government because so many of our members are also members of local authorities, many with a number of years experience on local bodies. The fact that they have the opportunity of comparing their views at a discussion such as this is valuable and I hope will also be valuable to the Minister when he brings forward his legislation for the re-organisation of local government bodies.

Many changes have taken place in this country since the Local Government Act of 1898. That is some 77 years ago. It is high time now that the Government of the day took a hard look at the whole organisation of local government in all its facets. Populations have changed radically over the past three-quarters of a century with a huge imbalance now between populations in the eastern part of the country as opposed to the western areas where depopulation has taken place on an enormous scale over the past centuries. Some of the local bodies in being were set up in days far different to today's situation. Obviously, the functions which they are now called upon to carry out are far different from the functions visualised more than half a century ago. It is very opportune now, if not overdue, that a radical re-appraisal of our whole local government system is undertaken at a very early date.

In connection with this, it is appropriate also to consider the proposals of the discussion document that so far have come before the Members of the Oireachtas. There are radical differences in the proposals of the previous Minister, Deputy Molloy in an earlier White Paper, and the more recent document issued by the present Minister for Local Government, Deputy Tully. There is certain basic agreement, which is useful. It shows that even if governments change, at least there are certain basic fundamentals which are not going to change. It is very necessary, with our changing role in Europe with our accession to the European Economic Community, that we bring our system of local government here up to the comparable structures in other countries and in accordance with modern requirements. One thing we must keep in mind is that any changes must be appropriate to Irish conditions with particular reference to population changes and the imbalance, as I have already said, between the eastern and western parts of our country. Local government to be effective and democratic must provide for the greatest possible participation by the elected public representatives at all levels of local government, and also for consultation with responsible and representative voluntary bodies also at appropriate levels.

I agree that, however desirable it may appear to be to incorporate voluntary bodies in the local government system, it should be resisted. The elected public representative on a statutory body is in a different position to the voluntary committee or voluntary organisation. There should be provision made in any re-organisation of the local government system for close consultation and liaison with responsible local bodies in various areas. In this regard it might be worth setting up local community councils or area councils in the electoral areas or electoral wards of cities and county councils which would include representatives of the major voluntary organisations together with representatives of the local authority in the area. The recommendations of these bodies should be available to the elected public representatives. They should not be part and parcel of the local government system per se.

Following the introduction of the managerial system in early 1942, there has been a feeling abroad, perhaps understandably, amongst public representatives, that their role in local government has to a large extent deteriorated. They are mere rubber stamps for decisions made in the Custom House or at meetings of the City and County Managers' Association. This may not be true basically, but the feeling is there and it is certainly abroad among the public that the status and the responsibility and the powers of local public representatives are practically nil, or certainly very limited indeed — electing a chairman or electing a mayor. They have, of course, the very important responsibility of passing the annual rate but with estimates prepared by the experts in the corporation or county council, as the case may be. In theory they can set up finance committees to examine the estimates. In practice such examination, where it takes place is, if not cursory, at least is done by people who are not expert in financial matters. Therefore, except for trying to knock a few pence off the managers annual estimate, it is axiomatic that the proposals of the city or county manager are passed by the councils annually.

It is obvious in this day and age that we must have an experienced and effective administration sector. Otherwise we could not possibly carry on the many complex involvements which local government has today. Such administration should be carried out in liaison with the public representatives in order to avoid any conflict of interest. The local public representative is elected by the people who pay the piper, and they should never be forgotten.

There are many courses and seminars under the auspices of the Institute of Public Administration for officials of corporations and county councils. Very little comparable effort is made to keep public representatives up to date with changing administration at local level. It would be a very worthwhile exercise, particularly for new members coming into local authorities, if such courses and seminars were organised at appropriate centres where county or city councillors could keep up to date with the changes in administration. They could even familiarise themselves with the whole background of the evolving local administration system. This would lead to better debates at local authority level and less waste of time on irrelevant issues which we have only too often in our councils.

