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Seanad Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 15 Mar 1977

Vol. 86 No. 4

Social Welfare Bill, 1977: Second and Subsequent Stages.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The purpose of the Bill is to make legislative provision for the implementation of the social welfare increases and improvements announced in the budget.

It deals, therefore, with increases in the rates of payment under the schemes of social insurance and social assistance; with a number of significant improvements in the conditions attaching to these schemes; and, with consequential changes in the occupational injuries scheme.

The Bill also contains the necessary provisions for increases in the contributions payable by employers and employees under the social insurance scheme which are required, together with the Exchequer subvention, to finance the services now provided.

A special provision is included in the Bill to enable effect to be given to the ratification of multilateral instruments such as the European Convention on Social Security of the Council of Europe.

This Social Welfare Bill contains a number of amendments of existing legislation and these are necessarily technical. An explanatory memorandum which has been circulated with the Bill has been drafted with the intention of clarifying the various provisions and I hope that it has proved helpful.

This Bill is designed to implement a central aspect of the Government's economic and social strategy. The budget had a number of key policy objectives: stimulation of the economy; creation of new jobs; reduction of the rate of inflation and promoting justice. It must be seen as a package and in that package these social welfare proposals have been accorded a highly significant place.

While the central thrust of the budget was in the direction of economic growth and job opportunity, the Government have nevertheless allocated a major share of scarce resources to the social services, and to social welfare in particular. Such a balance between the economic and social aspects of strategy is vital if there is to be real success in facing up to our national problems.

Social policy and economic policy cannot be divorced. To suggest, as some people do suggest, that social advance must await some unspecified future stage of economic development is dangerous nonsense. Not alone is that viewpoint wrong in terms of national strategy, it is harmful to the interests of those groups in our community who are most vulnerable.

We must plan our development so as to ensure harmonious social and economic development at all stages, unless the problems of the poor, of the badly housed, of the victims of discrimination and of the unemployed are to increase, even in periods of alleged progress. Those who fail to see this point are either ignorant of the facts of life or they are blindly pursuing vested sectoral interests.

I see this year's budget as an exercise in achieving just the right balance: between incentive and investment on the one hand, and justice and equity on the other. The social welfare provisions of the budget are realistic and essential in this context. I reject utterly the view that there is a contradiction between incentive in the economic area and improvement of the social welfare system. Both are necessary if the overall goals of national policy are to be met. This is the fifth Social Welfare "Budget" Bill to have been introduced since the National Coalition came into office in 1973. It is the eleventh piece of social welfare legislation which I have brought into this House in four years.

In each of these measures the Government's objective has been to advance the work of alleviating social problems; of making adequate provision for all our citizens against the universally recognised contingencies of life; and of laying the foundations for the eventual elimination of financial need from our society.

The advances made in social welfare in the past four years must be seen as the clearest evidence possible of the commitment of the Government of social progress and reform. In a period of almost unparalleled world recession total financial provision for social welfare has been more than trebled and it has been possible, not alone to maintain and improve the real value of all basic rates of payment, but to bring about many important changes and expansions in our social welfare system.

There has been an increasing amount of evidence of the difficulties experienced by national social security systems all over Europe as a result of the recession and in particular of the sustained high level of unemployment. Restrictive measures have been taken in the social welfare systems of even the most advanced member states of the EEC, such as Belgium, Denmark and Germany.

In these circumstances the progress which has been made in our social welfare system must be seen as evidence of the Government's firm determination to ensure that the old, the sick, the widowed and the unemployed are not called upon, as in the past, to bear the full burden of the nation's economic difficulties. Those who are in fact the victims of the working of our economic system will not be asked to pay twice for its failures.

The increases in weekly rates of social welfare payments to be implemented in April will ensure that, taking into account the increases paid to many recipients last October, all those in receipt of benefit and assistance payments will have obtained increases of the order of 15 per cent over the rates in operation in April, 1976.

This will involve a total expenditure in the current year of over £46 million and it will bring the overall outlay on social welfare benefits and allowances to more than £520 million. This figure compares with the total outlay of £151 million in 1972-73. It represents about 10½ per cent of the projected gross national product, compared with the corresponding figure of 6½ per cent in 1972-73.

In the period between July, 1973, and April, 1977, the increases in personal rates of payment under the social insurance scheme will have been between 120 per cent and 142 per cent, while payments in respect of dependent children will have increased by between 163 per cent and 195 per cent.

Maximum personal rates of payment under the social assistance scheme will have been increased over the same period by between 124 per cent and 155 per cent. Child dependant allowances will have risen by between 174 per cent and 220 per cent.

In the period between early 1973 and the present the increase in the consumer price index has been of the order of 90 per cent, so that the increases provided for in the Bill in all rates of social welfare payments represent substantial real gains to all recipients.

I want to be a little more specific about this question of real increases.

In the period from early 1969 to early 1973—roughly the period in office of the last Fianna Fáil administration—the rate of contributory old age pension for a couple, both over pension age, rose from £6.63 to £10.35, a rise in real terms of about 11½ per cent, taking inflation into account. The real increase in pension for a similar couple in the four years of this Government will—at April, 1977, rates—be more than 20 per cent.

In the same period of Fianna Fáil Government—1969 to 1973—the flat rate of unemployment benefit for a couple with two children rose by just over 15½ per cent in real terms. The corresponding real increase in the term of office of this Government has been about 18 per cent.

These superior real increases represent a positive achievement and they prove the nature of this Government's commitment in the whole area of social welfare. These facts repudiate in the clearest way possible the suggestion that social welfare payments since 1973 have failed to keep pace with inflation.

The Government have decided that welfare recipients will not be allowed to absorb price rises over a full year period following on the April increases and provision is again being made for a further 5 per cent increase in rates from October next to provide against such price increases. This further increase will be effected by regulation at the appropriate time.

Thus, an October increase is being provided for the third year in succession. Senators will agree with me that this has been a most important innovation in our social welfare system and one which takes full account of the special needs of social welfare recipients at a time of high inflation.

Before giving an outline of the changes proposed in the main rates of social assistance and social insurance payments I wish to point out that I intend to deal separately with the various improvements and changes in the schemes later in my speech.

Significant increases in the rates of all social assistance payments are provided for in the Bill. For example, the maximum weekly personal rate of non-contributory old age and blind pensions is being raised from £10.75 to £11.75 for persons under 80 years and from £11.60 to £12.65 for persons aged 80 years and over. The rates of pension payable where the weekly means exceed £6 are also being correspondingly increased up to the point where means exceed £15 and no pension is payable.

The maximum weekly payment for dependent spouses who are not themselves entitled to a pension will be raised from the October 1976 level of £5.35 to £5.85, so that the overall weekly payment for an old age non-contributory pensioner with a dependent spouse will, at the maximum rate, be increased from £16.10 to £17.60 and, where the pensioner is 80 years of age or over, from £16.95 to £18.50.

The allowance paid in respect of a prescribed relative giving full time care and attention to an incapacitated pensioner is being increased by 55p a week to £6.55. In addition, the increases payable in respect of qualified children are being raised by 25p to £3.15 a week for the first two children and by 20p to £2.40 a week for each additional child. The new table of weekly means and rates of pension in section 2 of the Bill sets out particulars of these changes.

Section 4 of the Bill provides for increases in the personal rates of unemployment assistance, which are raised from £8.90 to £10.20 in the case of urban areas and from £8.55 to £9.80 in rural areas. Corresponding increases are made in the rates for adult dependants and for qualified child dependants. Thus the rate of unemployment assistance payable to a married couple with one child is increased from £18.10 to £20.75 in an urban area and from £17.65 to £20.20 in a rural area, representing an increase of £2.65 and £2.55 in these payments respectively.

The Bill provides also for increases in the weekly rates of non-contributory widow's and orphan's pensions. The increases granted in the case of widows apply automatically to the social assistance allowances for deserted wives, unmarried mothers and prisoners' wives. The maximum personal weekly rate of these allowances will be increased from £10.75 to £11.75 and the increase payable in respect of each qualified child is raised from £3.55 to £3.90. The orphan's non-contributory pension is increased from £7.00 to £7.65 a week. The single woman's allowance is also increased and the maximum weekly payment will be £10.20, an increase of 85p a week. All of these rates, it will be remembered, were also increased last October.

I will now refer briefly to some of the main changes in rates of social insurance payments. The personal rates of contributory, old age and retirement pensions, in the case of persons under age 80, go up by £1.15 a week to £13.90, and for those over age 80 the pension is increased by £1.25 a week to £14.75. The maximum personal rates of widow's contributory pension and deserted wife's benefit go up by £1.05 a week to £12.60 in the case of those under age 80 and by £1.15 a week to £13.60 for those over that age. The rate of invalidity pension is being increased from £11.45 to £12.45 a week. Again, it must be remembered that all of these pensions were increased last October.

The allowances paid with pensions and benefits in respect of adult dependants and children are also being increased. Thus, in the case of old age contributory and retirement pensions, a married couple both of whom are over pensionable age will get £24.40 a week pension from April or £25.25 a week if, in addition, the pensioner is 80 years of age or over as compared with £21.30 and £22.00 in April, 1976.

Similarly, the short-term benefit rates are also being increased. These increases apply to the personal and dependant rates in all social insurance schemes. A married couple with four children will get £33.55 a week by way of flat-rate unemployment benefit compared with £29.40 at present.

Maternity allowance is being raised from £10.90 to £12.45 a week, and the contributory orphan's allowance is to go up from £8.40 to £9.20 a week.

