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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 27 Feb 1986

Vol. 111 No. 10

Report of Joint Committee on Women's Rights—Social Welfare: Motion (Resumed)

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That Seanad Éireann takes note of the Joint Committee on Women's Rights Second Interim Report: Social Welfare.
—(Senator A. O'Brien.)

I do not intend to make a long or very detailed contribution to the discussion of this second report of the Joint Committee on Women's Rights, a report that deals with the problem of women's rights in regard to social welfare. Senator Andy O'Brien, on behalf of the Fine Gael group here in the Seanad, on the last occasion on which the matter was debated, made a comprehensive contribution on the subject which covered a number of the important points involved. One reason why I rise to contribute to the debate is lest it be thought that I as a member of the Joint Committee on Human Rights did not think that this particular topic was of sufficient importance for me as a member of the committee to contribute to the debate.

I have on previous occasions on which I have contributed to the debate, which we hold normally on Thursdays, on the reports of joint committees, expressed strongly the opinion that if our system of committees which has been set up during the past few years is to operate to its maximum efficiency then it is necessary not only that the committee should meet, hear evidence, discuss various matters but also that their reports should be discussed in the Houses of Oireachtas and, hopefully, that some notice will be taken of what we say so that the discussions in the Houses of the Oireachtas would initiate in appropriate areas a public debate on these matters of concern. That is the reason why the Seanad has, on my recommendation, decided to devote most of the time available on Thursdays to the discussion of these reports.

This second report by the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Women's Rights deals with a particular area of discrimination that does call for a public debate. The first report of the Joint Committee on Women's Rights dealt with the problems of education. That topic was taken up by the committee so that they could deal with the roots of the present social situation whereby there is in many areas of our life — discrimination against women. In that first report, the joint committee dealt with the problem of the stereotyping of sex roles in society that are reinforced in our educational system. In the second report that we are discussing here today, the Joint Committee on Women's Rights turned to an area in which we see the effect of such a fixation of roles of men and women in society. This was an appropriate way to go about their work.

It has been said, and I think at times with some justice that in regard to major areas of discrimination in such fields as social welfare that we tend to move when pushed as a result of the drawing up of European Community directives. If this is largely true, then this is a great pity. We should be able to look at social problems of this type, analyse what the problems are, and to act on our own account. While there are many problems regarding discrimination against women, in areas of social welfare and otherwise, which are common problems to the whole of the European Community, there are, however, a number of problems regarding discrimination against women again in the area of social welfare and in other areas, where we have particular problems in Ireland. This make it all the more necessary that these problems, including problems of social welfare, should be widely debated. The problem is part of a wider problem. Consequently, we should be debating it and debating it as part of a wider problem.

This report is a contribution by the Joint Committee on Women's Rights to the debate on the problems of discrimination in the social welfare area. It is only a contribution to that debate because it does not set out to be in any sense a comprehensive examination of this problem nor does it set out to be a working paper which can be the foundation of the full debate that is necessary. In particular it can be said that the Joint Committee on Women's Rights, in taking up at that particular time the question of social welfare, was not attempting in any way to set itself up as a rival to the Commission on Social Welfare which had been established by the Minister. The report of that commission is due very shortly. I would be glad if the Minister could give us an idea of when we may expect that report. When that report is issued there will, I hope, be a very wide public debate on this whole area. I hope there will be a substantial debate in this House and in the other House of the Oireachtas on the contents of that report. In that sense, the report of the Joint Committee on Women's Rights and this debate which we opened last week and are now continuing is a preliminary discussion of these problems. That is one of the reasons why I do not think it is necessary, following the substantial contribution of Senator A. O'Brien on behalf of the Fine Gael group last week, to go into any great detail. There are, however, a number of points I would like to touch on because I think they are points of particular importance. I mention them now as an acting of flagging them as points which should be taken into account along with a number of other points when the substantial and comprehensive debate takes place. I would like to draw attention of Senators and of anyone else who pays attention to what we say here in this debate to these points.

First, I would like to make a general point. There is no doubt that every Member of this House and every party to which Members of this House may adhere, would like to see substantially greater expenditure on social welfare, substantially greater expenditure which would remove the discrimination against women compared to men in our present social welfare code. It would be a pity if the debate in regard to these matters, in particular in the substantial debate which will follow the report of the Commission on Social Welfare, were to consist only of contributions by those who at present do not have the responsibility of raising the money necessary for additional expenditure were to argue for an increased expenditure and contributions by those who are supporters of the Government who have the present responsibility for raising the money that is necessary explaining why this is not possible at the moment.

We should take the opportunity of this report of the Joint Committee of Women's Rights, take the opportunity of the report on the Commission on Social Welfare to deal with the problem as a whole, to try to reach a consensus first about what needs to be done in its totality and entirely, to separate what are the particular areas of priority which bear particularly hard on certain classes of women and to treat those questions while not ignoring the question that if we are to do many things we have to spend money in a number of areas.

There are quite a few areas, which even in the short term, perhaps even before the report of the Commission of Social Welfare comes out, that could be done in order to ease this matter. I would direct the attention of Senators and those interested to a number of important points that are raised in this report by the Joint Committee on Women's Rights. For example, I would like to draw their attention to section 2, on pages 8-10 of the report dealing with the question of women in the home. There is a tendency when we start to discuss questions of discrimination against women in social welfare to think only of the problems of the women who are in employment. While there are a large number of problems involving discrimination of various degrees of seriousness against women in employment, there are also a number of points in regard to the women in the home whether the woman is a housewife, whether the woman is living alone or is a woman who is supporting or looking after a parent, or, indeed, has spent most of her life looking after a parent and is now left alone. It is an area of commendation in regard to this report that this question has been dealt with in a section of its own and has been brought into the forefront of the picture. This is something that has got to be faced as part of the larger problem.

I would like to direct attention to what is said in this report in regard to the question of deserted wives. There are a number of areas here in which immediate action could be taken. For example, the report does mention in section 3.7 on page 14 the manner in which the question of deserted wives is dealt with by the Department of Social Welfare. Indeed, the joint committee goes as far in section 3.7 as saying that such is our social situation today that the term "deserted wife" is used as a derogatory term and is used in a demeaning way. Of course, it is easy to say that this has happened, that if possible we should replace the term, but it is not so easy to find a substitute. The report mentions the use of the term "abandoned spouse" being more acceptable but I am not entirely convinced that this is a happy solution but at least it would be an improvement. The report goes on to mention the practice of having the letters DW printed on the front of envelopes issuing from the Department of Social Welfare. It goes on to express the views that this particular practice is an infringement of woman's right to privacy in regard to her domestic affairs and that it is something that should cease forthwith. I would like to ask the Minister if this practice is still continuing after the issuing of this report and, if so, whether steps could not be taken to end it. The desertion of a wife — or, indeed, the desertion of any spouse, because the report is at pains to point out that we do have a problem of deserted husbands, though it is not as large a magnitude as that of deserted wives raises a number of problems in relation to social welfare. Of course, the tragedy and trauma of desertion arise whether it is the wife or the husband who has been deserted.

There are a number of points mentioned here in the report of the joint committee in which the practices of the Department of Social Welfare appear unnecessarily to aggravate the anxieties, the difficulties of that particular situation. It would seem that some of the requirements that are presently imposed in regard to the question of whether the abandoned spouse has made sufficient effort to trace the spouse who has deserted, however well intentioned they are in theory, in practice they do intensify the difficulties of the particular individual. Even where the desertion has been established there are difficulties in regard to maintenance. While this is often a matter not for the Department of Social Welfare but for the courts, many social workers have indicated that in fact there should be a co-ordination of the question of court orders for maintenance and social welfare payments which would ease greatly the burden on the abandoned spouse.