The previous Minister's proposal to wipe out all the town commissioners and some of the smaller urban district councils was a retrograde step. I am glad the present Minister decided to retain these bodies. It would be a far better policy to examine the practicability of providing these smaller bodies with the requisite staff and funds to carry out a limited range of local services. If it was found that certain small bodies were ineffective in any event, then the Minister would have to look at the situation again. Before any small statutory local body is abolished, the whole question should be looked at very carefully. It is popular nowadays to say they have not got the necessary finance or personnel. They have not the money or staff to carry out the duties some people think should be imposed on them. But there are certain limited public activities in every small urban area which need to be carried out by somebody. The best people to carry them out are the people living in the town or the village concerned.

The criticism is true that some of these smaller bodies are little more than talking shops, unable to carry out the modern services which rightly should be left to the larger units of administration. Accepting that principle which I think is the correct one, there are however a number of activities that could be carried out by the smaller units. It should never be forgotten that the greatest bulwark against the increasing menace of bureaucratic control and centralisation is the statutorily elected public representative. His status and rights cannot be matched by non-statutory committees, however hard working they may be. It is an established fact of political life — as most of us who have been in public life over a number of years will agree — that the smaller the unit of local government, the closer the public representatives are to the people they were elected to serve.

In this day and age, many essential services cannot be supplied by the smaller local government unit. Some services must be made available on a national or regional basis. We must accept that. For this reason the Minister and his predecessor have accepted the fact, for traditional, historical and other reasons, that the county council is the obvious basic unit for the administration of local services.

It is also a fundamental principle of local government — or it should be —that power should proceed from the grassroots upwards and not from the central authority downwards. If local government is to be truly local, it should be administered through the smallest practicable statutory bodies. I would wish to see some organisation of local government on the following lines: a three tier system of statutorily elected public bodies, the county councils as the basic unit, the borough councils and then the smaller either urban district councils or town commissioners. I think the town commissioners might very well have their status raised to that of urban district councils.

Statutory bodies with indirectly elected public representatives brings us to a matter not mentioned in the Minister's recent discussion document. In my opinion, regional development organisations are essential for the development of a modern and effective local government administration. There is a very important place for these organisations, not in their present non-statutory forms but as statutorily appointed bodies with powers devolving from the central administration.

We are gradually evolving the whole idea of regional organisation. I do not say it is all good because the health authorities are probably a very bad example. They have an inherent defect in their organisation because they are too far removed from the grassroots. A regional organisation placed on a statutory basis could play an important part in regional planning, provision of motorways, regional sanitary services, co-ordination of housing developments, industrial development, estuarial developments as in the case of the River Shannon, and so on. Their members should be indirectly elected by the county councils and county borough councils in their areas. Provision should be made for subcommittees involving harbour authorities, chambers of commerce, trade unions and such bodies who would play an effective and helpful role in local administration.

There are a number of other items in the document, which I do not want to go through at this late stage, but with which I am totally in agreement. There is no doubt that the provision to make boundary extensions easier is very necessary today. It is easy to talk about two local authorities coming together to administer an area contiguous to a city or a borough, but it is a job that can only be effectively done by one local authority. That should be recognised. Where necessary, means should be provided to facilitate boundary extensions, once the Minister is satisfied such extensions are justifiable.

I should like to put on record a quotation from the Minister's paper:

The public representative, elected by statutory elections, occupies the key role in local government.

This should be taken out, framed and hung in every city hall and town hall in the country because it is the basis of local government.

Finally, I hope the Minister, having heard our views expressed and the representations from bodies and individuals all over the country, will act soon in this vital sphere of local government. It is very necessary that we bring our system up to date in accordance with modern requirements. In so doing, I hope the Minister will be guided by the principle of maintaining as an essential part of the system the smallest unit that can carry out a useful function.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I should like to point out that the Senator who moved the motion is due to reply at 5.15 p.m. I would ask the two remaining Senators to divide the time left equally between them.