In line with the improvements in the general social insurance system, the Bill also provides for increases in the rates of the various benefits payable under the occupational injuries scheme. The increases in weekly rates will be broadly in line with those provided for in the social insurance scheme.

About 300,000 pensioners and 12,000 recipients of long-term benefits and allowances, together with their adult and child dependants, will receive increases under the various provisions of the Bill. In addition, approximately 190,000 claimants to short-term benefits and assistance allowances will receive the proposed new rates of payments, together with appropriate increases for their adult dependants and qualified children.

For the fourth time since the Government took office pensionable age under the social welfare system is being reduced by a further year, from 67 to 66 years. This is being effected by section 13 of the Bill, which will come into operation on 1st October next.

The significance of this advance can be appreciated by reference to the fact that, prior to 1973 and the advent of this Government, there had never been a reduction of pension age from the original age of 70 years. That pension age was originally set, in respect of non-contributory pension, 70 years ago in the Old Age Pensions Act, 1908—a United Kingdom statute—and, in the case of contributory pensions, 17 years ago in the Social Welfare (Amendment) Act, 1960. Nothing at all was done in this direction in the whole period of Fianna Fáil rule from 1957 to 1973.

I regard the progress made in this respect as most important. The Government gave a simple commitment in 1973 to reduce pension age, and four such steps have now been taken. It is estimated that these changes will have brought in more than 50,000 new pensioners by next October.

This provision affects not only the qualifying age for old age pension, both contributory and non-contributory, but also affects the maximum age up to which the short-term benefits, such as disability benefit and unemployment benefit and assistance, may be paid. Liability for payment of social insurance contributions will cease also at the reduced pensionable age and, in order to prevent any undesirable repercussions which this might have in relation to pension entitlement, the section includes a number of "saver" clauses to protect the position of existing pensioners and persons who will be approaching 67 years.

The reduction of pensionable age also affects the numbers of persons entitled to the benefits of free travel, free electricity and free television licences and it is expected that as a result a further 11,000 pensioners will be brought into those schemes this year.

I want to mention at this point that the facility of free travel and, where appropriate, free electricity allowance and free television licence, is being further extended to include approximately 10,000 recipients of the invalidity pension under the Social Welfare Acts. This extension will also be made available to persons in receipt of the disabled persons' maintenance allowance under the Health Acts, thus bringing a further 32,000 persons within the scheme from April next.

As in the case of pension age, this Government have given very special consideration to the development of the scheme of children's allowances. The view, widely held among professionals in the social services, that these allowances are of particular importance in meeting the financial needs of larger and poorer families has been fully accepted. The arrangement whereby the children's allowances are payable to the mother has added significantly to their effectiveness in social policy and thus it is now an indispensable element in our overall approach.

The rates of children's allowances are being increased with effect from July next. The increase of 50p a month will apply to the second and each subsequent qualified child and the monthly rates of allowance will then be £2.30 for the first child—no change—£4.10 for the second child and £4.85 for each other qualified child. For a four child family therefore, the monthly allowance will be £16.10. Thus, children's allowance rates have been raised four times in the five budgets of the National Coalition. This performance, reflecting as it does the very firm commitment of the Government to a crucial form of social provision, is in sharp contrast to what went before.

In the ten years from 1963 to 1973 children's allowances were increased only three times. Over that 10-year period the amount payable monthly to a four child family rose from just £3 to £6.50, an increase of 118 per cent. In the four year period, 1973 to 1977, the increases will have been 148 per cent, bringing the amount payable in July this year to £16.10. The real increase in the past four years is also greater than that in the previous ten. Expenditure on children's allowances has risen from approximately £17 million in 1972-73 to just £50 million this year. Seven hundred and fifty thousand children will benefit from this year's increases.

As an expression of the special concern of the Government for the position of pensioners living alone, this Bill also provides for the payment of a special increase of £1 a week to social welfare pensioners who have reached pensionable age and who are living alone. This special increase will apply therefore to old age pensions, both contributory and non-contributory, retirement pensions, widows' contributory pensions, deserted wife's benefit, invalidity pensions and death benefit pensions under the Occupational Injuries Acts, where the age and living alone conditions are met. In all these cases, including qualified non-contributory pensioners who are in receipt of payments below the maximum, the special increase of £1 a week will apply in full.

This improvement in the pensions scheme reflects an acceptance of the case made by many of those working with old people about the particular problems of those who are living alone and dependent on the personal rate of pension. It will, for example, raise the basic rate of contributory old age pension for qualified pensioners to £14.90 a week, with the rate for pensioners over 80 years of age rising to £15.75 a week. It is estimated that at least 30,000 pensioners will benefit from this provision of the Bill.

Section 3 of the Bill increases substantially the amount of earnings which may be disregarded for pension purposes in the case of blind persons. The changes will be as follows: the disregard in the case of the claimant will be increased from £65 to £208; that for an adult dependant from £52 to £156; and that for each qualified child from £39 to £104. Thus the earnings disregarded in the case of a couple with two qualified children will be increased—by 193 per cent— from £195 to £572 per annum. This change will take effect in April.

The "housekeeper" allowance which is at present payable along with unemployment assistance, disability benefit, unemployment benefit, injury benefit under the Occupational Injuries Acts and invalidity pension to single men and widowers in respect of a woman who has the care of their children is being extended—from April—to single women, widows and deserted wives in similar circumstances. This goes some further distance in eliminating inequality in the social welfare system in the case of women and in meeting the recommendations of the Commission on the Status of Women. The sections of the Bill which give effect to this provision in relation to the various benefits are sections 7, 16 and 21.

Subsection (2) of section 4 is designed to give effect to the changes in the special scheme of unemployment assistance for smallholders which follows a review of the position by the Government, namely that the increases in rates of payment provided for in this Bill will not apply to landholders whose rateable land valuation is in excess of £10 but not £20 and whose means are based on notional assessment by reference to their valuations.

Section 5 of the Bill provides that the notional method of assessing means from land of smallholders whose rateable land valuation exceeds £20 in the specified areas for unemployment assistance purposes will no longer apply. These smallholders may however continue to be eligible for unemployment assistance but only on the basis of the factual assessment of means which applies to applicants generally for such assistance. The Government's decision in this matter was largely influenced by the significant improvement in present levels of farm incomes and the highly favourable multipliers used in the calculation of means.

In practice these measures will mean that landholders whose rateable valuations do not exceed £10 will benefit from the increased rates of unemployment assistance provided for and that landholders whose rateable valuation lies between £10 and £20 and whose means for unemployment assistance purposes are notionally assessed will remain on their present rates of unemployment assistance and they will not gain the advantage of the new increased rates. In the case of smallholders whose rateable valuation exceeds £20 and whose means have been assessed on the notional basis, their title to unemployment assistance will cease as from 30th March, 1977.

An estimated 12,600 smallholders, or over 57 per cent of the 22,000 involved, will receive the rate increases provided for in the Bill. The 8,000 in the over £10 to £20 rateable valuation bracket will remain on their present rates of unemployment assistance and the 1,400 smallholders affected whose rateable valuations are over £20 will cease, as from 30th March, 1977, to be entitled to unemployment assistance on the notional assessment. Any smallholders who feel that these changes will result in hardship may make an application for a factual assessment of their means.

The purpose of the special provision contained in section 22 of the Bill is to extend the power which the Minister already has to make orders implementing reciprocal agreements with individual countries so as to enable him to make similar orders in the case of multilateral instruments affecting social security. This provision is necessary to enable consideration to be given to the question of ratifying the European Convention on Social Security of the Council of Europe. The convention is designed to ensure a broad measure of co-ordination of the social security schemes of the member states which become contracting parties to the instrument and it covers all the usual benefits in the field of social security.

The extra cost of the rates increases and the other improvements in the social insurance scheme which are provided for in the Bill must be met out of the social insurance fund, which is financed by insurance contributions from employers and employees with an annual subvention from the Exchequer. This extra cost, including the cost of the further increases in pension and benefit rates in October next, will amount to almost £23.4 million in the current year. To this must be added the sum of about £3.26 million to cover the full year cost of the October, 1976, increases and some additional administration costs, bringing the total additional expenditure to be borne by the fund to about £26.66 million in the current year.

The Exchequer contribution towards this extra cost will amount to approximately £13.77 million leaving the balance, about £12.89 million, to be met from increased contributions. This will require an increase of 6.3p in the rates of contribution which account for all benefits, of which the employer will be required to pay 4.2p and the employee 2.1p. The special increase of 31p introduced in 1975 is being retained for a further 12 months to meet the cost of the high level of unemployment claims which is still being experienced.

The ordinary rates of social insurance contributions, including the occupational injuries contribution, will thus be increased to £6.41 for men, of which the employer will pay £4.06 and the employee £2.35. For women the new ordinary rate will be £6.30 of which the employer will pay £4.01 and the employee £2.29. These rates do not include the health contribution, where that is payable, nor do they include redundancy contributions.

The rates of voluntary contributions will be correspondingly increased to £1.20 a week at the low rate and £3.10 a week at the high rate, an increase of 10p and 27p respectively. All of the new rates of contribution come into effect from Monday, 4th April, 1977.

In line with the improvements in the general social insurance scheme the Bill also provides, as I have stated, for corresponding increases in the benefit rates payable under the occupational injuries scheme. However, it is not proposed on this occasion to increase the rate of weekly contributions which are payable by employers only to the occupational injuries fund.