These are some of the points to which I would draw attention in this brief intervention. There are a number of others. There is the point of discriminating questions as between men and women during applications for social welfare. It seems to be not necessarily inherent in the present regulations of social welfare but it does appear to occur on a number of occasions. I think it does need really active attempts by the Department of Social Welfare to ensure that discriminatory questioning does not occur. With our whole social background, with our whole distortion of the equal rights of men and women which are inherent in our society, it is inevitable that those who have been born into such a system, reared in such a system, educated in the system which, as the first report of the Joint Committee on Women's Rights pointed out, reinforces these stereotype ideas, would tend to reflect this attitude. Unless great care is taken, questioning will be discriminatory because if people who are asking those questions have been educated, have been reared and lived in a society in which the discrimination is taken for granted, it is not just necessary that people should be people of fairness and goodwill because, as we all know, it takes real effort to overcome the prejudices we have lived with for a number of years. This report is a preliminary contribution to a wider debate. I hope it will not be too long, and I hope the Minister can assure us it will not be too long, until we receive the report of the Commission on Social Welfare.

I believe that as a preliminary contribution to the general debate, this report of the Joint Committee on Women's Rights has touched on a number of important points. I hope, indeed, by doing so they will have ensured that none of these points is forgotten by the Commission on Social Welfare in their deliberations. I hope, indeed, that even a number of the points raised in this report we are considering today may no longer be a problem by the time the Commission on Social Welfare reports because the Minister will have already acted upon them.

The Joint Committee on Women's Rights have done a good job in bringing forward this report. In this area our system of setting up committees is working. I would like to say, as Leader of this House, that I am grateful, not just to the Members of the Seanad who have served on that committee but also to the Members of the Seanad, some of them members of the committee, others not members of the committee, who have taken part in this discussion.

The problem this report deals with is a huge one. It is one on which we must work continually in the interest of remedying the inherent injustices that our generation have found in the social system in this regard. As I have said repeatedly throughout my contribution, while it is not the last word on the subject, it has given an impetus to a debate which I hope will grow and achieve real social reform.

What can be said with certainty is that the social welfare code is riddled with anomalies of one type or another. Senator Dooge referred to the injustices that abound in the system. All of us will agree with that and hope that that will end as soon as possible. We all know that there are many categories of benefit within the social welfare code. It is an almost impossible task for any joint committee to go through them in great detail, analyse them and bring forward a report. That is why the committee were wise to decide, as they stated in their report, that this was not an in-depth study and confined their report to written submissions they received from individuals or groups who asked to meet them in regard to various problems they were concerned about. The committee wisely decided on that approach at this time and maybe in the future another report will deal with this problem. Obviously, that too would be welcome.

There are many women totally dependent on the social welfare system. As we all know, poverty has been with us for many years. It is, regretfully, in far too many areas. We have a new poor in the country, people who a few years ago never dreamed that they would be on social welfare. Those people were happy in positions in industries, shops and so on right across the country, enjoying their work and earning good money. That has changed and they find themselves the new poor in receipt of social welfare benefits.

As Senator Dooge said, there are many problems in this area and they must be tackled as soon as possible. I found many points in the report that I would, obviously, agree with, some, perhaps, not totally, but on balance I would agree with most of them. Certainly, I was pleased that in the early stages of the report the joint committee recognised the role of the women at home, whether as a housewife, as a mother, as a single person living alone, or, indeed, caring for an aged relative. I am delighted that that should be the first group they referred to. The benefits paid to women who stay at home could be improved and there should be an improvement. I accept that in a recent budget there was an extension of dental and optical benefits to all women who choose to remain at home. I am not saying that that was the answer to all the problems, but it was a start. The benefits of the 1985 budget were a start at least. There should be wider application to all women — the 1985 benefit applies to pregnant women who stay at home.

The report also refers to the prescribed relative allowance payable to an incapacitated pensioner who is receiving full time care and attention from a prescribed relative. The committee made the point that many groups indicated that this allowance should be paid to the person taking care of such people. The joint committee examined this matter and expressed the opinion that the requirement that the prescribed relative must not be a married person should be re-examined by the Department of Social Welfare. That is something that should be examined. I support the views of the committee totally. In some cases, as we know, the most suitable person available to act as a carer is a married person. A more flexible and realistic attitude should be taken in regard to this matter. This is something the Council for the Aged in their reports referred to. I am sure that they support this suggestion.

I support the view that a concession such as this would be seen as a way of encouraging people to care for old people in their home environment as distinct from institutional care. Having read the report on the institutional care of the aged by the Council for the Aged I feel this is something that would be desirable. Obviously, if people have to have institutional care it would be far more costly on the State. That recommendation is very worthy of consideration and one I would hope the Government, and the

Department of Social Welfare, will see as an improvement in this area.

There has, as we all know, been a dramatic increase, regrettably, in the number of deserted wives. The allowance paid to such people is a factor that such a committee would have to deal with. Most, if not all, deserted wives now find that they must look to the Department of Social Welfare for their finance and their most basic needs. We all know that for a deserted wife such a situation may be very traumatic. The severity of it may vary from one person to another but nobody can really understand except the actual deserted wife. It is a time when friends, parents and the State should endeavour to give all the encouragement and comfort possible. There is a greater awareness about this problem. The report indicates that it is an area that should be examined in much greater detail and suggests that radical changes may be necessary. I support that view. Where a husband is erratic in his payments or they cease, the Government, and the authorities generally, should be stronger in their endeavours to get them paid. Husbands have obligations to their deserted wives and their children. If they become erratic in their payments or if they cease altogether stronger action should be taken by the Department of Social Welfare. This should be pursued.

I am pleased that the report also dealt with the fact that whilst the majority of desertions are by husbands, the reverse can also occur. The report suggests that in that case an allowance should be paid to a deserted husband. Obviously, in that regard it appears that there is some discrimination. The report goes into great detail about many matters. For example, it deals with the question of the maternity services. Obviously, pregnancy for any woman is a very worrying and expensive time, for lowly paid workers in particular. There is a very strong case to be made in regard to existing maternity payments, particularly where the income of the family is not very high, to improve the benefit considerably to help to meet the requirements of today.

The fact that maternity benefit is paid to insured workers only is another example of discrimination against the woman in the home. The joint committee were correct in highlighting this point and in recommending an extension of this maternity payment to all women, regardless of their insured or uninsured status. At a time when we have so much emphasis by the media on unhappy marriages and breakdowns in marriage I was pleased that the joint committee reported that the majority of marriages here are very happy ones where the partners are happy and united and rearing their families. We all know this and we should highlight it at every opportunity. By far the majority of our marriages are happy and united ones.

The problem of older women was referred to in the report. Many of them, as we all know, exist on very meagre pensions, as the report indicates. Their incomes are quite low. Charitable organisations and groups, such as the Society of St. Vincent de Paul are often called on to supplement their incomes. The most vulnerable section of our people must be the older women living alone. They should be looked after in a more positive and realistic way. We should do everything possible to make their lives less lonely. Obviously, a neighbourhood concern would be far more important than any State involvement. A combination of both should be aimed at.

The report also dealt with the question of social welfare payments and the long delays that occur. When he met that committee the secretary of the Department of Social Welfare admitted that delays were inevitable because of staff problems. We all hope that with computerisation and so on people will be paid on a certain day — particularly the old. Those on social welfare tend to be the very poor and they should not be left without their benefits one hour longer than necessary. We should aim to eliminate any delays. There is a very strong case for greater decentralisation. I would have imagined that with all the problems that exist in the Department of Social Welfare it was one area where decentralisation would be of major benefit. I suggest that this be looked at.

The report also indicates — this was referred to by many people in written submissions — the substandard buildings that applicants have to visit. I would welcome any improvement in this area. It would be a costly exercise but many of our buildings or exchanges are sub-standard and temporary. It is almost impossible for the staff to provide an efficient service to the public, those who are in receipt of social welfare benefits.

The appeal system was referred to in the report. There is a lot of concern in this area. Many people feel it is not an appeal system because one deals with another official in the Department of Social Welfare. The idea of appointing an independent appeals officer or an independent arbitrator should be examined.