I will not be long because I cannot claim to be an expert on local government. There are people here who are more expert on local government than I am. Does the document, as set out, give a more democratic basis to the structures of local government? Is it sufficient in content to give further autonomy to the local authorities? Will it enable the council to give greater value to the communities they represent? Many Senators described the document as undemocratic. The people who questioned whether it would be a development towards true democracy in local government treated the question of democracy in isolation, overlooking the fact that it is very easy to be democratic. Nothing in democracy allows for irrelevancies. The Minister stated that his aim is to make local authorities more truly democratic and relevant to their needs.

We can support arguments for rationalisation of structures. We can point to the need to remove irrelevant situations through overlapping, time-wasting, and the conservation of energy in all sectors. I cannot see why there is any real concern about the relevant functions of the urban councils. Where there is overlapping or duplication of functions or unnecessary burdens on public funds, it is proper to suggest that democracy can be served best by delegating the function to the authoritative body best equipped to deal with the specific problem, without the outcoming having any adverse effect on the real functions of the urban council.

The way the Minister produced his document is the essence of democracy. He brought it in as a discussion document and undertook to consider favourably any points raised. If we remove some of the overlapping functions from the urban councils, that will allow the people in the urban councils to concentrate on the real issues affecting them. We should take this opportunity to develop the real interest in local affairs that the Minister said exists. The Minister makes provision for consultation with the urban councils and there is also the right of appeal. There is also a procedure set out in the document to facilitate town commissioners. If we consider that along with the idea of setting up joint committees of county and town councils to cover matters of common concern to both parties, then this is a demonstration of the truly democratic content of the document. People should not waste energy and talent. Things should be put into proper perspective. Urban councils should have the facilities and power to deal with the many problems facing them. This is the way democracy functions.

Authorities cannot deal with matters that are not of relevance to them. This raises a burdensome and difficult problem. These matters get bogged down, in a political sense, in the urban councils. This need not be so. If they are sincerely concerned about representing true interests, then we can see people of all political persuasion sitting on these joint committees and making a co-ordinated effort to persuade the councils to make concessions in the direction that will serve the interests of the people in urban areas.

People in rural areas are entitled to know if public funds are being used to best advantage and in the best interests of those seeking to avail of them. This can only be done by availing of the practical skills and making the fullest possible use of available knowledge. If the urban councils are allowed to continue in the same fashion as at the moment, where they get bogged down in politics and real business has to take a back seat, then the public would have a right to complain that the Minister was not taking the necessary steps to see that their interests are served.

The housing shortage in Dublin and elsewhere has been discussed at length. I do not propose to go over the arguments about backlogs. I do not intend repeating what the Minister has said. If the Minister can show us the right way to deal with these problems, then there is an obligation on us to row in with the Minister or else come up with constructive arguments and reasons why the proposals should not go ahead. Amendments should be tabled which Senators feel will suit the situation, having regard to their knowledge of local authorities and of the limitations of what the Minister proposes.

An imaginative programme for redevelopment of the slum areas and badly planned areas, whether in the country or in the cities, should be put in hands immediately. The county council appear to be the body best suited to meet those needs and the urban councils have a very useful purpose to serve also. The previous Minister's idea was to wipe out 42 urban councils. This document does not go that far; in fact, it stresses the need for urban councils. In his contribution today the Minister expressed concern that his proposals be seen in that light. He said the urban councils had a very important role to play. However, they should not exercise functions best exercised by the county councils.

Essentially, I like this document. One of the main differences between it and its predecessor is that this document was obviously conceived in a local authority. Obviously its birth was preceded by a gestation period of many years of experience. The whole approach is different. There is less shilly-shallying; it is more to the point. It puts its finger on the problems in local authorities in a more positive way, which shows the practical experience of the thinking behind it. The previous Minister's document certainly did not do that.

Did the previous Minister not have consultations with every county council in Ireland?

The previous Minister had consultations with every council in Ireland and it is fair to say, from my recollection of the time, that virtually every council, irrespective of party politics, were opposed in all or part to the previous document. It is also fair to say that virtually every council accepted all or part of this document. That is the basic difference. Certainly from my conversation with local authority members at all levels and in all parties that this document has been received in a far better way than the original document some years ago.