All of the rates increases provided for in the Bill come into effect at the beginning of April with the exception of the increases of children's allowances which come into effect from 1st July. The reduction in pensionable age will operate from 1st October and in that month also the further increase in rates will be implemented. The substantial nature of the overall improvements included in the Bill may be judged by the size of the financial commitment involved. On the assistance side, which includes children's allowances and the extra cost in relation to the free travel schemes and so on, the cost in the current year is estimated at £19.732 million. On the social insurance side the additional cost to be borne by the social insurance fund comes to £26.656 million. The overall cost is therefore of the order of £46½ million towards which the Exchequer contribution will amount to some £33.5 million in the current year.

I have already indicated the overall level of social welfare expenditure this year—about £520 million. The Exchequer allocation for social welfare this year has reached £290 million, compared with the 1972-73 figure of about £92 million. These increases should be viewed in the light of the overall rise in Government social spending since 1973. As a proportion of the total current budget, Exchequer spending on the social services has grown from 37 per cent to 42 per cent. This increase—representing a rise in cash terms of almost £600 million— reflects the determination of the Government to fulfil their social policy commitments.

Total social spending in 1977, including the gross expenditure figure for social welfare, has been estimated at about £1,070 million. This is approximately 21 per cent of the projected gross national product for the year. It may be compared with a figure of 13½ per cent in 1972-73.

By now Senators will have realised the scope and, indeed the complexity of the provisions of this Bill. It is also significant that, while most of these changes will become operative in April others will be implemented in July and October. I consider it to be of the greatest importance that beneficiaries and claimants should be assisted as far as possible in understanding all aspects of the changes which are being introduced. Accordingly, my Department are arranging for appropriate publicity at the time of the introduction of the new rates and improvements. The Department of Social Welfare booklet, which has been welcomed for its clarity despite the complex nature of its contents, will be published at the time of the April changes as usual.

This Bill represents a further considerable stage in the development of our social welfare system. It provides for very real advances in that system and it must accordingly recommend itself to this House. However it would be a grave mistake to be in any way complacent about the situation in the field of Social Welfare. Whatever may have been achieved a very great deal remains to be done. The task of bringing about a better distribution of the resources of the country in favour of those in need and to provide a broader range of supports capable of helping many of these people to provide for themselves and for their dependants must go on. In particular is this true in the case of those who are forced to resort to the social welfare system by reason of unemployment.

No matter which benefit or allowance one points to, the consideration of the real needs of individuals and families must bear heavily upon us. A budget such as this marks a significant further advance, but it should also serve to point out for us all the huge responsibility which rests upon the community to provide for those in need and the tremendous challenge which this throws out to our whole economic and social structure.

Recent studies have underlined these facts. I can refer in this respect to the excellent paper on unemployment payments prepared by the director of the National Social Service Council and to last week's National Economic and Social Council's document Towards a Social Report. Mr. Murray of the National Social Service Council has documented the position of those who are dependent on the social welfare system because of short-term or long-term unemployment. In exploding the persistent myths about the level of financial support for the unemployed he has indicated the seriousness of the problems of those people and of their families. About 80 per cent of those on the live register receive at most flat-rate unemployment benefit, which will from April amount to £27.65 a week in the case of a man with a wife and two children.

The National Economic and Social Council report points to the rapid development of our income maintenance services in recent years, in terms of both the scope of the system and the level of benefits. However the Council's conclusion, which I believe we must take very seriously, is that the level of many of the benefits is low both in absolute terms and in relation to the incomes of the working population and that much remains to be done, in particular for those who are largely dependent on social welfare.

We must accept that there is a continuing need to expand and improve our social welfare provision, on the basis of our developing knowledge of the facts and issues arising in the community. Research and informed debate are essential if we are to fulfil this important task and I am very much encouraged by the recent trend in these areas. Current financial pressures must not be allowed to deprive us of the factual basis for future policy advance.

In conclusion, I can say that this Bill is a genuine attempt to make the most positive and relevant contribution which our resources permit to the development of the sort of social welfare system to which the Government have committed themselves. Not alone has the necessity of maintaining the value of all social welfare payments been recognised and acted upon but the opportunity has been taken to further improve and strengthen the system in many important respects.

The new elements introduced and the specific improvements brought about in the areas of pension age, children's allowances, invalidity, pensioners living alone, widows and so on will benefit many thousands of families and individuals around the country. They prove that, even at a time of great economic difficulty and of pressure on the public finances, it is possible to maintain the forward impetus of social reform. The responsibility of the community in this vital area of social concern has been recognised and acted on by the Government.

I now recommend the Bill to Seanad Éireann for speedy and favourable consideration.

I intend to be fairly brief. The Parliamentary Secretary raised a fundamental issue in his speech when he stated that this Bill is designed to implement a central aspect of the Government's economic and social strategy and that the budget had a number of key policy objectives— stimulation of the economy, creation of new jobs, reduction of the rate of inflation and promotion of justice. We are looking at the Government's economic and social strategy. The central aspect of an Irish Government's economic and social strategy today should be the creation of employment, the provision of jobs, the removal of disillusionment among young people and the stimulation of the economy to ensure a climate of rising job opportunities, particularly for young people, a climate of retraining of workers who for one reason or another are unable to find employment where they have had employment. This whole area of training and retraining and job stimulation is and should be in the society in which we live today the central strategy of any Government's economic and social objectives. I do not think the Parliamentary Secretary would fundamentally disagree with that and I would like to put this Bill here in that context.

This Bill is a secondary measure to that overall objective. Indeed, Commissioner Vredeling, the new Social Affairs Commissioner, and the President of the Commission, Roy Jenkins, both Socialists, have expressed themselves recently in the European Parliament more or less exactly as I have expressed myself just now. There is no point in talking about improvements in regard to social welfare without relating social welfare to the essential social and economic strategy of creating jobs. This is fundamental to the whole area of improvement, not alone in the Irish economy but in the British economy and in every economy in western Europe at the present time. There is not a single word about that in the Minister's speech. He made a perfunctory remark about it and then went on to a consideration of the Bill.

I will deal with the Bill in a reasonably perfunctory way because the Bill makes no attempt to deal with what the Minister describes as the basic economic and social strategy that any Government of the day should be concerned about. The Bill itself merely gives ad hoc increases across the board without any regard to the need to give real increases. I am rather taken aback that the Parliamentary Secretary should engage in reducing social welfare to the politics of the past by talking about comparisons between what Fianna Fáil did and what the Coalition Government are now doing. If I wanted to go into that sort of thing I could refer back to the period 1954 to 1957 when the present Tánaiste gave a half crown in toto to social welfare over three years. The argument being used by the Parliamentary Secretary here today is rather reminiscent of that type of argument and I think we should get rid of it. That type of negative contribution from a person charged by the taxpayer with the responsibility to come in here with a positive approach towards social welfare is, in my view, rather reprehensible in our present circumstances.

The Parliamentary Secretary started off talking about the central aspect of the Government's economic and social strategy and then proceeded to make comparisons between what the present Coalition have given and what Fianna Fáil gave. Let us get rid of this nonsense. Many Fianna Fáil arguments in relation to what the previous Coalition gave are equal nonsense. It is absolute nonsense to quote monetary terms to a sensible, civilised Assembly like this without quoting those terms in real percentage increases. That is what it is all about. There is no point in the Parliamentary Secretary coming in here and saying that they have given £X more across the board in social welfare without quoting the real percentage increase as related to the cost of living increase, as related to the rate of inflation. On that issue I ask the Parliamentary Secretary to answer me.

I have made a rough calculation here on the whole range of increases that the Minister and the Government have introduced vis-a-vis this time last year and the rate of increase is of the percentage order of 9 per cent to 10 per cent. In that same period we had an inflation rate of 20 per cent. There is no point in the Minister or the Parliamentary Secretary coming in here and grouping global figures. As Disraeli said once, there are lies, damned lies and statistics.

I am not concerned about the figures of four years ago or ten years ago or 20 years ago. I am concerned about the recipient of social welfare now and his or her capacity to buy as compared to his or her situation 12 months ago. I want to bring this debate alive and up to date. The April increase is a 9 to 10 per cent increase across the board, while in the period between April this year and April last year there has been a 20 per cent increase in the cost of living. Beside the figure terms—the figures mean nothing in what we are talking about—that means a diminution of purchasing power as far as that social welfare recipient is concerned, whether it is the widow, old age pensioner, children's allowance recipient, or unemployed person. It varies a little bit but by and large the average is 9 per cent to 10 per cent and this means a reduction in that person's income of 10 per cent. That is the reality of it.

I can understand fully the constraints of the budgetary situation as far as the Parliamentary Secretary is concerned but there is no point in making an elaborate speech here about something that only gives 50 per cent to the social welfare categories of what they deserve this year, as against 12 months ago, this April as against last April.

Is the Senator aware that the people he is describing who fall into the 9 per cent to 10 per cent category all got an increase last October?

I will come to that one in a minute.

I just wondered if he was deliberately distorting it or was he aware——

The Minister proposes also to increase that category by 5 per cent next October. On the present rate of inflation precisely the same situation is going to obtain next October as against last October. We are in the maelstrom of an inflation situation and the sufferers are the people about whom the Minister should be concerned.

The Fianna Fáil Party will not oppose this measure. I want to put the whole measure into realistic context. The fact is that unless we introduce an automatic inflation or cost of living index into our social welfare payments we are not doing justice to the recipients of those payments. There is no point in the Parliamentary Secretary or this Government or any other Government coming here with an elaborate dossier to proclaim that they are doing justice by these categories unless there is that automatic built-in lift in accordance with the cost of living increase for social welfare recipients. Otherwise the whole thing is nonsense. There is no point in purveying figures for us. Figures mean nothing to people who cannot buy with the money in their pocket what they could buy 12 months ago. This is the reality. This is what we are concerned about. This is the central aspect of economic and social policy with which the Parliamentary Secretary should be concerned.