Bearing in mind that many social welfare recipients did not receive a high level of education and have difficulty in filling up forms, in reading them or looking for their rights, greater effort should be made to make the forms as simple as possible. I should like to refer to an amazing but true incident that occurred when I was canvassing in a by-election in Dublin west some years ago. At a particular door I asked a lady for a vote for Eileen Lemass and the lady replied that she would not vote for Eileen Lemass. Naturally, I was interested and concerned. I asked why she would not vote for Eileen and she said: "She took away my social welfare benefit". I said that seemed strange to me, that the opposite might be the case in that she might be trying to help if it was removed. The lady said she had the letter about the matter in the house. I asked the lady to show me the letter. The lady brought out the letter to me and pointed to "Mise le meas". She believed it was Eileen Lemass who took away her social welfare benefit. I told that sad story to illustrate that there are many people who find social welfare forms difficult to comprehend. I would welcome any effort to make them easier to understand.

As I said at the outset the committee did not set out to do a very in-depth study of the problem. Had they done so the report would not be available yet but it represents an attempt nonetheless to highlight the problems that exist for many women in the social welfare area.

I should like to congratulate the committee on their great work. Hopefully, it will be the first of other reports in this area. It was a very important report and the subject matter was dealt with in a very responsible way. The wording of the report is simple and clear. I hope it evokes reasoned discussion among the people involved in the area of social welfare. I hope the social welfare code becomes a more efficient and streamlined system to the benefit of the people who are in receipt of social welfare payments. Unfortunately, they happen to be the least favoured sections of the community. As Senator Dooge said, this is a huge problem that we will have to tackle as soon as possible. There are anomalies in the system and injustices abound. Hopefully, in time and with money the problems of social welfare generally will be resolved to the benefit of those who are in receipt of benefits.

I should like to join with Senators Dooge and Fallon, and other Senators, in congratulating the committee on producing this very fine report, their second interim report on social welfare. The report has the merit of great clarity. It has to be taken in the context of a wider debate that is going on now about the structure of social welfare. This report, which quite economically limited its concern to a number of issues, should be read along with five reports which are in existence from the National Economic and Social Council and which deal with specific areas of social policy, including the eighties and beyond.

As a member of the committee with Senator Dooge, if I was thinking about it again, even in an interim report I would have included a section on the media. I am very conscious that at present there is a derived, borrowed and very pedestrian, ugly type of attack being mounted on recipients of social welfare and very specifically within the form of that attack, on women who are the recipients of different kinds of social welfare benefit. Perhaps, one of the most disgraceful attacks was published recently in one of our daily newspapers. I have always asked politicians to be specific as to which kind of politics they are directing their anger at and I have recently decided to become very specific when I direct my own criticisms at the media. I am referring very specifically to what I would call a very tendentious article written in the Irish Independent just a couple of weeks ago under the authorship of Justine McCarthy in which she practically alleged that we were at crisis point in relation to social welfare abuses. I read this with considerable alarm.

Newspapers have an obligation to concern themselves with abuses in State expenditure. Equally, they have the obligation to concern themselves with recipients who are not getting what is their due. This committee, when considering the material for their report, looked at women who were waiting for qualification for desertion, having to wait three months, having to show that they had made reasonable effort to trace their husband, trace his means and so forth. Behind that was the assumption that the State should not become involved if the private market place or family resources were there to assist the women. There is built into that a conception of the woman's position in relation to access to the law which is totally unrealistic.

Therefore, the choice facing the media in present circumstances, where it is costing £2.5 billion a year in social welfare, where it is 25 per cent of Government spending and where it is 14 per cent of GNP, is to concern themselves with the accurate expenditure across the different heads. It is equally their responsibility to address the whole question of the philosophy that lies behind social welfare. If one believes in a basic need philosophy then it will be reflected in one's social welfare code. If one believes as paragraph 43 lays it out, that these levels of expenditure are very high, and say that one wants to pay what the State can bear, that is a different philosophy. If one is going to say, therefore, that one is going to relate it to working performance through life that is, in turn, another philosophy. If one is going to say that one is going to pay sufficient below the living wage and living conditions so as to make it some form of poor law relief, that is, in turn, another philosophy.

I believe we in the Houses of the Oireachtas should debate these issues. For example, do we say that our social welfare code has to hold up because it is addressed to a set of needs in terms of economic hardship as well as in terms of economic growth? That is a very brave commitment by a Government. I applaud Governments who do that. The Coalition Government, despite many criticisms I and others have made of them, have preserved and slightly improved in a number of categories, the position of those on social welfare.

I cannot sufficiently describe my own outrage at people without substantial research making statements about levels of fraud per minute, per hour, per day as was reported in the article to which I made reference. The suggestion was made that couples are widely arranging desertions so as to qualify for abuse. I should like to make a point to the Minister of State because it affects his Department directly. Employees of the Department of Social Welfare were quoted in the article to which I made reference. I hope that he will, when he comments indicate some procedures by which the veracity of the comments uttered will be tested. They should be tested. Either the statements of the Minister for Social Welfare in the Dáil are correct or the interviews are correct.

What is taking place is very political. I want pinned down this question of the forms of social welfare abuse. I also want some calculation made on average as to those who are entitled to social welfare benefits. I must require that there be some procedure set in motion to establish the veracity of one set of figures or another. If it is not done, what will happen is very simple. The polls conducted among the public — like Michael Harrington's recent book on the new poor in the United States — draw two distinctions between two things, the poor who are regarded as good and those on welfare who are regarded as suspect. We are on the verge of a similar abyss in relation to our attitude to those who are in need.

Sitting suspended at 1 p.m. and resumed at 2 p.m.

Before lunch I had spoken about the distinction between welfare and poverty and I had said that there was a growing tendency in this country to borrow from the moral campaign that is being waged against those on welfare — for example, in the United States — as opposed to those who are poor. I had made reference to a very specific article by a journalist in the Irish Independent. I would like to give the exact reference now. The article to which I was referring was entitled “Time to burn fingers that steal from the welfare till — a special investigation by Justine McCarthy” on page 8 of the Irish Independent for Friday, 7 February 1986. I would like to make very clear what I had in mind when I deliberately suggested that it was necessary for the Minister and the Minister for State to establish with accuracy the degree to which there was fraud going on in the social welfare system.

First of all, I want to amplify that now, lest there be any doubt whatsoever about it. I said there was a wide divergence between the figures given on record in Dáil Éireann and the figures given on interview and as reported in the papers. My function here, as a Member of the House elected by the graduates of the Senate of the NUI, is to ensure that the public interest is served by establishing the veracity of either one figure or the other.

I want to equally say that the tone of the article suggests that those who question the thinking that there is widespread fraud going on are somehow or another involved in public service bashing. Having spoken last for an hour and a half to a great extent about the public service, I am one of those who cannot be accused of public service bashing. I want to go much further than that. I believe in relation to the implementation of the recommendations of this report — I will come back to them in detail in a moment — that they cannot be fulfilled unless the employment shortfall in the Department of Social Welfare is met and met immediately.

I would urge the Minister, and the Minister for State, to seek from Cabinet, approval for the posts that have already been listed. I would go further than that and say that if one accepts the figures — let us say, 25 per cent of Government spending and 14 per cent of GNP — these figures do not really influence me — and if you look at expansion and the number of individuals and families who are dependent on social welfare, there is an enormous expansion in the volume of material with which the public service in this section have to deal. Therefore, there is an extraordinary case to be made for increase in staff numbers. I would add my voice to those who demand that this be filled. If those numbers are filled, I believe that we will not have this emotional confrontation, which is divisive, wrong and backward-looking. Perhaps one person in 50 is defrauding the system — and I only offer this as a notional point and I am involved in statistics all my adult life to such an extent that one of the earliest things I remember as a student at the university was being told never to use a figure unless one could declare a source for it. This piece of lurid press on Friday, 7 February 1986 had this to say:

Social welfare fraud is costing the taxpayer £347 a minute and the bill is growing by the day.