I do not want to go into the ins and outs of what was or was not a good document at the time. I want to talk about the peculiar situation which exists in the Dublin area and to which the two documents have a basically different approach. The previous document suggested creating a monster — one single local authority that would endeavour to serve the needs of one-third of the population and would be, from the size of its operation and scope, in many ways rivalling even the powers of this House. The sop for the abolition of the existing authorities was that there should be a number of district committees set up. The public relations operation that attended the document at the time seemed to indicate that these district committees would be so numerous and so close to local communities that there would be one to represent every 8,000 or 10,000 of the population. If that were the case, within 20 years in the Dublin area there would have been about 250 of these district committees. This was clearly unworkable.

I accept that the previous document was issued at a time when regionalisation was the "in thing", when the spirit of McKinsey stalked the corridors of every Government building and every Department. You regionalised and rationalised at all costs. The "all costs" were discussed at length in this House when the health boards were created. The estimates and the predictions of that time have proved to be only too true, as the Minister pointed out today. I am afraid that regionalisation leads only to one thing — a maniacal devotion to the principles of Parkinson's Law. The more you regionalise, the greater the civil service you create. The larger the civil service the more impersonal the service provided, and the more difficult for public representatives to control or direct.

As far as the Dublin area is concerned, I accept the basis of what is in this document. In the long term, what would best suit the Dublin area — I want to emphasise that this is merely a personal view — is a special council to deal with the area to the west of Dublin city where three new towns are being developed. I estimate each town will have a population of over 100,000 each by 1991. That area runs from Blanchardstown to Tallaght. To a great extent, this area has already been developed or is in the course of development. The county council have many difficulties because of a lack of suitable development powers.

There is a case to be made for the creation of a special council that might cover that basic west County Dublin area, having special development powers. That area when completed will contain a population three times the size of the city of Cork. The way to deal with it is to create a development council to manage it. Each of the three towns should begin to take on its own identity and have a population large enough to be self-contained and self-financing: it should hive off and form a town corporation or urban council in its own right.

Allied to that is the long-standing claim of the Dún Laoghaire Borough Council for elevation to full corporation status. That might readily be achieved by the extension of the boundaries and powers so as to take in some of the existing south County Dublin, which is largely already developed, suburban in nature and orientated in all or part towards Dún Laoghaire in its outlook and in other respects. The admission of that area into the existing Dún Laoghaire boundaries would give the additional population that might be necessary, or deemed desirable, to lend Dún Laghaire the full corporation status which it has for so long sought.

This would leave the existing north County Dublin area — the area which my colleague in the Dublin County Council, Miss Mary Ennis, calls Ballymun to Ballymadun — a separate entity. As it also develops, and the various towns in it are developing and to some extent forming an overspill along the existing boundary line, together with some rather high valuations, considerable money-producing powers which the siting of Dublin Airport in its centre provide, there is the basis of an area large enough to be a council in its own right, and with a population and a valuation high enough to be financially viable.

What I am saying is that an enlarged Dún Laoghaire together with a development corporation in the western part of County Dublin which would divide into three corporations in their own right, as their population approached 60,000 to 100,000 each, together with a Fingal Council to the north which would have a population now probably of 45,000 to 50,000 — this population will probably become 80,000 by 1991 — would mean that there would be large and viable councils around the outskirts of the city, to which there might be a corollary by the division of the existing Dublin city into three or four different units, each with its own mayor and elected council. This would to some extent fit in with the ideas which have been expressed in various quarters on the need for cooperation between the authorities.

I accept that that need exists as far as schemes of a regional nature are concerned — the regional water supply and the carrying out of regional drainage works. A great amount of the disposal of sewage in County Dublin takes place through Dublin city. A regional road scheme would also be concerned. At all other levels those councils or corporations — either the existing ones or new councils or development corporations along the line I have suggested — ought to be left with the maximum amount of power. Regionalisation might be achieved through a joint committee to which each of the additional suggested councils would send two or three members, as they did to the former Dublin Health Authority before the creation of the unfortunate Eastern Health Board. Perhaps that overall joint committee supervising, as it would be, the regional area of Dublin on a regional basis only, might be the body that appropriately would elect the Lord Mayor of the region.