I must say that on that aspect this Social Welfare Bill is a failure. It is a meagre attempt to make some compensation to categories that are being only 50 per cent compensated and who by next October, when the extra 5 per cent rise takes place, will have on present inflation terms another 10 per cent rise to face. If we work on the basis of an inflation rate of 20 per cent we will have another 10 per cent rise between April and October; and the compensation as far as the social welfare recipients are concerned will be a 5 per cent increase. Money is chasing well behind—in fact, 50 per cent behind in real terms. When one talks about distributing money in real terms one is not really distributing money in terms of what people can buy. These are precisely the people who have to buy most.

There are few enough people in gainful employment today, and I can understand a situation where the Government have to have an incomes policy and seek to achieve some reapproachment or agreement with people in gainful employment to cut their cloth according to the measure. The Government have been doing that very successfully with the wage earners of this country until recently when the "con job" was exposed by recent increases.

Basically what has happened—and the Parliamentary Secretary is well aware of it being a man with trade union experience—is that the national pay agreement has been signed, trouble is starting and the chickens are coming home to roost. To some extent I can understand, even if I do not agree with, the Government's position in seeking to get a reasonable agreement on the wages front. We are talking about people who are being asked to accept sacrifice. I would suggest that the people who should accept sacrifice in our society are the people who are in permanent employment. That is a reasonable approach. I do not accept it as a reasonable approach that the people who are not engaged in employment, who are unemployed through no fault of their own, the widows or the old age pensioners, should have the £ in their pockets reduced by 50 per cent due to deliberate Government policy incorporated here in a Social Welfare Bill as part of the overall economic and social strategy of the Government.

That is not social justice in anybody's reading. These are the people who cannot fend for themselves, who do cannot fight for themselves, who do not have any trade union out there fronting for them, who are not party to wage agreements and pay agreements and who do not have any muscle to fight with the Government. These are the people who are most vulnerable in our society and are entirely dependent on a Government with a social conscience. This Government with a social conscience have cut their increases by half. That is the reality that matters. Increases that should be 20 per cent to cope with the cost of living are 10 per cent. Increases in October of 5 per cent will again be cut vis-a-vis this month by half because the 10 per cent increase in inflation rate which will obtain between now and next October. It is precisely the people who have to purchase most who are vitally affected by this particular aspect.

I do not hold at all with the approach towards social welfare that is sometimes followed by the descendants of Victorian apostles like the late Ernest Blythe and the founding fathers of the Fine Gael Party. I agree with much of the sort of philosophy that the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Social Welfare often expounds. I want to see this put into reality. I want to see real expression given to this. I do not want to see a situation where, in the interests of the Minister for Finance or a particular retrenchment on the part of the Government, the categories that are all-important in our society today are held back and deprived of their legitimate increases.

I will mention a few practical areas which the Parliamentary Secretary might like to comment on. I should like to see a certain incentive or a certain favouritism or discrimination exercised in regard to classes of social welfare. Did the Parliamentary Secretary ever think of giving a real lead in favour of old age pensioners or widows living alone and giving them twice what is in this budget? Should not the Parliamentary Secretary consider, in the interests of social justice, having a two-tier approach to social welfare? It can be done and there is no question about it. There are various increases in this Bill for the ordinary categories of social welfare recipients. There are other people—widows, old age pensioners, unemployed people with no families—categories of people who are really deprived living in rooms and flats with no sons and daughters or grandchildren to look after them. We should have a system whereby they would get twice what is being allowed in the budget and in this Bill to cope with the increase in the cost of living.

The Parliamentary Secretary is well aware of the needs in urban Ireland generally. That particular category of person—unattended, unwanted, uncared for—is not in any way discriminated in favour of in this Bill.

Has the Senator read the Bill?

I am talking to the Parliamentary Secretary about having a real differential between people who are in receipt of the various social welfare benefits and the category of person altogether outside that area. They should be given twice the allowances that the Parliamentary Secretary provides for the basic category here under this Bill.

I feel that this is central to the whole approach by the Government in regard to this Bill. There should be a real bonus to the social welfare categories in our community. These people should not of course be described as the social welfare categories. These are the people who are entitled, as of right, by reason of their deprivation in our society, a society that is being wrongly created for them by those who govern them. Make no mistake about that. It is a society in which lack of government has given rise to a high rate of unemployment, to a total lack of economic strategy in tactics, a society in which the Government of the day have created, in the unemployment area, their own massive problem, particularly in regard to job opportunities for young people.

All of those problems having been created by the Government of the day and their mismanagement of the economy, we now face a situation in which this Government try to face up to that problem; by introducing this Social Welfare Bill they are totally ignoring the basic justice involved in dealing with the problem of their own creation. It is a very valid, simple criticism that the social welfare increases, of the order of 9 per cent to 10 per cent, are running 10 per cent behind the inflation rate of 20 per cent. That is the fundamental fact as far as these people are concerned.

I was reading in The Sunday Times last weekend about the collapse of a previous Labour Government under Ramsay McDonald that could not face up to creating employment in Britain and caused enormous trouble in that country in the early 1930s. This Government are creating the same problems by not facing up to employment. They are not facing up to the whole question of job creation. It can only be done by switching the emphasis of Government policy from the negative to the positive, from the negative one of looking after the less-well-off in our community in a half-hearted way to the positive one of creating jobs. I believe that a Government concerned about their business can create jobs and by so doing can relieve themselves of the problems they have created, thus enabling far better and more humane welfare benefits to obtain for far fewer people because of a situation in the economy where there is rising and gainful employment accruing to the great majority of people. It is not fully germane to the Bill but the Parliamentary Secretary mentioned in the course of his introductory remarks the whole question of the central aspect of the Government's economic and social strategy. Unless this is done by the present Government, they are facing a social revolution in our times—and maybe something worse than a social revolution— because over the next ten years 35,000 new jobs require to be created. We are going to have an increase of 350,000 in our population to a level of three-and-a-half million people by 1987.

Those are basic and undisputed facts given by the Economic and Social Research Council. They are basic problems on the Government's desk at present. No panacea will rid the Government of the problem of the population explosion. At present we have 50 per cent of our population under 25 years of age. There is no indication in this Bill, in anything the Minister for Labour, the Minister for Finance or the Government have said of any attempt to deal with the 117,000 registered unemployed. In fact another 50,000 are really unemployed, so one is talking in real terms about 170,000 to 180,000 unemployed. We are talking also about another 30,000 young boys and girls coming on to the register in September and October next. All of these people are being ignored. This must be the central strategy of any Government at present—the creation of employment and the linking of welfare policies to employment.

The new Social Affairs Commissioner, Mr. Vredling, is swinging totally this way himself. He sees the same problems on the Continent, the need to link in welfare policies with employment policies and to make the paramount policy that of creating employment and leaving every other form of welfare subservient thereto.

There is no indication of any fresh thinking by the Parliamentary Secretary on that central area of linking in welfare payments with job creation and the offer of jobs with the payment of welfare, to have the two coordinated rather then left under the old British workhouse system, run as separate departments when in fact they are a basic fundamental one. That should be the central strategy of Government planning in both the economic and social spheres, ensuring that everything done in the way of welfare and economic policy is geared to one central objective, the creation of jobs, and that everything else rows in behind that objective. There is no such indication in this Bill. There is a minimal increase—inadequate to the extent I have mentioned—which is only half what should be paid, and equally will be half when the extra 5 per cent is paid in October, to keep up with the galloping rate of inflation and the growing level of unemployment. There was the Minister's rather grandiose verbiage, probably written by one of his own think-tank men rather than by the Department, when he said that this Bill is designed to implement a central aspect of the Government's economic and social strategy. That is the sort of spoof we get from public relations guys. That is not solid stuff at all. This Bill is not designed to implement a central aspect of any Government's economic and social strategy. There is nothing in it except a 10 per cent increase when there should be a 20 per cent increase for various social welfare payments. Other than that there is no evidence of the sort of leadership, guidance and management that would be involved in the implementation of a central aspect of the Government's economic and social strategy. We want fewer words like that and more reality. It is probably too late to plead with this Government to have any recourse to reality. The public themselves will have recourse to reality very shortly.

Is Senator Lenihan saying that the question of social welfare developments is not part of the overall economic strategy in which any Government should engage? Of course, it is.

I did not say that.

Or words to that effect. We are talking about the redistribution of incomes. One must talk about the redistribution of incomes in the sense of overall economic strategy. One must involve social welfare in that.

Of course. That was what I was trying to say.

I was somewhat surprised by the tone of Senator Lenihan's speech. Generally, he is receptive to developments of this nature and on previous occasions welcomed many other measures to this House which were not quite as extensive in their application.

Apart from the House, my experience travelling around the country is that there is general acceptance by the community of the necessity for maintaining social welfare benefits. Senator Lenihan said that. What he did not say was that the community in general have acknowledged the necessity for maintaining social welfare benefits at all levels to ensure a reasonable income. The Senator was saying that they were not sufficient, when the community were saying they were very good indeed. As the Senator said, we can all produce figures. As regards the question of the cost-of-living index, the Parliamentary Secretary admitted that it had increased by 90 per cent. On checking that I found that over the period about which he spoke the actual increase in the cost of living was 87 per cent.