There is no basis for this figure. I believe it should be corrected by the Department of Social Welfare. It cannot be correct unless the difference between the two statements that I have mentioned earlier are established and unless they are resolved.

There is another phrase. It reads:

Today, literally thousands and thousands of the capital's citizens are suspected of defrauding the State, as are countless numbers of their country cousins.

And women, it seems, are the prime offenders.

Duplicated children's allowance books and dishonesty in claiming unmarried mothers', deserted wifes' or disability allowances and benefit as well as third-level students signing on for the dole are amongst the most simple methods of swindling for women.

We are discussing women in the social welfare system. Unless that statement is quantified, or unless it is withdrawn, it is a disgraceful slur on those who are in receipt of State moneys. These are women who are listed, whether they are students or women living alone, unmarried mothers or deserted wives. I make another point which I suspect will not be widely reported. It is on occasions like this that I wish a press council had been established from the ranks of the journalistic profession to handle the question of the collapsed standards that are evidenced in this case. It is absolutely irresponsible to print material like this without giving source or substance for it. I can tell the House how it comes to be printed. If one follows McGreil's findings on prejudice and tolerance in Ireland and relate them to the other miscellaneous surveys on attitudes of the Irish towards poverty and welfare one will find a number of things coming out of them. The Irish believe that one should be compassionate towards the poor. They are high on compassion. They believe equally, as it is put in the EC survey, that one is poor through bad luck, drunkenness, laziness, and so on. They are low on justice. In McGreil's study on prejudice and tolerance in Ireland it was found that people wanted to be more tolerant to the poor, but felt that people on social welfare were on social welfare through bad luck and other factors.

The recipients of social welfare are a target group in times of reaction and in times of economic depression. It sells newspapers to fan the prejudices of those who have against those who have not. This is not a random article. It is, I suspect, an article written under marketing instructions from the Irish Independent. It is just like the one earlier in relation to crimes against the elderly.

I have also been involved in criminology for a long time. May I ask a question now? Are the elderly now not as much at risk as they were a year ago? That moral panic is over. It is time for another moral panic so one ransacks the surveys and finds that there is public concern about this subject and one wheels in the journalists who allow their own standards — professional, ethical and personal — to sink to the level of producing unsubstantiated rubbish like this, directed against the vulnerable who cannot defend themselves. That is what we are dealing with in these terms.

The article in the Irish Independent continues:

The scandal of full time third-level students collecting their weekly dole was also discussed

— at a particular meeting to which it gives the reference. The report states:

Rumour has it that, at one stage, an entire class in UCC used to leave the Cork city campus every Wednesday to go and collect their dole, which can amount to £32.75 in the short term.

I know many fine people in the press and if they wrote a story like that and offered it to an editor in the days when I knew about journalistic standards, the editor would say: "Check the story before we run it", but now in the times in which we live the attitude is: "Print the rumour, whether it is true or not". The onus is on the people who print this material to check facts. The onus is on UCC to deny this story or confirm it. The onus is on the Department to deny or confirm it. I emphasise that I am against fraud in the social welfare system. I am against every abuse because it limits what can go to those in genuine need. I am in favour of all those in the public who seek to eliminate it. I support all those in the public service who are seeking to eliminate it. I want more of them. I am supporting the demand for more staff in the Department of Social Welfare. This is a very dangerous tendency in Irish society and it is directed against those who are the weakest.

I am very sorry that reference is also made to members of the public service who gave evidence before different committees and who said they felt they had been attacked. I am sorry that is the case, because nothing is to be gained by politicians attacking the public service in this way. If the public service is overworked we should regard it as our responsibility. The buck stops in the Houses of the Oireachtas. We are responsible for the volume of the social welfare. We are responsible for the manner in which it is delivered and in that case there are a number of specific proposals which are very important. What we do not need is a confrontation based on the idea that more staff are justified, only on the basis of eliminating fraud. More staff are justified on the basis of providing a better service to those who, through no fault of their own, are now unemployed.

What about somebody who is moving from unemployment benefit to unemployment assistance, or moving from the higher level of payment to a long term benefit and who is, for example, at the end of his or her forties and who has a family? That person can look forward to unemployment for the rest of his or her life. It is terribly important within the Houses of the Oireachtas that that person can go into a physical setting which will be modern and which will not be further degrading. That is referred to in the report. The physical setting of the exchanges is referred to. There are many new and important developments taking place. The new buildings are good. They have booths for privacy. I visited these buildings. Many more buildings are a scandal and a disgrace and that reflects a lot of prejudices against those on the "welfare". The Irish Independent makes reference to this subject. On Page 8 of the Irish Independent of 7 February 1986 it is stated:

Abuses of the system are almost necessary evils of social welfare, and if we want a welfare state, we must accept the odd case of fraud.

Here ignorance is betrayed. We do not have a welfare state because it was opposed both by private and clerical interests in this country from the day and word was born in neighbouring, pagan Britain. The Irish who were reactionary and right used go around talking about the women with the two sets of false teeth and the three sets of spectacles and how they were more pure because they gave people neither teeth nor spectacles, an attitude that the Irish Independent would no doubt like to see accepted in Ireland today. It goes on to say:

But when it becomes such a drain that it is sucking £347 out of the national purse every minute, or £500,000, a day it's more than time plug the leak.

There is no basis for this figure. It was just plucked out of the air. It was printed into a paper that boasts of its circulation on page 1, and will, no doubt, go into many homes. We will see whether or not the other members of the journalistic profession will stand by that kind of disgraceful behaviour against the poor.

Senator Higgins, I have allowed you fair latitude and if you should come back more specifically to the report.

I am glad that the Chairman interprets his duties with such philosophic tolerance. I am a member of the Committee on Women's Rights. I locate some of these general considerations now specifically in the report. First of all, in relation to women in the home, a great deal has been said already. There is no doubt whatever that, in the structure of the prescribed relative allowance, this is an allowance which always involved women—or nearly always. When people spoke about somebody moving from institutionalised settings of care to be in the home, or somebody who wanted to avoid institutionalisation, they were nearly always talking about a woman. I am very glad that attention has been drawn to the need to remove qualifications where they hinder genuine cases of care being offered, for example, the one in relation to marriage and the others in relation to other adults.

Then there is the question of what constituted living alone and so on.

Here may I say something which relates to my previous remarks and it is this: I believe that the shortfall in staff in the Department of Social Welfare and the manner of interpretation of the social welfare laws have resulted in people under pressure having to interpret — very often categorically — certain guidelines that are laid down. There are two opinions in this report and at points they are almost contradictory. At one stage the report argues for standardisation of criteria for the allocation of benefits, and on the other it records that individual members made the point that there was some discretion exercised by welfare officers, often to the great benefit of individual cases. I tend towards the latter viewpoint. I have every confidence in people who exercise discretion, and I do not think that it would be abused. But in order for it to be implemented you need to allow the interpreting officer a sufficient amount of time and convenience to be able to come to a particular decision. You cannot do it when the system is overloaded as it is, both by the expansion of the volume of recipients under particular headings and also by an increased appellate procedures and so forth.

Therefore, I think we should move towards a more flexible interpretation of the rules. I have already said that reports like this should be read together with the more recently published reports on social policy, particularly Social Policy Beyond the Eighties, which was published by the National Economic and Social Council. All of these social policy reports of the NESC, which are relevant as background to this report, come to the same conclusion: that social welfare and social policy in Ireland, as it exists, is something that has grown up rather in an aggravated fashion rather than in terms of a clear policy perspective that is being pursued. The time has come, particularly as we run up towards the publication of the major review of social welfare law and practices, to ask the question as to what philosophy and policy should guide actions and policies.