In that Dublin area at the moment — this has been adverted to already — there is an extremely high ratio of population to elected member. A need arises to change this and to bring the County Dublin area more in line with the rest of the country. The ratio of population to councillor there is tremendously high. In parts of County Dublin there are areas that are as rural as any parts of Galway. For instance, for five councillors to represent the area to which I am elected at present is absolutely ridiculous. I have not the figures for population at the moment, but it is something like three or four times the national average. One can get a figure of three, four or even six times the national average in Dublin city and it is still not so much out of context because the population is in a much more compact area.

There is a great need for an examination of that ratio of councillor per head of population in the Dublin area generally. As an interim step I can see the great need and the reasonableness behind boundary extensions of a temporary nature. There is a great deal of merit in the document in its suggestion that boundary extensions should be more flexible and brought about more easily. For instance, the whole urban complex of Ballymun, which was built by Dublin city to house applicants from Dublin city, is sited for about three quarters of its part in County Dublin.

A clear and easily illustrated anomaly arises here. City corporations are allowed to operate a free meals scheme to assist children in the city schools. The school that was built to serve the city development of Ballymun was built, like most of Ballymun, just across the city boundary in County Dublin. The city authorities now find that they are precluded, by law, from providing the meal service they provide in every other school in the city, though it is probably needed in Ballymun more than anywhere else. The county find that they are precluded by law from providing that service in the school because the service can only be provided by city or urban authorities. Obviously, the way to have provided for the maintenance and development of Ballymun was at the time of its inception to have extended the city boundary for an extra half a square mile. This would have taken the Ballymun area into the city and would have neatly dealt with the problem. It was not done and thus has created endless difficulties ever since. Before more far-reaching decisions were made that sort of thing could be done which would very much help the people living in that area and in that way help local democracy.

Many of us have some experience of the difficulties of the operation of the local authorities in that area in view of the development that has been carried out, and it is important that at least it should have been read into the records of the House. I know the Minister is aware of many of these ideas himself through contact with members of the council, but it is important that it should also be on the record.

On a wider basis it is true that, as many have said during the course of the debate, there is a need to examine the whole local government code. A great deal of that code is based on a Victorian approach not only to life but to local government and to the way in which the ordinary person might be assisted. The assistance was often approached on the basis of its being of a charitable nature rather than for the development of the area and the improvement of amenities as of right for the individual.

In conjunction with that review of the code generally, there is a need to review the managerial code and the Managerial Acts section of the local government code generally. They were introduced for a specific purpose when local government was found not to be working effectively. With one exception over the years, the Managerial Acts have been designed at all times to tighten the control of the executive and in many ways to centralise control in the Custom House. The exception was the Act of 1955, which gave, in sections 2, 3 and 4, important powers to the members of the local authorities to curtail the activities of the executive where they felt them to be to the detriment of the operations of the local authority area or where they felt it important that some particular action should be done and where the manager refused to carry it out.

With the exception of that liberalisation and the transferring back of that power to the elected members, all other aspects of the managerial code has been designed to give effective power to the manager who too often turned out to be the front runner for the Custom House. There have been exceptions to this. Indeed, the exceptions are greater now than ever before.

The great difficulty with the Managerial Act was that a manager and his council took the Acts and operated them in the spirit of the Acts for the betterment of the local authority area and in this it worked quite well. However, where a manager became obdurate or obstinate, or where the Government of the day became anxious to impose their will at all costs or where a council and their manager became at loggerheads on any one point or on matters of principle generally, then the powers which were contained within the Managerial Acts could be used to flay public opinion and deny the elected representatives the right which they might reasonably be expected to have. For that reason, in any revision of the code generally, there should be an extension of the powers of the elected members to participate more fully in decision-making, not just of a general policy nature but of a more executive nature as well.