Some of the welfare increases registered from March, 1973, to last November indicated an 87 per cent rise. Therefore the Parliamentary Secretary is giving the benefit of the doubt by saying that it is 90 per cent. Some of the social welfare benefits have increased from 124 per cent to 242 per cent over a similar period. Even in the case of urban unemployment assistance, for a man with a wife and two children there has been an increase of 138 per cent. If it is accurate to say that the consumer price index has risen by 87 per cent from March, 1973 to November, 1976, when increases which range from 124 per cent to 242 per cent occur then one cannot say they have not kept pace with the cost of living or have not taken account of inflationary developments, because they have.

The question of whether people should continue to get improved social benefits hinges on economic strategy. Social welfare benefits must be considered in the context of the overall economic strategy. That is what is happening. In regard to the Parliamentary Secretary, it is not merely a question of his improving social welfare benefits because he has brought in many other people who did not previously come under the code—not much credit has been given for that— but he is actually engaged in the fight against the abolition of poverty. Take the children's allowance scheme, for example. What greater contribution could be made towards the abolition of poverty? The efforts of the Parliamentary Secretary in this area since he assumed office have well taken care of the inflationary developments over the same period. In the case of the first child the increase has been in the region of 360 per cent. These figures can be checked.

The Government, having been advised by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Social Welfare, have faced up to the maintenance of the real value of the social welfare benefits. We, in the Labour Party, as well as our colleagues in the Coaltion are determined there will be no cutbacks despite the remarks of some people outside that some payments are too high, despite also the lack of knowledge of how that distribution is made. There will not be retrenchment in the social welfare schemes.

Senator Lenihan would not like me to talk about general economic developments in the past which have given rise to some of our economic problems. However he did make reference to it and I feel entitled to do so also. He raised the question of the general economic strategy to develop employment and so on. One would imagine that there had been no development in this regard since the Government came to power. The Senator admits that a population explosion is taking place but does not admit that it is impossible now to create jobs for such increased population in Liverpool, Manchester, London or anywhere else, as a safety net, which was used by Fianna Fáil for many years. Credit can be given to them for the growth in the economy between the years 1960-1970 and for improved wages in that period. During that decade also profits earned by private enterprise were very substantial. However the astonishing feature of that decade was that at its end there was not one extra person at work. There were 1.05 million people employed in 1960 and the same number were employed in 1970. We are being lectured on economic successes but those figures hardly represent such. However, they were raised and I feel it in order to comment on them.

Another point I should like to make is that in that decade 135,000 people emigrated. This is why we have a population explosion and why the Government made efforts in their recent budget to develop economic strategy in three directions: firstly, in employment incentives; secondly, tax reliefs, which constitute an incentive to workers, and, thirdly, changes in the social welfare system or overall changes in the social welfare code. The budget has made provision for such developments.

In the Dáil recently the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Garret FitzGerald, indicated that there was some confusion over what sort of year 1976 was in economic terms. The growth rate was 4 per cent to 4½ per cent as distinct from the very much lower figures given by some commentators, not alone political ones. The Minister gave such explanation in a debate on a Financial Resolution.

Senator Lenihan raised the question of paying extra money to people living alone. We would all like to see social welfare recipients who have to live alone receiving a lot more. During Fianna Fáil's period in office they were not given any additional increases. Had that example been given then, it might have created the possibility of further increases. To admit that such existed would amount to saying that Fianna Fáil policies were headed in the right direction and, therefore, it would have been feasible to give more than £1. That is not a fact of life. The 1926 Census showed that there were 1,250,000 people at work; in 1976 we had 1,050,000 at work, a fall of 200,000 people over that period. In effect it means that the economic strategy did not exist all along to provide for such things as Senator Lenihan spoke about, for example, doubling the income of people who live alone. It is regrettable that no effort was made before now to give them some sort of assistance. It is admirable, particularly in the sense that we have come through a very difficult period of time. It is generally acknowledged that we have been through a very difficult world recession. Despite that we have been able to live up to our commitment to the deprived, under-privileged and the poor, not in toto, but certainly there has been a great endeavour in that direction. Full credit must be afforded the Parliamentary Secretary for guiding Government along those lines and to the co-operation of our colleagues in Government for making this a reality.

I look forward to the day when we will be able to stand up and talk about fewer people being unemployed. I take Senator Lenihan's point that 35,000 new jobs are going to be created. However, the Senator ignored the fact that this did not happen recently or suddenly. It is something that can be attributed to many policies employed over a 33-year period in office of his Government. That includes the total economic strategy of dealing with employment, social welfare and so on. I cannot see how one can separate one from the other. I do not deny that the extra jobs will be needed. I believe the basis has been laid and improvements took place last year. As far as the Labour Party are concerned we have a commitment to social welfare recipients, at all levels, and there will not be any cutting-back. We hope that ensuing developments at present on the horizon will enable us make this a reality.

In the long-term we will ensure, through our own pressures, that the nation's resources are used to the fullest extent so that people who have to depend on social welfare benefits will be well treated, not have to live in dire poverty, as they have had to do in the past and who have only realised some improvement in their incomes over the past four years. It is a slow process but judging by the way it has been started I have great confidence in its fulfilment. The progress made in social welfare over the past four years has satisfied the community in general. It may not have satisfied the Opposition. Whatever other argument they may have about other aspects of Government policy, they cannot knock the efforts made at all levels in the social welfare area.

I want to refer to the charges of abuses of social welfare and so on, not levelled by the Opposition I am pleased to say, but rather by one or two commentators. Perhaps I might now quote Mr. Murray, Director of the National Social Service Council, from page 6 of a paper he read to the Unemployed Workers Support Group of the Local Government and Public Services Union 18th January, 1977:

Fraud is a highly contentious subject. There are perhaps more stories about fraud than about any other aspect of unemployment payments. We all know the stories of people getting time off from work to sign on. The subject evokes such strong feelings that we need to be very sane and careful in considering it. I would like to make the following points:

1. There will always be some Social Welfare fraud—just as there will be some fraud in tax matters and other areas. The best we can do is to try to keep the incident of fraud as low as possible. We can only go as far in doing both for financial reasons (eliminating fraud totally would cost more than it would save) and for serious reasons of civil liberty (we cannot follow the unemployed around all day to make sure they are not working on the side)...

At the end of the last paragraph on page 6 Mr. Murray says:

The Parliamentary Secretary has also emphasised time and time again his absolute conviction that the amount of fraud is very low in relation to the total amount of people involved. Lest anyone think that the Parliamentary Secretary has a vested interest in making such a point it is worth saying that the Opposition spokesman on Social Welfare and his colleagues in the Opposition have emphatically endorsed the views of the Parliamentary Secretary on this subject.

I wanted to get that on the record because of the figures in Mr. Murray's document, which is a very comprehensive one, on unemployment payments.

I welcome the Bill. The Parliamentary Secretary has done a fantastic job in the four years he has been dealing with social welfare. Had we had similar advances in our overall economy in prior years, I wonder what would be the argument today; it might be a different ball game altogether. We had not got that overall economic strategy and the facts are there to prove it.

We are in a time of economic crisis. Social welfare developments have been much better than they were during the time the Opposition were claiming that there was a boom period—1960 to 1970—or preceding years.

Senator Harte said earlier on—and, to accentuate its importance, he repeated it—that the Labour Party will ensure that no cutting-back or retrenchment will take place in social welfare payments. The difficulty to be faced in the Bill is that it does incorporate precisely that retrenchment and cutting-back which Senator Harte so rightly objects to. The plain unadulterated fact of the matter is that, even on the Parliamentary Secretary's figures, the average increase in social welfare payments provided by this Bill is only about 15 per cent. In the past 12 months, according to the latest figures available inflation has been running at the rate of 21 per cent, maybe 20.9 per cent. Incorporated in the very terms of the Bill and on the Parliamentary Secretary's estimate of the percentage increase involved there has been a fall of 6 per cent in the average payments provided. That is a cutting-back, a retrenchment. We have the appalling position that at this time of general depression, those least able to look after themselves—the unemployed, pensioners, widows—face an average cut of some 6 per cent in what little is made available for them to provide for the necessities of life.

That is why that although we naturally support this Bill—we are not going to hold it up or oppose it—nonetheless one must have reservations with regard to it. One would hope that a Bill of this kind would provide for higher real payments. Certainly one would hope that at the very least it would maintain the real value of payments under the various social welfare schemes. It does not do this. Nobody, by any conceivable manipulation of the figures, could suggest that it does. Even allowing for the additional payments made last October, according to the Parliamentary Secretary it still does not come anywhere near meeting the cost of living increase since this time last year.

Senator Harte referred to children's allowances and, particularly, the benefits under that scheme in the Bill. He described them as a great step forward. However, the increases in children's allowances in this Bill are 10 per cent and one has to relate that to the 20 per cent annual increase in inflation.

The Parliamentary Secretary referred to the key policy objectives of the budget. He said they were the stimulation of the economy, creation of new jobs and a reduction of the rate of inflation. That last one makes one feel that the Parliamentary Secretary has a highly developed sense of humour. The key policy objective of the budget was the reduction of inflation. This has been achieved by the bringing about of increases of 25 per cent in CIE fares, 10 per cent in ESB charges, bread increases, increases in television licenses, heavy increases in fuel and so on. This, apparently, is how this Government achieve their key objectives in the budget. However, perhaps the Parliamentary Secretary was merely exercising his sense of humour.