In relation to the deserted wifes' allowance, I am very glad that this is being published. I might say that, if I have been hard on the media here, I want to address some remarks now to my colleagues in Oireachtas Éireann, particularly those irresponsible ones who are suggesting that people are practically pushing their partners out the door so as to qualify for the deserted wifes' allowance. We have had the ears nearly blown off ourselves by the small number of people who, in a very voluble way, have made monstrous allegations against an entire category of people. Desertion is a dreadful experience, whether it happens to a male or female spouse. In relation to desertion, I have handled several cases of people who have come to my clinic — and I want to explain what exactly takes place — and handed me a letter. I am not speaking of the last 12 months; I am only looking at cases that are older than that and perhaps the system has changed. On the outside of the envelope which delivered the cheque were the code letters "DW". The postman would know very clearly that he was delivering a deserted wifes' allowance piece of correspondence. Equally, I have had cases of women who had to come and say that they were defending themselves now against allegations of neighbours with whom they had a row and who had maliciously suggested that they were cohabiting with other people and so forth. It went on and on. The same thing used to arise in relation to the unmarried mother's allowance. One would have to establish who was a guest for a couple of hours, who had stayed overnight, who was a relative and so on. Why does this happen?

We all know we are back to the problem of waste. Is it not an equal problem or even a greater one that we should, in fact, be treating women in a way that compromises their dignity and that emphasises the dilemma into which they have been plunged because of circumstances over which they have no choice? I think that that is by far the greater problem.

I mentioned earlier the question of the actual qualifications for deserted wife's allowance. There are two qualifications that are quite difficult. They occasion extraordinary difficulty for the woman involved, or for the man involved when we are talking about a deserted husband. There is the business of allowing three months to elapse in order to establish the fact of desertion. The immediate three months after the husband or wife has gone is possibly often the most traumatic for the partner. I had one case in the last two months in which a woman, who was married to an unemployed man who was drawing benefit, was deserted. He left, and she had to temporarily leave her job because of the new situation that had arisen in relation to her five children. I posted a form to her, telling her she had to wait three months and I thought that asking someone to wait in her circumstances was a very cold action. Equally, in relation to the payment of allowances, the assumption that the women can have such a relationship to her legal entitlements, to the legal process and to the whole civil and legal system that she is able to initiate proceedings instantly and have them exhausted, so that she can come back and present herself to the State, these having been exhausted, is an unreasonable burden to place on an individual recipient.

It is very strongly arguable that this is something which should be borne by the State. The report adverts to this. It equally adverts to the problem of the whole question of deserted husbands. I think that this is a reality that has not often been faced. It is often even more difficult for a male spouse to come forward and acknowledge the fact that his partner has left. We need to examine the code in this regard. It is clearly discriminatory not to make allowance for deserted male heads of households as well. If one is interested in trying to retain a sufficient income to meet the basic needs of the units that are left within the family, then the fact is that, irrespective of who leaves, one is talking about a household under pressure, a household experiencing difficulties.

A related point as to the balance of the qualification between males and females arises in the discussion in the report on the question of family leave at the time of the birth of a child. The concept of family leave is the better one because there is no doubt whatsoever that it is in everybody's interest that there should be procedures available for paternity leave. It is important both for the mother, not only psychologically but on social grounds, and on the grounds of the welfare of the child, that this would be made possible. The relationship between father and child could be enormously facilitated. It would lead to better and deeper emotional and affectional relationships later on if this was facilitated.

At times everybody is speaking with great depression about many things in our society and country; but there is evidence from the research that is being carried out that there is an enormous difference between those who are married now under the age of 40 and those over the age of 40 so far as the taking of roles in relation to child-rearing is concerned. It is a welcome development that fathers are more involved now in a wider range of tasks associated with child-rearing and involved in the rearing of their children to a far greater degree than were their elders. This is a welcome development, and I think we as a society, will reap the benefits of it. We should facilitate this by accepting the concept of paternity leave. I prefer the notion, in so far as one looks forward to a day of more equal involvement in the work force and a better balance of work opportunities between males and females, to the concept of family leave. That point is a very valuable one within the report.

A point has been made and made well about the continuing question of maternity leave. We are back again to some of the preliminary points that are made on page 18 (5) (paragraph 3.4) of the report:

The fact that maternity benefit is paid to insured workers only raises many questions relating to child rearing and it is another example of discrimination levelled against the woman in the home. The Joint Committee recommends the extension of maternity payment to all women regardless of their "insured" or "uninsured" status.

This is the nub of what I was saying earlier. Of the four models I have presented of social policy, if you believe in an insurance one, that is what you have. If you believe that child rearing is the need to which you are addressing your social policy, then you will not allow or accept the insurance thing as a disqualification. In the specifics of the report and the recommendations which are being made, you are running headlong into social policy choices that have not been made, for example, between insurance and needs and so forth.

I need not delay on this matter because it is so self-evidently true that the section dealing with the presence of parents and particularly fathers in hospitals at times of catering for women and children is something that is long overdue. One could be so cynical as to wonder how many males were battering to get into the hospitals where their women and children were. I know that at the level of the Department of Health and Social Welfare there is a positive orientation in this regard. That is very welcome. When policy changes are made in this regard in the actual administration of wards in hospitals, older attitudes may frustrate the actual delivery of the changed orientation. Many males still experience difficulty in securing accommodation when it is important.

In relation to older women, there is a general point and a specific point. An analysis of statistics on poverty shows that instead of the poor — and this is something that people forget — being a homogeneous entity that moves through the lifecycle from one moment of time to another, they may be out of the poverty statistics. When the greatest burden of the lifecycle intervenes they sink into the poverty statistics. When their family leave they are out of them again. In turn, when their pensions are inadequate they sink again into the poverty statistics. Women move in and out of poverty during their lifecycle and we are asked to give attention to the high probability of older women being present among the poverty statistics in the last phase of their lifecycle. It is a matter that we must examine in terms of age, qualification, range of benefits, level of benefits and so forth.

There is a very specific recommendation in relation to the widows of older men, that is, where a widow has been entitled to some benefit contingent on the fact that she is married to a man over a pensionable age. It seems very harsh that a woman who had been entitled to free travel or electricity while her husband was alive — a man for whom she had cared, who was older than herself — is disqualified from benefits which they jointly had consumed together. One might argue that their living together should be more important than the fact that, he being gone, restored her magically to a certain kind of person below a qualifying age. In that regard there is a very strong case, indeed. No doubt, there will be members of the new right suggesting that there will be younger women marrying older men so that they will die off and they will get free electricity for the rest of their lives. I confidently expect that one to surface in the Irish Independent one day as well.

There are sections and specific recommendations in relation to the living alone allowance. These definitely should be modified. There is one very cogent point made concerning a person who is visited on a regular basis at night time for many reasons. Again the great insecurity of older people is more apparent than real. After the last two years the mental security of many elderly people has been damaged by the total inflation of danger that is directed against them. There are real dangers and crimes, but their perception of them and their fears are grossly over the actual level of reality. I have very few specific points to make because they have all been well covered and the report speaks for itself.

There is the problem still — and I am sorry to say this is a residual legacy of older attitudes from older times — in relation to unemployment benefit and unemployment assistance. I am not convinced that there is an equality of questioning going on in relation to availability for work, care of children and so on. I have never yet met a man who was asked the question: "Who is going to look after the children?" On the other hand I have met dozens of women who have had this question put to them and as recently as a few months ago. I worry about it because the will is there but the actual implementation of it on the ground is more difficult. If the mood of the public becomes reactionary and is not countered by those of us who are in public life, then the burden will fall on those who administer the various services to appear to be concentrating the major portion of their efforts in the public interest on eliminating as many people as possible. That is not what they want to do. From the statements by different unions, I understand that they want to implement a fair and balanced system. I want that too and I want to save them, despite the activities of some of their individual spokespersons, from reactionary interpretation of their work in the public interest.