In this context I would support fully the suggestion in the ministerial document, reiterated here today, that there is a place for local voluntary groups but that place is not in the council chamber as a member of the council or committees. The people who are entitled to serve as members of councils, to speak on behalf of the public, are those who have offered themselves successfully for election. They are the people who are entitled to represent the public. They are the public representatives.

I am always amazed when I hear people being described as community candidates, community councillors or, more especially, people speaking, in a self-appointed way, on behalf of the community. If any people represent the community, surely it is those who have offered themselves to the community for election and who have secured sufficient votes in the ballot box to gain that election. The true community representatives are those who sit in the chambers and halls of councils regularly through the year.

I agree with the suggestion that there should be payment of some form of remuneration to chairmen of councils generally and a more liberal approach to members' expenses. I know there is a great cost involved to many members. Those of us who are members of local authorities and also Members of this House benefit from the advantages of being Senators. Those who are not Members of this House but who are members of local authorities have endless unpaid hours. There is much value placed on leisure hours nowadays but public representatives give many hours in a non-paid voluntary manner and all they receive is criticism. I marvel that they continue to serve. They are the true public representatives.

I agree with the Minister that urban councils and town commissioners should be left in existence but I wonder if they could be given a block allocation of funds raised by the greater local authority which in most cases would be their local county council; that a block allocation might be passed on to the local urban councils or town commissioners so as to carry out certain work in which they would be involved locally and play a decisive part in having developed. This would allow the councils to operate to a greater extent. In the same way, the block allocation of grants is a method by which local authorities should be financed generally on a national basis, so that the control of the Custom House which this Minister has relaxed in so many ways, should be lessened further. The ideas on devolution contained in the document should be welcomed by all members of local authorities.

This is a document dear to the hearts of members of local authorities who have experience of the needs of the people. Its terms are not as flowery as the previous document. It is not destined, perhaps, to gain as much appeal in the media but it has been prepared by people who know what they are about. This is the sort of approach needed to bring local government into the 20th century.

I should like to thank the House for the contributions to the debate. The number of speakers indicates the tremendous interest which is being taken in the re-organisation of local government. I was somewhat disappointed with the Minister's contribution in that he spent about ten minutes of his speech discussing the White Paper and the remainder telling us the great things that he and his Government did. The Minister is a man for whom I have admiration. There is no man who, with his back to the wall, can talk himself out of any situation. I have no doubt when he passes to his eternal reward a place will be found for him in heaven because, should he be sentenced down below, he would talk his way out of there.

They would not let me in if the Senator was there.

I will hardly be there. The Minister discussed practically everything but the White Paper, the abuses in postal votes, the health service rates, water and sewerage and many other topics. Of course, the abuses in the postal votes system occurred as a result of bad regulations which the Minister introduced. One example is, that I could have applied for a postal vote in the name of my colleague, Deputy Harte and if it had been signed by one of the nominated officials, the returning officer would have been obliged to send it to me, even though Deputy Harte, might inform him that he did not apply for it. I certainly welcome the introduction of postal votes. When the debate took place in this House, the Minister admitted — and we all admitted — that we would make mistakes but that we would learn from them. I should like to think that, if the Minister is considering a further development along these lines, some form of register of postal votes would be initiated similar to that of the Army and the Garda. If this were done, abuses of this kind might be prevented.

As far as the rates and the health services are concerned, we had some interruptions while the Minister was speaking. The situation is that in December, 1972, two months before the general election was declared, the officials of the health boards drew up their estimates. The Minister suggested that they rushed in with figures which were completely unrealistic. While the Minister did not actually say it, he implied that it was the members. These figures were submitted to the Department in the month of January, a month before the general election. However, one month later — within a month of this Government taking office — the estimate of my region, the North-Western Health Board, was reduced by £1 million. Similar reductions took place throughout the country. It is easy, therefore, for the present Government to take health off the rates. They did so at the expense of the health services.