We also have the question of the stimulation of the economy and the creation of new jobs. One must relate this to the good point made by the Parliamentary Secretary: that one ought not to try to divorce economic policy from social policy. Governments in former years, particularly during the depression of the 1930s, tended to say: "Things are bad, unemployment is high, we are in a period of great depression and, therefore, we must cut our social services". As a result great distress was caused. It is now generally accepted that apart from the injustice in this and the distress it caused to many, even from an economic point of view it was a bad policy. It is now generally accepted that, leaving aside all questions of principle, if one cuts social welfare benefits at a time of depression one merely increases the scope of the depression and makes it more difficult to improve economic conditions. We can go along with the Parliamentary Secretary on this point, the two must run together. The difficulty we have had with this Government has been that they have not done sufficient to improve the economic side of things. There is no contradiction between the economic area and the improvement of social welfare assistance. But the Government, so far as one can see from their policies, have been content to increase from time to time the payments made to the unemployed without making any real effort to create greater employment which ultimately is the only way of dealing with the problem.

In the budget much play was made of the provision of the extra £50 million for the capital sector for the purpose of "stimulating the economy and creating new jobs". One has to have regard to the fact that in the last budget for 1976, of the sums provided for capital development for the creation of employment and for the stimulation of the economy no less than £50 million was not used. The only result of the extra £50 million this year is that one goes back to the original figure for capital development incorporated in the budget for 1976. It was not spent in 1976. Whether it will be spent in 1977 time only will tell, or whether the Minister for Finance will save another £50 million this year also. This so-called expenditure for the provision of employment, for the stimulation of the economy, is merely a matter of putting back the £50 million which appeared in last year's budget and which was saved by the Minister for Finance in a most extraordinarily short-sighted piece of book-keeping.

We are told that there will be October increases. The Parliamentary Secretary almost boasted of these increases as if they were never given before, that it was a new and important step on the part of the Government. It is important to consider why it has been necessary to produce increases in October as well as in the annual budget. The answer is that there has been this totally unprecedented rate of inflation. For the first time—and it is a deplorable record for any Government—in the 50 years of our independence inflation has been at such an appalling rate that it was necessary halfway through the year to come back and give further increases, because obviously the increases in social benefits given at the beginning of the year were not enough in the light of constantly increasing prices and eroding real values.

There is also the point that the promise made by the Government— and in the Seanad by the Parliamentary Secretary last spring—was not fulfilled. When the Parliamentary Secretary came here last year he told us there would be further increases in October, should the cost of living make this necessary. I queried him on that. I asked him if he was sure about this because, obviously, from the way the budget was framed, this would require a supplementary budget. I asked if it was the intention of the Government to bring in a supplementary budget but the Parliamentary Secretary assured us that there would be increases. In fact, the increases were minimal. Many of the social welfare groups got nothing at all and those who did did not get sufficient to make up for the rapidly rising cost of living. One hopes that this year the undertaking given will be carried out to a greater extent than it was last year.

Towards the end of his speech the Parliamentary Secretary said:

This Bill represents a further considerable stage in the development of our social welfare system. It provides for very real advances in that system and it must, accordingly, recommend itself to this House.

What are the "very real advances"? This Bill, admittedly, is a valuable one which one must support simply because without the Bill there would be an even greater fall in the real value of the various social welfare payments made under it. It cannot be said that it provides very real advances. The plain fact of the matter is that in 1977 all the beneficiaries of various forms of social payments will be less well-off, will have less in real money than they had this time last year. That is not a very real advance; it is a very real retreat.

The Parliamentary Secretary referred to the valuable investigation made by Mr. Murray of the National Social Service Council. It is important that he should have pointed out that, contrary to a very prevailing view among the public, some 80 per cent of those on the live register receive, at most, flat-rate unemployment benefit which will, from April, amount to £27.65 a week in the case of a man with a wife and two children. It is important that this should be stated because many people are under the happy assumption that all the unemployed are getting pay-related benefits and are really just as well off as if they were working. This is clearly not the position and it is good to have the exact situation set out.

It seems to me in the light of this figure, if one relates unemployment benefit or allowance to the prevailing rate of wages which have increased more rapidly than social welfare payments, that the percentage fall in income in 1977 that an unemployed man receives is considerably greater than it would have been in 1973. Wages have been increasing well ahead of the cost of living until recently. Therefore there is a fall in the relationship of this £27 a week a man receives compared with the position two or three years ago.

Obviously, this is a Bill one must accept not with enthusiasm but as an inevitable situation in the light of the present rate of inflation. I do not think we should be pleased with it. We cannot particularly congratulate the Parliamentary Secretary because this represents in real terms a fall in the payments made and it does not, as it ought to, provide for a real increase. If the Government had been carrying out their economic policies adequately, if they had succeeded as other countries have in dealing with the depression originally induced by the rise in oil prices, they would be in a better position to deal adequately with the problem presented by unemployment, old age, widows and so on. They have left themselves in the position that because of the incompetence of their economic and financial policies they have run out of money. They will not deal with this by trying to persuade people that the Bill, which is a retreat, is in fact an advance. It is not an advance but nonetheless we must accept it.

I should like to welcome the Bill and commend the Parliamentary Secretary for the thoughtful and detailed speech he made in introducing it. This Bill makes a significant contribution to ensuring that the social welfare benefits maintain their real value in so far as is possible in these highly inflationary times. I was interested to hear Senator Yeats refer to the very high rate of inflation and not offer any constructive approach to it but simply try to denigrate the provisions of this Bill. That may sound good politically but it is a dismissive approach because, like it or not, we are into an extremely difficult time here. That is why I welcome the detail and thoughtfulness in the Parliamentary Secretary's speech. It is important that we realise that in Ireland we have considerable demographic problems. These were referred to briefly by Senator Lenihan. However, I should like to refer in particular to a passage in the latest publication of the National Economic and Social Council entitled, Towards a Social Report where in paragraph 2.4 it is stated:

Table 2.1 shows the age and sex structure of the population for 1926, and projections to 1986. One feature to emerge from this table is that total population in 1971 was only just above the 1926 level. In fact the number of both men and women in the active age group— 15 to 64—in 1971 were lower than in 1926. Thus the dependency ratio has increased (from 62 per cent to 73 per cent) in that period.

That brings the figures up to 1971. I have no doubt that the dependency ratio has further increased and will continue to increase. This is something we must realise. For that reason I am glad the Parliamentary Secretary made specific reference to the need for publicity about the way we approach this whole area. I would go further and call for the type of social report which the National Economic and Social Council have asked for. They make it clear that there is a very vital need for it. The Parliamentary Secretary at the end of his speech made a reference which could seem to endorse this. He said:

Research and informed debate are essential if we are to fulfil this important task and I am very much encouraged by the recent trend in these areas. Current financial pressures must not be allowed to deprive us of the factual basis for future policy advance.

This would seem to be a criticism— I hope it is a criticism—of the decision to cancel the census, because I think we need the statistical information and, above all, we need a real appreciation by the people of our problems and of what should be our important concerns when faced with these problems. That will require a great deal of understanding if we are not to have bitterness and tension and fear in our society. This Bill provides an opportunity to refer to the overall social context. A convincing case is made for the fact that under this Government social welfare benefits have increased significantly in percentage terms, much better in comparative terms than under the previous Administration. The significance of this is striking when one realises the very high dependency ratio, the rate of inflation and the difficult circumstances at the moment.

I should like to make particular reference to some specific proposals in the Bill. I welcome the lowering of the pension entitlement age from 67 to 66 and also the special allowance of £1 a week to pensioners living alone. It is clear that it is older people who find it most difficult to cope with a problem which in its severity is something all of us are struck by in the past few years, the crippling rate of inflation and the rate of price increase. This should be borne in mind. Younger people can and do adapt better. They are more flexible in their approach, so we must have a particular concern for pensioners in the present circumstances.

I was also very pleased to see that the Minister has extended the housekeeper allowance to single women, widows and deserted wives where there is a person looking after their dependent children. I should like to ask a specific question on this relating to section 16. Am I right in understanding that section 16 provides that, if a single mother is going out to work and has somebody looking after her child or her children, she can avail of the housekeeper allowance? I would be grateful if the Parliamentary Secretary would elaborate on that aspect.

Having made those remarks about the Bill and placed it in the overall context of the economy and of our demographic structure, I should now like to turn to a provision which I do not approve of and do not like to see contained in this Bill which might be regarded as a half-hearted measure. Indeed, I would go further and say that in my opinion it continues what is an unconstitutional and unlawful situation. It relates to section 6 which refers to the unemployment assistance qualification for spinsters or widows without dependants. This provides that instead of having to have 52 social insurance contributions to qualify, when this Bill comes into effect they will only have to have 26 such contributions. This means that a girl of 18 who qualifies otherwise would still not be able to get unemployment assistance under the same terms as her male counterpart, a boy of 18, unless she had already worked and paid 26 social insurance contributions. In my view, and I express it more strongly as a lawyer than I would be prepared to do in most other circumstances, this is clearly continuing an unconstitutional situation. It is a discrimination on the basis of sex and only on the basis of sex. Obviously it is good to see some improvement, but I do not think the Parliamentary Secretary can improve gradually over a period a situation which is a blatant and unconstitutional discrimination. That has to be removed entirely.

I should like to refer to the interpretation by the Supreme Court in a recent case which is directly relevant on what amounts to unconstitutional discrimination. This is the case which found that the jury panel and the jury system in Ireland was unconstitutional because there was a discrimination on the basis of sex and also a discriminatory property qualification. I should like to refer to the part of the judgment of Mr. Justice Walsh where he dealt with the question of differential treatment and discrimination against women in that they were not automatically called for jury service but could place themselves on a jury panel. There was statistical evidence that very few women had, in fact, done this and statistical evidence that very few woman had actually sat on a jury because those who had put themselves on the jury panel had been challenged. Mr. Justice Walsh, in the course of his judgment, said that it would be open to the State, under Article 40, section 1, to make distinctions based on difference of social or moral function. He referred to the possibility of making distinctions for married men or married women, these type of distinctions in our society when talking about the basic proposition that all citizens should be treated equally.