The Committee took the view that in relation to the discretionary powers of local welfare officers a great deal of time, money and effort could be saved by possibly decentralising decision making. Let me just say a word about that. If the Irish public service is highly centralised in relation to decision making — I am not in the public service so I can say this — it is also among the most autocratic and the most hierarchical. As one follows up through the system, one gets more and more decisions centralised on individuals and those individuals, in turn, are exercising those decision making powers within a hierarchical structure often in an autocratic way. There is not a developed tradition of allowing people down through the grades, in the interface with the public, discretionary powers without the fear that they will be rapped afterwards for having exceeded their discretion. One of the most fundamental reforms needed in the public service is that we should have confidence in the people we recruit, particularly those dealing with the public and that they should have discretionary powers. In relation to the different qualifications and appeals I would have no difficulty in strongly urging the case made in the report for the decentralisation of decision making.

On the question of accommodation I note that much progress has been made in this regard. It is welcome.

Recently I wrote to the Minister of State about women queueing in the rain outside the unemployment exchange in Galway. Conditions are in the throes of being improved and I welcome that. A typical response to this one which is straight from the textbook on how to slay politicians is that it they balanced their appearances across the week and across the day there would not be any problem; there would, indeed, be space and ample accommodation inside. The problem is that the majority of them come on the same day and at the same time. The idea is that you should somehow or other get people to stagger themselves into coming at different times of the week. One cannot realistically think like that in relation to the demand on consumption of social welfare services.

In this regard perhaps I could make a point to the Minister because it is one on which I have been in correspondence with him. One area of research in relation to social policy and the administration of the benefits referred to in this report, where we might be able to improve things, is this. Many people are studying at a macro-economic and at a macro-social level, the whole question of transfers to the social welfare side. What is missing in Ireland and is only thinly developed in Britain are studies from the consumer side of the social services. What is the experience of the unemployed person in search of work through the State agencies? How does this differ — or is it the same — from a person with skills who is selling them through a manpower agency? What is the experience in turn of those who are going to a private manpower service of some kind? One could do the same thing in relation to housing and in relation to any one of these benefits. It would be immensely valuable in the run-up towards the revision of the substantial social welfare code if such evidence, drawing on the experience of those who consumed the services, were available. That would be very valuable.

There is another point I should refer to because it was one that was represented to me on more than one occasion. Among the people who complained about the inadequacy of accommodation for those who are receiving transfers were the trade unions for the social welfare officers. They made representations to me, not only about their own poor accommodation, but about the facilities they felt could and should be improved in terms of those who were receiving benefits. It is in everybody's interests that we do this.

In the end, what we have to realise is this. We are probably entering an era in civilisation in the western world and in our own country in which a distinction will have to be drawn between three quite separate things — paid labour, the concept of work and the concept of income. What we will see is that the term "social welfare", with its derived connotation going back to the old poor law tradition, is entirely inadequate. What we have to talk about through the different exchanges is the distribution of different activity opportunities, some of which will be paid to a greater degree than others and some of which will be related to the market place and others. Equally, we have to look at many of these benefits to which I have made reference as aspects of income distribution addressed to some theory of needs. If it is not done like that we are heading for an enormous gulf between those at work who will be affected by the high burden of taxation and those who are not at work who will be in great need. That confrontation will be one which, as I said last week, will not be amenable to the strategies that most of us have been supporting to this stage in our political lives. It will be very hard to hold back support or condemn the people who would, in dire circumstances, find their life prospects and life opportunities removed from them.

Therefore, we have to stop stressing so much the amount or the proportion of what we spend in relation to social welfare. What we have to try to do is to concentrate on the structure of the society that is producing so many people at risk. If there is a qualification to one point I have made it is that the way in which we have structured all the benefits, the way in which they are adminsitered and the way in which politicians relate to these discussions are often such as to encourage dependency. The kind of thinking I have advocated is one that would look at the relative distribution of forms and kinds of work opportunity and activity opportunity that would remove the stigma from those who receive social welfare benefits of any kind. People would regard it as part of their life or a part of their own experience.

I cannot help concluding that there is a stigma attached to the consumption of benefits transferred by the State at the present time, and this is where the research I mentioned is so very necessary. The newspaper articles of the most irresponsible kind that I quoted are such as to increase that stigma. If they increase the stigma the other side of seeing people stigmatised is prejudiced in the eyes of the beholder. They deepen the prejudices against those who are encouraged to think that their taxes are being wasted on people who are work-shy, lazy, dishonest and so forth. That is a tragic development in this society. It is the loss of nerve. It is one of the consequences of reaction and the assumption that you can drive people from their present misery into something else.

The old thinking in the workhouse was that conditions inside had to be slightly worse than the worst conditions outside. Otherwise, people would run in, consume services and raise the poor law rate. Is there not the same thinking in the people who are writing the articles I quoted — the assumption that all of these people are somehow suspect? It is not answered by the question — I never said all of them, or I never wrote all of them. If one talks about a proportion and it is abused in such a way so as to feed the fear of prejudice among the public, then the objective of stigmatising everybody is achieved.

The report near its conclusion makes the point, and I quote from pages 46 and 47:

The status of women in society in Ireland will remain diminished until such time as they are guaranteed liberation and equality of opportunity in all spheres of activity, and the deep rooted attitudes which compartmentalise men and women into specific roles, change. The Joint Committee wishes to restate its conviction that this situation will only be brought about through changes in the educational system, and it is pleased to note that the Minister for Education has publicly endorsed the recommendations of its first report, the implementation of which will achieve this goal. Despite the enactment of equality legislation by the Oireachtas, discrimination against women is still widespread and the State itself is not blameless in this regard. The Joint Committee would urge a more resolute commitment on the part of the Government to encourage and foster the concept of equality in all areas and particularly in areas of State over which it has direct control and influence.

It goes on to recommend the appointment of people to pursue the specific theme of equality within Departments and different semi-State bodies. I support that recommendation. In relation to the question of roles and the educational system, recently I read a handbook which I presume is out of date — it is just over a year old. It was the basic handbook for handling the curriculum at primary level. It referred to the stage of the development of singing. I never thought that singing could be an area which would be interpreted in sexist terms, but lo and behold, in the Lámh-Leabhar don MhuinteoirHandbook for the Teacher, delightful instructions arise. At a certain stage the children will begin to differ in the songs that they like. Boys will like martial airs, songs that are gay and that express movement. Girls will show a preference for soft, lilting tunes, lullabys and so on. The people who have come out of training colleges and taken up positions in our schools suggest that when small children reach a particular point — even in relation to the songs they sing — there are some things that are appropriate for male children and others for female children. It is an appalling indictment and a mark of the road we have yet to travel in relation to the balance of equality between men and women. I warmly support all of the recommendations of this report: It is a significant contribution towards equality.

I begin my contribution by acknowledging the deep debt of gratitude we owe to so many people who have been instrumental in providing us with this report. I would like to thank Deputy Geoghegan-Quinn, Chairperson, and the Deputy Chairperson, Deputy Barnes. Also, Mr. John Cullen, Clerk to the Joint Committee, and Miss Flanagan, for their help in preparing the report. In addition, we should not forget the many people who gave evidence and help in various other ways.

I was glad to be a member of this committee but I am afraid I owe an apology for my non-attendances. I mentioned before that it is not easy to attend these committees and also to take part in the business of this House. The meetings were mostly held on Wednesdays which made it difficult for me to attend. I am sure there would be many other people in that position also. I hope in the course of my contribution to refer to some of the matters dealt with in the report. I should also like to refer to some matters which are not contained in the report but which I feel should be. I welcome the recent development in the golfing organisation where apparently the discrimination against women has been eliminated. I gather from reports that everybody is not totally happy with the situation but it is a memorable achievement, particularly when we consider that the golfing organisation is an élitest one. It is extraordinary to think that so late in the day this development took place. I would have expected that in such a situation this would have been done a very long time ago.