The Minister boasted about water and sewerage grants and what he did in this area. I should like to read from column 404 of the Official Report for 20th December, a paragraph of a speech I made:

The statistics for water and sewerage grants paid by the Department of Local Government make very interesting reading. In 1966-67 6,072 people were paid water and sewerage grants. In 1967-68 the figure rose to 8,342. In 1968-69 it rose to 8,743.

Whom is the Senator quoting with approval?

I am quoting my own speech, which was taken from official statistics issued by the Department of Local Government.

Was the Senator quoting Deputy Blaney?

I cannot remember now; but that will not put me off, I can assure you. I continue:

In 1969-70 it rose to 9,088. In 1970-71 it rose to 10,971. In 1971-72 it rose to 12,584 and in 1972-73, the last year of Fianna Fáil's term of office, it rose to the enormous figure of 14,082. What happened in 1973-74, the first year of government of the National Coalition? It dropped to 6,780, 1,562 fewer grants than were paid under Fianna Fáil in 1967.

These are not figures concocted by me. These are official statistics issued by the Department of Local Government, clearly indicating the Government's and the Minister's failure as far as water and sewerage grants in that year. Yet the Minister appeared to be boasting here today of his work. However, that has not really much to do with the discussion document.

I am glad the Senator appreciates that.

I am sorry you were not in the Chair when the Minister was speaking. The Minister must know the Association of Municipal Authorities, which represent all the urban councils and town commissions in this country, a body of which I had the distinction of being president on one occasion, completely rejected this discussion document and, indeed, some uncomplimentary things were said about the Minister — not by the Fianna Fáil Party.

Not by the 42 that were to be put out of business, surely.

If the Minister were present when this discussion document was published and I am sure he was made aware of it, he would know the Association of Municipal Authorities completely rejected this document. The chairman that year was a member of the Labour Party and the Minister knows that only too well. I will not develop this any further because at this stage it might do him an injury.

The Minister quoted The Irish Times as saying that Tully will not strip the councils of powers. I am submitting that the Minister is stripping the urban councils of their powers. I accept that there are local authorities who would be better serviced from a county council. In the course of his speech here this morning the Minister indicated that provisions would be made whereby if an urban council or a small local authority applied to the county council he, as Minister, or whichever Minister would be in office, would have the power to make those arrangements. The point I want to make to the Minister is, if there are urban councils reasonably large who do not want to transfer their powers to the county council, will these powers be left with them?

I have said on at least ten occasions in the Senator's presence they will be.

I certainly did not interpret that from the Minister.

Perhaps the Senator does not understand the Béarla.

Is féidir liom é sin a thuiscint. Letterkenny is the largest town in Donegal. It is not a big town by any means but it is still the largest town in Donegal. It is a growing town and with the recent commencement of a factory for Courtaulds it has a promising future. This urban council, a body to which I was elected when I was 22 years of age, has down the years done very effective work and it has a very important role to play in the years to come. I should like to have an assurance from the Minister that Letterkenny Urban District Council will still have the power to adopt the town plan, it will still be responsible for sanitary and sewerage services; it will still be responsible for the building of houses and will still be responsible for striking its own rate.

That was not the reason why Letterkenny Urban Council commented at all. The reason they were annoyed about it was the planning— at least that is the reason they gave us in writing. Senator McGlinchey might discuss it with them again because they seem to be on a different wavelength to him now.

I can assure the Minister that I was present and I made the proposal which was sent to the Minister, and that proposal was the unanimous decision of the council. They objected to the handing over of the four powers I have just mentioned. If the Minister has anything else on his files, then a mistake has been made somewhere. I can assure the Minister that Letterkenny Urban Council do not want to hand their powers to build houses, to provide sewerage or to strike a rate, or the plan, over to Donegal County Council.

There is no suggestion that they would. If they opt to have it done, that will be considered if Donegal County Council agree to it. Otherwise, there is no suggestion that they will be forced to do it, nor was there ever such a suggestion.

I am very glad to hear that. Indeed, if that is the case, then I would be very kindly disposed towards this plan. But if the Minister reads again this discussion document, there is nothing there to indicate that an urban council would be left with these powers if they wished to have them. I will be pleased if the Minister can point out to me in this document where it is stated that these powers will be left to the urban councils.

