I am glad to have this opportunity to participate in the debate on this motion and amendments concerning the New Ireland Forum. As a back-bencher, or more accurately as a sub, who participated in the deliberations of the Forum, and who regarded it as one of the most interesting and worth while experiences of my political career, I propose to look critically both at the process and at the product of the New Ireland Forum.
I should like to say at the outset that in making my contribution I share the sense of urgency, almost of desperation, voiced by many contributors to this debate. The New Ireland Forum was established to examine, and I quote "the manner in which lasting peace and stability could be achieved in a New Ireland". The very fact that it was brought into being and discharged its task, produced the report and complementary research material that it did, has introduced a new element in Anglo-Irish relations.
This element can either be positive in helping to bring about a framework for lasting peace and stability, or unhelpful in exposing the lack of political will and capacity to achieve that result. Either way, for better or for ill, the Forum will not be neutral in its impact on these islands over the coming years. That is the gravity of the responsibility on those who are seeking to bring about the framework for a further phase in the production of fruitful negotiations following the publication of the report. By acting, we have ourselves created a situation where we could, if this initiative were to fail, have worsened a very worrying situation.
I turn first to the process of the Forum. In my view, it was essentially an educative process for the politicians and people of this part of Ireland, with the valuable spinoff of being able to provide for the several different audiences outside Ireland and in Northern Ireland — a considered, up to date and, hopefully, united nationalist perspective on the manner in which lasting peace and stability could be achieved in a New Ireland. This was a very valuable educative process. It is a great pity it did not take place ten years before, or even 20 years before it did take place.
Having said that, the educative process of the Forum should not be under estimated. In all, as is indicated in the report, 317 groups or persons made written submissions to the Forum. There were 12 public sessions at which oral presentations were made by individuals or groups. The proceedings of those public sessions are also available in print. In my view, they too form an inportant part of the Forum process.
I personally tend to share the view expressed by a number of Senators that the range of contributors invited to make oral presentations to the Forum was too narrow, omitting in particular those who urged a more radical vision of a new Ireland in which more priority would be given to addressing and redressing the social inequalities and imbalances in our existing societies, both North and South. However, the printed reports of the public sessions of the Forum provide an interesting area of study. It is worth examining the areas which were particularly emphasised by those groups of individuals who came to address the Forum and then to look at the extent, if any, to which these areas and concerns were given expression in the final report of the Forum or in the accompanying research documents.
I recall that one constant theme in the written and oral submissions made by the representatives of the several Protestant Churches who made presentations to the Forum was that the Forum itself provided an unique opportunity for a critical self-examination. It provided a unique opportunity for a critical examination of the Constitution, laws and practices of the Republic. If this opportunity were taken up this would provide a very valuable contribution to establishing a basis for lasting peace and stability. However, I invite those with a fine enough toothcomb to peruse the report of the New Ireland Forum and to find those elements of constructive self-criticism which got through the political filter.
There are difficulties about perhaps being mature enough, or having the political will and sense of priority which others have, to examine and expose areas which the Forum members were invited to look at in that critical context. There are a number of other examples.
It must be difficult for the women's law and research group who participated in a public session on 17 November 1983 and also for Sylvia Meehan, the chairperson of the Employment Equality Agency who took part in a discussion on 19 January 1984, to find in the written word of the report any indication of interest in their vision and sense of priorities for a New Ireland. It is valuable to have these printed oral sessions to see the kind of questions that were put and to see the sort of answers.
The process of questioning was very valuable. This was brought out particularly in the session which received a great deal of media attention when the representatives of the Catholic Bishops came to the Forum on 9 February 1984. Apart altogether from the range of issues discussed at that session, the visible evidence, witnessing the Catholic Bishops and their representatives being questioned by politicians at the Forum, may have marked a modest beginning to a healthy separation of Church and State in Ireland. It has a very real impact on people throughout the country. Certainly I got a feedback from people throughout Ireland either in letters or in conversation months afterwards. They said how interesting it had been to hear politicians discuss issues publicly and question and not necessarily fully accept the answers given by Catholic Bishops, that this was very healthy and not before time. If we had more open debate of that kind we would create the conditions for a much healthier approach to the very separate concerns and responsibilities of Church and State in these areas.