This report is divided into many sections. These sections by and large were determined by the people who made submissions to the committee. If we are to determine by the number of pages the importance of the different areas maternity services with four pages would seem to be the most important and next the deserted wife's allowance which takes up three and a half pages. I am not too sure if that would be a proper way of coming to a conclusion about this. The members of the committee would agree that there were three areas that took most of the time. These were women in the home, children's allowances and deserted wives. This is not an in-depth study. The report on page 48 states:

In conclusion the Joint Committee wishes to state that its examination of the existing social welfare code was not an in-depth study, focussing on every conceivable aspect of what is a vast and complex system; rather was it an exercise in identifying those areas that were the cause of concern and worry to people who took time and effort to make submissions. These were in the main social welfare recipients and concerned groups and organisations working on their behalf. Having identified the problem areas, the members hope that the Government and particularly the Minister for Social Welfare will apply their energies to eradicating them, and in the process improving the overall image and efficiency of the social welfare system. The members of the Joint Committee submit that by adopting the recommendations and suggestions in this report the Minister for Social Welfare will go a long way in achieving these desirable aims.

It is most important to keep that in mind. I feel there are many people who would not be happy that it goes far enough but at least it will go some of the way and an important part of the way.

Many organisation and groups did not make submissions. A total of 132 submissions were received. This I understand was in response to advertisements in the newspapers. The question must be asked if this is sufficient, as some important organisations did not make submissions. Perhaps consideration should be given to contacting directly all those groups which the committee feel would or should make submissions. In the newspapers in recent weeks we have read of the amount of money that is paid to unmarried mothers. A figure of £31 million for 12 months was mentioned. There was a criticism implied or suggested in the reporting which I, would take exception to. In that respect it is unfortunate that we did not get submissions from the organisations who were concerned with the unmarried mother. Two of these organisations are the Federation of Services for Unmarried Parents and their Children and Cherish — two organisations who have done so much in this area and whom I should like to compliment. With regard to asking groups to make submissions these two should be the first that the committee would ask. However, submissions were not received.

I should like to deal briefly with the problem in this area and to give my views on the recent reports in the media. There is no doubt that we have a growing problem. Nobody would question that. Perhaps I could quote the statistics over the last ten years from 1973 for illegitimate births: in 1973 the number was 2,167; 1974, 2,309; 1975, 2,515; 1976, 2,545; 1977, 2,879; 1978, 3,003; 1979, 3,337; 1980, 3,723; 1981, 3,914; 1982, 4,358; 1983, 4,517 (provisional); and 1984, 5,030 (provisional).

We see from the above table that these figures are rising all the time. The total is 40,297. During that period the adoption orders amounted to 14,578. If we take the adoption orders from the total number of illegitimate births we arrive at a figure of 25,719. The total number of unmarried mothers who are in receipt of benefit for that period was 10,309. It is interesting to note that of the 25,719 mothers who apparently kept their children over the past ten years only 10,309 of them are now getting the allowance, that is 40 per cent. Therefore, 60 per cent of the unmarried mothers are not drawing social welfare — for what reason I do not know. Presumably many of the fathers are responsible and are living up to their commitments. It is important to keep that in focus.

With regard to the unmarried mother I believe that is a transient state. There is no statistical information available to show the number of unmarried mothers who get married. Generally it would be regarded as a transient state. Those people who are making comments in the media are not making them on statistical information because this is not available in detail. Some numbers are available. Comments are being made on snippets of information and the focus seems to be very much on social welfare. We must remember there are others drawing social welfare, and properly drawing social welfare, like deserted wives. I fail to see why the concentration should be on the area of the unmarried parent. I certainly feel that you do not address this problem by mudslinging or in a way that could bring pain to so many people.

It has been stated a number of times in this House that there are young people and teenagers who see the state of the unmarried mother as the only way of getting an identity. This has been stated categorically before. The information and statistics that we have show that this is an area which gives some cause for concern. I agree with that. This is a way that gives the individual an identity. It is the system that must be attacked and must be changed, not the individuals. A young person under 18 years of age does not qualify for any State allowance and, in the case of an unmarried mother, until the baby is born there is no entitlement. There are many anomalies in the social welfare system which need to be cleared up before we reach the stage where we can identify people for criticism. There are many people who would get married but they are better off in that situation. There is no question about that. There are many unmarried mothers who would get married but they realise that by getting married they would be in a worse situation and particularly if they were the wives of unemployed husbands.

In the area of housing some progress has been made for the unmarried parent. Allocations of low demand housing, houses that might not be readily accepted by others have been made. No group in society should be put in a ghetto situation. All the different people should be spread throughout our society. We have a problem which was referred to yesterday evening in this House by the Minister for Justice that, with regard to our planning and development, much remains to be done and there is a lot to be desired in this area. Until recently houses built by local authorities had three or four bedrooms. These are not suitable for small families. They are not needed by small families and they are unsuitable in particular for the unmarried mother. Smaller houses would be adequate and proper. In this area much remains to be done.

Even though the figures are growing and even though some people regard them in a serious light, I feel that the situation does not threaten the traditional family, the nuclear family as it is called. If society feels that the nuclear family is the proper unit, society will not be threatened in this situation. I firmly believe that oldfashioned love will continue to have a place in married life where two people are committed to one another, to helping one another and to living together for the rest of their lives. I have referred before to the stigma of the unmarried mother and I say now, as I said on many occasions, that I believe by and large this stigma is disappearing. I am glad it is disappearing.

I have always felt that the stigma was imposed by society because it was felt that the proper way to bring up children was in the family situation, where a father and mother would look after their children as best they could. Therefore, society ostracized or stigmatised those people who did not comply in this regard. There was also the property aspect to it where property and inheritance meant so much and this probably had some part to play in it as well. In any event, while some people rightly deplore the fact that the stigma has not left us altogether, nevertheless great strides have been made and greater strides will be made. By and large we have come to the stage where people are regarded as human beings with their own free will and free choice who will do their best in their own situation. This stigma is, in my estimation, a thing of the past. Whatever remains of it is going rapidly.

Great strides have been made in the area of eliminating discrimination against women. Twenty years ago I was drawing up plans for a public house and there was a consultation as to whether snugs should be included in the plans. Everybody from the rural areas will remember the snugs attached to the public houses. They were mostly for women so that they could enjoy a drink furtively. Even now it would seem that they belong to past ages. It was only 20 years ago that I was involved in a situation where a serious decision had to be made as to whether to retain this outdated method of allowing women to take a drink. Women had to look around them before they entered a public house to see would anybody notice them going in and then go furtively into the snug, close the door and get their drinks through a little hatch. Progress has been made and I welcome that. Reference was made to affirmative action in the report on education of the joint committee. I think more could be done in this regard. I cannot see any evidence that notice is being taken with regard to affirmative action. Affirmative action means that areas where it is possible to legislate positively in favour of women should be looked at in all the legislation that goes through.

Regarding legislation passing through this House, there is no evidence that the advice of the committee with regard to affirmative action has been taken seriously. I understand that these things take a long time and move rather slowly. Affirmative action is an area where great progress could be made — to look at all the Acts, to look at regulations, to look at all the legislation going through and to see where we could legislate positively in favour of women. I pay tribute to the many voluntary organisations who do such magnificent work, without them it is hard to visualise how many people would make ends meet. I am aware that in recent years many people who would be considered middle class, and who might be considered to be people of means, have gone — and are going — to those organisations for help. These are organisations like the St. Vincent de Paul society, the Simon Community, the Salvation Army and so on. There are so many people who give their time generously and freely and do such marvellous work without thanks or appreciation.

I believe that mothers and women have had the most difficult role. Woman is destined for a very difficult role. It was the mother who had to stay at home to look after the children, to meet the rent collector when the money was not there to pay the rent and the grocer. It was the mother who had to endure these hardships. It is appropriate that we should be dealing with those matters that affect mothers, and women generally, in this report. I was working in Dublin in the late fifties, at that time the ESB were advertising about all the ways and gadgets they had for reducing work in the home and making it easy and simple in order to help women. I remember passing by ESB showrooms and seeing women on their hands and knees washing the floors and it did not make sense to me. I hope that progress has been made in that regard.