When I was speaking this morning I referred to the rural bias against urban areas and anyone who listened to Senator McGowan and who read between the lines would appreciate what I was talking about. Senator McGowan and I have represented the one electoral area on Donegal County Council for the last 15 years. During that time he has displayed a pathological hatred towards urban areas and particularly the urban area of Letterkenny. It is to protect the urban councils of Ireland——

Was he not living in an urban area?

No. He lives in Stranorlar and that is not an urban area.

I thought he lived in Lifford.

I was saying that Senator McGowan proved to me and, I hope, to others the point I was making this morning. I refer to the rural bias and the urban bias. I said that Senator McGowan had displayed a pathological hatred of urban areas in the 15 years he has been a member of Donegal County Council.

The Senator should give the reference.

The only proposition that he supported for Letterkenny was to provide an itinerant settlement there during the 15 years. We find that Senator McGowan agrees with paragraph 5 because he feels that people living in Glencolumbkille and in Bundoran should have a say in the adoption of a plan for the Letterkenny area and that the nine members of the urban council should not. There is, of course, a hinterland plan and, as the Minister said in the course of his speech, these plans are drawn up by the same officials. I maintain that the nine people on an urban council are in the best position to judge whether the plan is right or wrong.

Senator McGowan agreed with No. 6 and expressed the fear that in a global allocation of money most of it could go to an urban area. That is why he should have disagreed with No. 6, because an urban area at the present time has the borrowing powers to provide its own allocation and accordingly does not cut across the allocation from the county council. I feel that if this power were transferred to the county council not alone would the urban area suffer but the county would suffer as well. Anyone who listened to Senator McGowan speak on paragraph 7 will realise again that he was entirely opposed to spending money on roads inside the urban boundary, and instanced that a figure of £30,000 was to be spent in Letterkenny this year out of a total allocation of £1 million which of course was cut from last year.

In paragraph 11 once again he cried crocodile tears because supplementary grants were paid to the urban areas. This is a battle that was fought with Donegal County Council many years ago, with Senator McGowan on one side and myself on the other. I am happy to report that I won and Senator McGowan has never forgiven the urban areas for this. As I say, there are many Senator McGowans in this country, many public representatives who would deny the urban areas what they are entitled to. I feel that if the Minister were to transfer these powers he would be playing into their hands. I take it from his comments here in the last few minutes that the Minister is telling me——

I think the Senator should give Senator McGowan an opportunity of a few minutes to reply.

Senator McGowan can look after himself, I can assure you.

Senator McGlinchey has only one minute to dispose of.

The Minister is telling me that any urban area that wishes to retain the power to adopt a plan to provide sanitary services, to build houses, and to strike a rate, can do so. I think that is what the Minister indicated.

(Interruptions.)

If that is so and if that is what is contained in the legislation he hopes to introduce in the near future, then I would welcome that legislation.

In the course of his speech Senator Halligan criticised the building of office blocks — the Bank of Ireland and so on — but I understand he forgot to mention that the first skyscraper built in the city was Liberty Hall, I am sure that the Minister was present when Senator Halligan was speaking and I am sure that thought struck him. It is hard to understand Senator Halligan's inconsistency in this matter. Liberty Hall was built while Fianna Fáil were in office, but I am quite sure that Senator Halligan was not suggesting that Fianna Fáil were responsible for its erection.

Not in any way.

I am not criticising the erection of Liberty Hall. I have great respect for the trade union movement, but it is hard to understand how a man like Senator Halligan could criticise buildings of this nature and forget to mention Liberty Hall.

I should like to thank the Minister for the attention he has given to this debate and I am convinced that what he has now said was not the intention when this White Paper was introduced, because nowhere in this document is there an indication that that was the case. It is, of course, a discussion document. I accept that as such, and I know that the Minister would accept reasonable suggestions. I feel that if he consults the Association of Municipal Authorities, as he does from time to time, he will hear from them reasonable suggestions that will help the urban areas.

Question put and agreed to.
Top
Share