I now turn to the product of the Forum which includes not only the report itself but, as the amendment makes it clear, the important research studies which accompanied the reports and are part of the output of the Forum. I would include in this the printed public sessions where there was the dialogue with those who made oral presentations to the Forum. The document in question has been referred to by a number of other Senators. Included are the economic studies dealing with the comparative development of the economic structure North and South, the economic consequences of division, the cost of violence and so on. It includes also the study of the legal system and the examination of certain subject areas such as those of energy, agriculture and transport.
In some cases individual members of the Forum did not have much input into the papers. These were largely the work of the consultants, also presumably, with a valuable contribution from the secretariat of the Forum, but there were others, particularly the economic studies, where members of the Forum participated actively on sub-committees and vetted the output very substantially. It is extremely valuable to have this data base which will help to ensure that discussions on the broader implications of any political development on the island of Ireland are considered and debated in a more informed framework. This is extremely important. It was one of the very strong messages that came through from one of the oral presentations from the Irish Information Partnership, as they are called, who are established in Britain and who specialise in the provision of up-to-date information and data. They emphasised the importance of having an authoritative and comprehensive data base if you are going to have the necessary understanding of the dimensions of the problems and the necessary basis on which to make progress. For that reason also, the Forum has fulfilled a valuable role. These research papers and the contribution which they made are not the political core of what is contained in the work of the New Ireland Forum. That is represented by this comparatively brief report.
I want to turn now to a consideration of the report which was published on 2 May 1984. Having had several months to reflect on the contents of this report, it is evidently both a brief and a seminal document which requires to be read and to be understood both in the context of the complexity of the issues being considered and in the novel format in which the politicians of the four political parties came together to consider these issues. It is one of the lasting tributes to the Forum that it succeeded not only in initiating but in continuing this novel process. There were moments when such might not have been possible to sustain. There were difficulties, even associated with leaks from the deliberations which were taking place in private at a very sensitive stage which were tending possibly to sufficiently rock the boat to undermine the novel process.
The verdict on the report may still be premature. It is a little early for us to be confident that we can characterise the report of the Forum in a definitive way and say that it is the most significant contribution to Anglo-Irish relations in 50 years, or it is a document which is without authority because it did not address the real problems and so on. It is very difficult to come to a final verdict on the report. The report of the New Ireland Forum is not to be dismissed, as some commentators have tended to do, as being a political Irish solution for an Irish problem. There has been a tendency to say: "What would you expect from a Forum in which the Nationalist parties were represented except the unattainable of a commitment to a united Ireland? Have they learned nothing and how is it that in 1984 politicians who did seek to address the economic, social and broader political issues came up with a preference for a unitary state and two other models which are more far-reaching than the majority in Northern Ireland and possibly the Government in Britain would be prepared to contemplate?"
The aspect of the report which requires to be understood and which may give it a peculiarly Irish quality in that sense is that it has an element about it of saying one thing in very clear terms but perhaps meaning another and of having within it nuances which are more important than the explicit statements. In other words, as a member of the Forum and in an individual capacity, I would subscribe to the view that the Forum report does require the sort of treatment which was meted out to it by Professor Kevin Boyle and Tom Hadden in a paper which they published. The title of the paper shows what the thrust of it is. They title their paper How to Read the New Ireland Forum Report searching between the Lines for a Realistic Framework for Action. That approach is very important in understanding, certainly in the context of 1984, what the significance of the Forum is — that you must search between the lines of it to get the realistic framework for action. It is not too difficult, if you adopt that approach, to find within the Forum a very open and realistic basis for political progress.
The assessment of the present problem contained in chapter 4 is qualitatively different from the assessment that has occurred from Irish sources since the Free State was established and this country was partitioned. There is much more openness to recognising the different cultural identity, the different sense of Britishness of the Unionist majority in Northern Ireland. That comes through very substantially in the assessment of the present problem. It comes through in a very far-reaching recognition of the implications of the Britishness, of the separate sense of identity and of the importance of recognising that identity.
It was an extremely important consideration for the members of the three political parties based here in this part of Ireland to hear first hand and to understand in full measure the sense of isolation, the sense of frustration and the degree of sheer pain and suffering endured down the years, right up to now and continuing among the Nationalist population in Northern Ireland. In many ways we might have thought that we understood this fully but it was not brought home to quite such an extent until we participated in this structured way in examining the extent of the problem and the total lack of expression of identity of the Nationalist population in Northern Ireland.