He went on, and this is the relevant part of the judgment, and said:

However, the provision made in the Juries Act, 1927, is undisguisedly discriminatory on the ground of sex only. It would not be competent for the Oireachtas to legislate on the basis that women by reason only of their sex are physically or morally incapable of serving and acting as jurors. The statutory provision does not seek to make any distinction between the different functions that women may fulfil and it does not seek to justify the discrimination on the basis of any social function. It simply lumps together half of the members of the adult population, most of whom have only one thing in common, namely, their sex. In my view, it is not open to the State to discriminate in its enactments between the persons subject to its laws solely upon the ground of the sex of the persons. If a reference is to be made to the sex then the purpose of the law that makes such a discrimination should be to deal with some physical or moral capacity or social function that is related exclusively or very largely to that sex only.

It seems that if one is talking about unemployment assistance, a benefit from the State to persons who are unemployed, there can be no possible grounds for discrimination between men and women, on the basis, for example, of an 18-year-old girl and an 18-year-old boy who are in identical circumstances and otherwise qualify, except that, apparently, we require the girl to have, as it stands at the moment, 52 contributions and, as the change under the Bill will bring about, 26 contributions. In my view that is blatantly a discrimination on the basis of sex alone. It is discrimination in entitlement as between two citizens, one male and one female, to benefits from the State. It seems to me that it is a situation which could be challenged—and, hopefully, if this section passes unchanged will be challenged— in the High Court and the Supreme Court.

It is not satisfactory to say "We have tried to improve the situation and it would cost a considerable amount". It is particularly unsatisfactory to talk about the amount it might cost. I refer to this because I know representations have been made to the Parliamentary Secretary and he may feel that, perhaps, his hands are tied elsewhere in this regard. It is particularly invidious and unacceptable because we are trying to achieve a situation of greater equality in our society. We cannot do this for so long as our laws discriminate and our entitlements to a basic benefit, which is of crucial importance to young people, continue to discriminate on the basis of sex alone.

It is not sufficient to reduce the number of contributions and modify a little the practical nature of the discrimination. In view of the fact that there is now a draft directive concerning the progressive implementation of the principle of equality of treatment for men and women in matters of social security. As I understand it, this draft directive will be reported on by the European Parliament and the Economic and Social Committee in the next month or two and, presumably, will be coming before the Council of Ministers for decision in the near future. This directive will involve much more change in our social welfare code in order to bring us into line with the principle of equality. It will require, indeed, changes in contributions by women in certain circumstances; they may have to contribute more. It will require change in relation to dependants under the social welfare code. But it is the type of progress in our general social welfare code in achieving genuine equality which we should be pursuing in order to anticipate the provisions of the draft directive. Instead of that we retain a provision which, in my view is totally unjustified, unwarranted and at the moment particularly bad socially because of the high number of young unemployed we have and because of the invidious suggestion that somehow young girls looking for employment do not need to be treated in the same way as their male counterparts, are not significant in our society, are not important in themselves. This is a measure which raises far-reaching implications and raises questions about our seriousness as a society in trying to achieve full equality for our citizens. It seems to go completely in the teeth of that part of the judgment of Mr. Justice Walsh on what the Oireachtas can do in discriminating on the basis of sex.

A number of other points I might have made were made by other contributors. On the question of publicity for the increases in social welfare and for the new categories introduced in this Bill, this is a problem which should be faced in a much more detailed way by the Government and in particular by the Department of Social Welfare. They should concern themselves with the way people can be properly advised on what they are entitled to. I am aware that the Department of Social Welfare produce a very useful booklet annually and I understand a booklet will be out in a month or so which will set out the provisions of this Bill. But I think it is necessary to go further than that. The people most in need are not in a position to buy or get from the Department copies of this booklet and read it. They need to be helped. In some cases they may not have a sufficient level of literacy. They need to be reached out to rather than be told they can go and get a glossy booklet in the nearest post office. It is necessary for us to have more concern for providing proper advice centres throughout the country. There are advice centres now in certain areas, but the distribution of them is uneven and the level of advice and general service offered is uneven. Just as we have improved the categories of social welfare over the past four years and the percentage increases in social welfare and maintained their levels, so we must ensure that there is access to advice and to information about entitlement in order to remove any difficulties and tensions involved in people trying to secure that to which they are entitled.

With that one strong reservation in the case of section 6, which will only reduce the number of contributions which a spinster or widow with no dependants has to have in order to get unemployment assistance, I welcome this Bill and I commend the Parliamentary Secretary on this, I understand, his eleventh piece of social legislation introduced during his term of office.

I also welcome this Bill but I am not enamoured altogether the amount of the increases. However, when we look at other countries with better resources than us and see the difficulties they have in trying to help their social welfare recipients through inflation, we must accept that it is at least a step in the right direction. I am very happy about the reduction of the qualifying age from 67 to 66. At that age it is very important because at 66 years of age, even when unemployment figures are low, it is difficult to get employment. That aspect is very important. There is also provision for an extension of the free electricity, free transport and free television licence schemes to invalidity pensioners and disabled pensioners, which will bring in another 32,000 people. I think that is important because I believe people who are handicapped to that extent need any help we can give in the field of social welfare. It will not provide any luxury; nevertheless it is some help. I think it is appreciated by everybody and I would like to thank the Parliamentary Secretary for bringing in that extension.

Reference was made by Senator Lenihan to some people living alone. I agree that people living alone will find it much more difficult and expensive to live on a limited income. But people always lived alone. Some years ago people lived alone on a pension of £5.50 or £6. Were it not for the kindness of their neighbours, their immediate friends or maybe their daughters they would have been very badly off. Listening to the many suggestions of extensions of such services I often wonder why the previous Administration did not think for a moment how essential it was to provide for those people. There is a lot to be said for a change of Government because in all cases a newly-elected Government will always show up the weakness of previous Governments. I am not talking politics. If this Government go out of power maybe in 20 years' time it will be said that we achieved something. It is well therefore to have the change now and again. I was impressed by Senator Lenihan today in that he was prepared to accept the need to look after people who lived alone. For the first time in history we have now an additional £1 to the person living alone. I think it must be recognised that the social conscience of the Government has reflected itself in the right direction.

Reference was made here today to poverty. I heard a strange story recently and I was happy to hear it. Some years back a wealthy man in a country town made a will in which he bequeathed an annual contribution to the poor people of the town. Last Christmas a committee who were responsible for carrying out that task failed to find anybody who would qualify under the heading of poverty. I was very proud to hear that at least we had no poverty.

I have a criticism to make about the confusing forms which are sent out to social welfare applicants. They should be simplified, because many people, even public representatives, find it difficult to complete those forms properly, resulting in unnecessary delay. These forms may appear simple to the Parliamentary Secretary, but some people of the age of 66 to 70, maybe with not the best of sight, would find it difficult enough to follow them. Therefore I would ask the Parliamentary Secretary to simplify the forms, if possible.

On the question of pension qualification, if when people wish to transfer their farm over to their son, very often it can take as long as two years before the legal aspect of it is complete, and, as a result, they can be waiting for a long time before they receive their pension. I would think that the owner of the farm, say the father, should qualify once he signs the legal document handing over the farm to his son in the presence of his solicitor. That should be sufficient. Day in, day out, we hear it said that there should be some initiative to the parents to hand over the land to their son, to give him an opportunity to get married. There should be some agreement whereby the Department of Social Welfare would accept the signed legal document from the solicitor. Once more I welcome the Bill.

My contribution to this debate will be short. When those social welfare benefits were first announced in the budget last January they appeared to be generous, but so much has happened since then that it is no longer possible to regard those benefits as generous or going in any way to meet the needs of those people who are unable to provide for themselves. Therefore I was saddened and indeed disappointed that the Parliamentary Secretary introduced so much political material into his speech this afternoon. That speech would be one that could be better used on the political platforms and not here in the Seanad, containing so much reference to what happened in 1972, 1973 and so on. No effort has been made to face up to the real fact of the situation, that is, that we still have galloping and uncontrolled inflation in this country, and therefore social welfare benefits are not keeping pace with inflation and the ever-rising cost of living.

There is little use in talking about percentages to the old age pensioners and all other social welfare recipients. They are not university lecturers, university dons or in any other such category. They are the least well-off sections of our community. They are the people who have not enjoyed high living standards, who have not had the highest standard of education. They are dependent on the State and other agencies to give them an existence. Therefore there is an obligation on all Governments to try and provide for those people who are unable to provide for themselves.

I agree with most of what the other speakers have said about our entire social welfare code. It is a most complicated system and I would love to see the day coming when we would have machinery at our disposal that would simplify it. The amount of paper work that has to be done in order to make application for benefits, to make appeals and so on confuses the average social welfare recipient. A more common-sense approach is required in order to enable the people to fully understand our social welfare code. All they understand is the benefits they get and how much they can buy from those benefits. Therefore I would like the staff in the Department of Social Welfare to avail of the first opportunity they get of working out a simplified method of application for all social welfare benefits.

I mentioned that when those benefits were introduced last January they seemed at that time to be generous. Prices have increased since then and prices are likely to continue to increase. Therefore, the social welfare recipient will be no better off than he was, because he is compelled to pay higher fuel and clothing prices. He is compelled to pay additional costs for house repairs, higher rents even under the differential rents scheme and so on. All those factors must be fully considered in talking about liberal social welfare increases.