I say on a personal level that an extraordinary benefit of participating in the Forum process was getting to know individually much better than I did before the many members of the SDLP who participated. Their commitment to the Forum was quite extraordinary. Not only were they present in very substantial numbers at every meeting of the Forum — and it was rare for even some of the alternate members to be absent from any session of the Forum — but they were also prepared to sit for whatever hours it took, over weekends if necessary. They were very ready to mix with the representatives of the political parties from this part of the country, and did so in a way which cemented friendships and created a basis for personal meetings in the future which will make an important contribution at the personal level to better understanding by politicians in this part of the country of the situation which the people live with day by day and month by month in Northern Ireland. That is a good thing.
Where we look to read between the lines in the report is in the assessment of the present situation in chapter 4 and the framework for a new Ireland outlined in chapter 5. It is clear that certain elements of chapter 5 must be considered in this way; you have to read between the lines. Paragraph 5.2 sets out what the Forum proposes, having considered the synopsis of the realities which grows out of chapter 4. Paragraph 5.2 (2) and (3) place clear emphasis on the prerequisite that any new Ireland which the Forum seeks can come about only through agreement and must have a democratic basis. Paragraph 5.2 (3) provides that agreement means that the political arrangements for a new and sovereign Ireland will have to be freely negotiated and agreed by the people of the North and the people of the South. Therefore, you have separate contexts in which there would have to be agreement. This is a very important acknowledgement which is fundamental to the whole thrust of the report, that there must be the agreement and that, although the parties to the Forum can have a vision and a sense of priorities and can place emphasis where they wish to, as the Forum says, they alone cannot determine; it must be on the basis of entering into a dialogue and discussion. Chapter 5 places emphasis on the preference of the members of the Forum for a unitary state and paragraph 5.9 refers to the other proposals which were examined, the proposals for a federal/confederal state and for joint authority, and these are fleshed out in chapters 7 and 8. Paragraph 5.10 contains a brief but significant statement that:
The Parties in the Forum also remain open to discuss other views which may contribute to political development.
In the context of having stated so clearly that any political commitment requires the agreement of the people of the North and of the people of the South, that emphasises the significance of saying that the parties to the Forum are open to discuss other views which may contribute to political development. Let me now refer to what some of those other views might be, because obviously they are not in the report. I would like to refer to proposals in this area put forward by Professor Kevin Boyle and Dr. Tom Hadden in that paper which I have already mentioned. At page 23 of the paper they crystallise what they see as a problem about the approach adopted in the Forum in the options which it has put forward as the options it would like to have on the table. I quote from the paper:
The essential objection to each of the options which the Forum has produced is that none is likely to secure the consent of the majority community in Northern Ireland for the foreseeable future. Nor does the Forum provide any indication of how the long-standing problem of finding a form of government within Northern Ireland which will provide for the effective involvement of representatives of both communities is to be resolved. If a process of constitutional and legislative change which would help to produce peace and stability without threatening the established position of Northern Ireland within the United Kingdom can be found, there are strong pragmatic arguments for adopting that less radical approach.
The complex inter-relationships between the two parts of Ireland, Britain and the rest of the European Community can be more readily accommodated by making a number of ad hoc institutional adjustments than by attempting to start with a clean slate on which some new ideal model is to be drawn up. The objective should be to devise a programme of constitutional, legal and governmental action to provide more effectively for the long-standing interdependence of the peoples and states of Britain and Ireland rather than to build models with the traditional but outdated concepts of national independence and exclusive state sovereignty. This programme should reflect the realities of the relationships between the peoples of Britain and Ireland as a whole and the two communities within Northern Ireland on a number of different levels: (i) the recognition in practical terms of the differing identities and loyalties of the two communities within Northern Ireland; (ii) the provision of effective mechanisms for the exercise of appropriate rights by the majority and minority communities in Northern Ireland at a political level; (iii) the legal protection of both individual and communal rights within Northern Ireland and the Republic; (iv) the recognition in practical terms of the inter-relationships between the peoples of Britain and Ireland; (v) the development of formal and practical arrangements for security before, during and after the implementation of any new arrangements; (vi) the formal recognition of these new arrangements as binding international agreements.