Comparisons have been made between the benefits of, say, ten or five years ago and the benefits today. We did not have galloping inflation in those days. The £ had greater purchasing power in those days. The cost of living was lower. The inflation rate was a great deal lower. When the old age pension was increased it was in keeping with the cost of living at that time. If social welfare benefits are to serve the role of protecting the weaker section it must keep pace with the cost of living. Therefore, there is little use in makeing political propaganda out of a situation that is real and that could have been cured if any effort was made to tackle the inflationary situation in which we live.

I am also saddened and disappointed that a greater effort has not been made to try to reduce the numbers on our unemployed list. There is nothing more degrading and dehumanising than to have people on continuous unemployment. They feel rejected by society and that they can no longer play an active role as Irish citizens. They would be anxious to play their full part if the job opportunities were there for them. An effort should have been made to create additional job opportunities and so take those people off the unemployment list. People's personalities change as a result of long periods on the unemployment register. This is a problem that will have to be tackled with more zeal and vigour than it has been in the past. It is a very serious situation. The mere introduction of an annual Social Welfare Bill in itself is not adequate. There must be long-term planning which will guarantee permanent employment to our growing population.

This Bill as I see it, is a stop-gap measure. It is necessary. There is an obligation and a duty on the Government to protect those who are unable to protect themselves. I have no objection to the increases. The regret I have is that they are not adequate in these times of galloping inflation. I would like to see a situation in which real benefits could be enjoyed by those people and not one in which increases are completely devoured by increases in the cost of living.

I shall endeavour to reply to some of the issues that were raised during the course of the discussion on the Second Stage of the Bill, although it will be difficult to reply to some of the points made, particularly by Senator Lenihan, because the more he contributed to the Bill the more patently obvious it became that he had not, in fact, read it. To call with great passion for the inclusion of something in the Bill and to decry its exclusion when in fact it is one of the main features of the Bill could not lead you to any other conclusion than that Senator Lenihan, at least, had heard somewhere that there was a Social Welfare Bill before the Seanad and galloped in to make a string of unrelated clichés as his main contribution to the Bill.

In the course of that unrelated contribution he dealt with the question of unemployment at some considerable length. That is a problem that, naturally, should exercise all our minds. However, when we talk of unemployment and when we talk about it in relation to social welfare and a Bill covering the whole range of social welfare, it should be put in its proper perspective. The fact is that the amount of money that is spent, either on unemployment benefit or assistance or pay-related benefit is 24 per cent of the total expenditure on social welfare. From Senator Lenihan's contribution, which dwelt so much on unemployment, one would get the impression that unemployment never existed in the country until the last four years. It is important that the full facts in relation to our unemployment situation should be spelt out clearly and how they are at the figures at which they now stand, approximately 117,000.

In his contribution, Senator Yeats referred to the boom years, particularly the 1960s and early 1970s when Fianna Fáil were in power. I accept that in many respects and in many countries they were boom years, because throughout Europe in the 1960s and early 1970s there was a situation of full employment in countries that are now suffering from very severe unemployment. Our neighbour, Great Britain, during those times had virtually full employment. The last registered figure, that is for last week, indicates they now have 1,400,000 unemployed. It is important to note that during what Fianna Fáil speakers refer to as the boom years when they were in power there was a figure of 7 per cent unemployed. In fact, in January, 1973, the number on the live register for unemployment was 76,000. That was the boom period that Fianna Fáil are harking back to. If that administration had been facing up to their responsibility during a boom period of providing employment for our people during a world climate that allowed for the provision of full employment in every other country there would now be a figure for unemployed of 41,000, not 117,000.

If we were fortunate enough to start off in the position in January/ February, 1973, of Britain, Germany, Belgium, Denmark and all the European countries who are now members of the EEC, with the possible exception of Italy, we would have had full employment after decades of a boom period. The position we would have to deal with now would be 41,000 unemployed not 117,000. It is important that it be put into its proper perspective and that the real cause of our high rate of unemployment should be made known to the people.

Senator Lenihan was so kind as to say that most of our social ills, or indeed all of our social ills, could be attributed to those who govern us. If we look back over the boom periods referred to from the Fianna Fáil benches and take Senator Lenihan's own quote that most of the social ills of the nation can be attributed to those who govern, it is a very apt statement by Senator Lenihan, probably the only one he made in his entire contribution.

There has been much talk as to what the actual increases are under the terms of this Bill and how they relate to inflation. Some speakers said real increases in money terms were the only true reflection and other Fianna Fáil speakers said money terms were a distortion, that the only real way to look at it was in percentage terms. In my opening speech I gave percentage terms, money terms and real terms. I gave all three. I gave them, not in relation to the last four years, but also in relation to the last four years of Fianna Fáil administration. There seems to be a tremendous sense of resentment by Fianna Fáil Senators that I chose to do this. I do not know what reason they would have to resent it. Surely people are entitled to make comparisons and to pick whatever means of calculation they think most appropriate. They got all the details in my Second Reading speech on this Bill. The sensitivity about comparisons and the sensitivity which has been displayed in trying to distort what actually is provided for under this Bill, to my mind is very definitely political. To me, it can only be attributed to the fact that it is an election year and that a very definite feed-back has come to Fianna Fáil public representatives as to the recognition by the general public of the commitment and the progress that has been made by this Government in the area of social welfare. I note a more marked departure by Fianna Fáil speakers on this Bill than on previous Bills in the same area which came before this House. If I was a member of Fianna Fáil going to stand for election——

Thanks be to God the Parliamentary Secretary is not.

I endorse that. I can well understand and possibly forgive the Senator for it.

Senator Yeats spoke about the question of inflation and unemployment. He also said that, in his opinion, economic planning could not and should not be divorced from social planning. He said that in previous times this had occurred, that there had been an over-emphasis on economic planning to the exclusion of any provision for social advance in the period covered by the economic plan. He spelt out the fallacy of such a policy. I am glad he realises that and that he subscribes to the theory that there cannot be proper economic planning unless it is done in conjunction with social planning and that the two should be parallel to each other. I think it is only fair to say I find that Senator Yeats's conviction in this particular regard unique within the ranks of Fianna Fáil. Not only in this House but elsewhere, I have found a very definite lack of commitment. One could only interpret it as such by the type of approach that has been made by Fianna Fáil speakers who have, in fact called, in some cases, for a cutback in social welfare payments and in other cases for a standstill in order so that available resources could be put into economic development. I am encouraged by at least one conversion to the idea that economic planning can only take place simultaneously with social planning.

There was not a lot said that required an answer in the Bill. One or two points were raised. There was a recognition generally in the House of the value of some of the provisions in the Bill. The reduction of the pension age was welcomed and the provision for an extra £1 for old age pensioners living alone. I think this is a demand that has been made repeatedly over the years by people who are engaged in social work and I am very glad that it has now been possible to realise that aspiration, on behalf of old people, by social workers in this particular budget.

Senator Mary Robinson raised the point about the housekeeper's allowance and whether or not it would be payable to single or unmarried mothers who are out working. It is not, because the housekeeper's allowance is related and is an additional payment to unemployment benefit or assistance, or disability payment or maternity payment. It does not relate to people who would be employed but it does, of course, have the same application for both male and female recipients of appropriate benefits. The question was also raised of the reduction in the qualification for benefits.

Senator Robinson also raised the question of the reduction in the number of stamps from 52 to 26 for females to qualify for unemployment benefit. She appeared to be critical of this development. I accept that it is not all that we would wish. Naturally, we would like in one fell swoop to do away with all forms of discrimination in the social welfare code, but it is not possible to eliminate anomalies and discriminatory elements which have been built up over for a long number of years.

However, it is only fair to refer to the record regarding discrimination in the social welfare code. In 1973, when the Government came into office, there were in the Report of the Commission on the Status of Women 15 elements identified by them as forms of discrimination in the social welfare area. In the last four years 12 of these items which were identified as having discriminatory features have been dealt with by the Government. Three still remain. It is my ambition to eliminate them as soon as possible. These 15 features of discrimination in the social welfare code were not put there by Almighty God, they were put there by Members of this House and the Lower House. They were put there deliberately by Acts of the Oireachtas during Fianna Fáil Administrations. I do not mind it from Senator Robinson because her record in this respect is impeccable, but I find it a bit tiresome and, indeed hypocritical, when Fianna Fáil spokesmen talk about discrimination in the social welfare code when it is there because of their calculated and deliberate acts in putting it there through both Houses of the Oireachtas. It has taken a considerable amount of effort and money to remove 12 of the 15 forms of discrimination put there by Fianna Fáil during their period of office. Again, I accept that any form of discrimination is indefensible and unjustified. I will strive to remove the remaining three forms as soon as it is possible to do so.

I do not think there were any other points raised which require an answer. However I should like to point out that in a time of considerable economic difficulty, when nearly every nation has had to cut back their social welfare provisions, it has been possible by the Government's determination not only to maintain our social welfare payments but, as is quite obvious from any objective scrutiny of the provisions of the Bill, to marginally— I accept, marginally—improve them over and above the rate of inflation. In this Bill there are benefits in real terms to the recipients of social welfare. I hope it will be possible, in future years, not only to maintain services but to increase them in money terms and to extend the scope and coverage of our social welfare services. No matter how much has been done there is no doubt that a great deal remains to be done in this area.

Question put and agreed to.
Agreed to take remaining Stages today.
Bill put through Committee, reported without amendment, received for final consideration and passed.
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