I was also touched on a number of occasions by women who approached me about having enough means for a decent burial. I thought it rather sad. Most of them had spent useful, hardworking lives and here they were at the end of their days concerned about having enough money for a decent burial. I suppose their own dignity was at stake. They were concerned about not placing a burden on their families. I know many women, including my mother, who paid a small insurance premium in order to have enough money for a decent burial. It is pathetic that after a long life, all of these people would have no means whatever and were worried that there might not be enough money to bury them. Looking at it objectively and unsympathetically I do not know of anybody who was left unburied because they did not have enough money. However you cannot comfort an elderly person in that way. Perhaps this is an area where some help could be given.

The report on education of the joint committee referred to the concern and interest being shown by many groups and individuals regarding the role and status of women in society today. One area which has been increasingly impinging on the lives of women is social welfare. Many women, through force of circumstances feel dominated by this system and totally dependent on it to meet their day-to-day needs. The report identifies, like so many other reports, that the most serious problem facing the country is unemployment. The opportunities for women to earn money are diminishing all the time especially in the better paid jobs. Many employers exacerbate an already bleak situation by using the recession as an excuse for not employing women who are qualified and able to work.

I defend the right of the married woman to work, it is only proper that no individual who has a talent and wants to use that talent should be denied the right, but it is difficult in a situation where we have so much unemployment. At present the figure is in the region of 240,000 and growing. Taking that figure in conjunction with the various schemes that are designed to provide employment, albeit on a temporary basis, the number of people who have emigrated gives us some indication of the problem in this area. The Government in the national plan Building on Reality set out a target of unemployment to be below 200,000 by the end of 1987. The report refers to this as unacceptably high, nevertheless it is getting higher all the time. There is no way that this can be brought down to the figure anticipated in the Government plan.

I made a case with regard to employment and the crisis of change, that some fundamental change would be made in relation to work from what is known as the Protestant work ethic. I believe this area is being investigated at present but not enough progress has been made. We will have to reduce the unemployment figures and have a different approach to employment and the future of work. We will have to regard community work, leisure and many other areas as coming within the terms of employment. Only in this way will we reduce the unemployment figure. Certainly where women are concerned it is most important that this be reduced. Otherwise, as the report points out, we will have a larger number of people dependent on social welfare and women will be well represented in that number. I think it would be true to say that women will out-number men in that situation.

The joint committee examined submissions made by various groups and there were many written submissions from individuals. The areas where people are experiencing difficulties as detailed to the committee are dealt with under various paragraphs in the report. The joint committee put all those problems on record. They are in condensed form and I made the case before that perhaps for those who are particularly interested in areas of any report that the full submissions should be available in some way as an appendage or separately. I will make this plea in passing that the full submissions would be available to interested people. The joint committee hope that they will evoke reasoned discussion among all those involved in the administration of the social welfare system, to ensure a more efficient and streamlined system geared to help and maintain the dignity and well-being of one of the least favoured sections of society, that is those dependent on social welfare. I understand that reference has already been made in the House to a more comprehensive report which will be available in the next few months in this area and I look forward to that. I also look forward to the opportunity to bring forward some of the matters raised in the report which hopefully will be taken into consideration before that report is debated here.

Women in the home was one area that came in for serious and long discussion by the committee. The position of the woman who has to remain at home, whether as a housewife and mother or a single person living alone or caring for an aged relative, was referred to in many of the submissions made to the joint committee. We all know that this is a most onerous and demanding role where great sacrifice is involved. In passing it would be no harm to refer to homes and in many cases these would leave much to be desired. There are homes in Ireland at present which do not have hot and cold water or bathrooms and in that respect I welcome the 1985 reconstruction grant scheme which I hope will do much to relieve that situation. We should remember that there are many women particularly who because of this, and also because they are living in cramped conditions, have been living under stress for most of their lives. That is something that should be realised. There are many women in this category who are in need of greater support from the social welfare system.

The report refers to Article 41 of the Constitution. It states that their treatment belies the status conferred on them under this article. Article 41 of the Constitution refers to the family and article 41.2º states as follows:

The State, shall, therefore, endeavour to ensure that mothers shall not be obliged by economic necessity to engage in labour to the neglect of their duties in the home.

It seems to me that this is what might be regarded as a pious platitude because at present there are many young married couples, where the wife has to work to pay the mortgage. The wife works not by choice and they cannot start a family but they are in this situation where the husband and wife have to work to pay their mortgage. Article 41.2º must seem very hollow to them when it states: "The State shall, therefore, endeavour to ensure that mothers shall not be obliged by economic necessity to engage in labour to the neglect of their duties in the home." They have to do this. I feel that when a new Constitution is being drawn up meaningless sections such as this would be eliminated. Something is stated in the Constitution, and we rightly regard the Constitution as of great importance, but in fact the opposite is taking place. I know of many situations where the wife has to work and where there is no alternative. I would also feel that the stresses imposed on young married couples through having to work to pay high mortgage rates is sowing the seeds for family breakdown. I simply mention that in passing. The report refers specifically to Article 41 of the Constitution and I am making the case that for many young people in this State Article 41 is meaningless.

The joint committee would like to see the extension of dental and optical benefit to all women who choose or have to remain at home. The committee in the first report on education referred to this specific problem and we were very pleased to note that under the terms of the 1985 budget the benefits were to be extended to pregnant women on their husband's PRSI contributions. It was hoped that this would be the first step in the wider application to all women in the home. It must be remembered, with regard to unemployment, that there are many women whose husbands do not pay PRSI contributions and therefore many of them are outside the scope of this scheme. It does seem wrong. I realise the problems with regard to providing finance but nevertheless I believe optical benefit should be available to all women. Indeed, I would imagine in particular it should be available to all who remain at home and do such important work, as specifically mentioned in the Constitution.

With regard to the single woman, her allowance is payable between the ages of 58 and 66 years. The allowance which is payable in that time is inadequate. The committee described it as "totally inadequate". I would concur with that. I believe that as little as £1 is taken into consideration by the Department of Social Welfare in assessing the situation and many single women after a long lifetime of looking after a family or caring for a relative find themselves alone and with very little financial support. In the past, a woman who looked after the family, who had a commitment and made a choice in remaining single to look after the family, did heroic work. Nobody would deny that. It is particularly unfortunate that there should be discrimination against such women.

The report tells us that too many of them end their days in hardship and poverty. This is a poor reward for a life of loyal service to the family unit and, indeed, to society in general because society benefits. The joint committee recommend that the single woman's allowance should be at least the same as the non-contributory pension for a widow without child dependants and that it should be paid at 55 years of age. I believe that the committee are not asking for too much and this would not be a very great burden on the State.

Senator Michael Higgins dealt with the prescribed relative allowance, payable to an incapacitated pensioner who is receiving full time care and attention from a prescribed relative. Many groups made submissions to the committee that the conditions applying to the prescribed relative are in need of urgent change. The requirement that there should be no other adult in the household makes it difficult in many cases for the carer to take a well deserved holiday or break. A break of this kind and a holiday is very necessary for somebody who is carrying out such an onerous and difficult task.

The committee felt that there is no justification for retaining this requirement and they recommend that it be abolished. They also felt that the requirement that the prescribed relative must not be a married person should be re-examined by the Department of Social Welfare. In very many cases the most suitable person to act in this capacity would be married. The committee felt that in such cases the Department should adopt a more flexible position.

The members also felt that the spouse of an incapacitated pensioner should be regarded as a prescribed relative. This would result in a wider and a more humane interpretation fo the term "prescribed relative". It would also be a means of encouraging old people to be cared for in their home environment. Great play has been made about this in recent times and I certainly do not want to use the opportunity to refer to it in a party political sense. I feel that it is important that people would be cared for in their home environment. Here is one simple way, not an expensive way, in which this can be furthered. I hope that when the Minister is looking at the report and the recommendations, which are very neatly tabulated at the end of the report, this will be taken into consideration and the importance of the home environment realised. I personally know of many elderly people — I speak mainly of women — who were taken into an institution and seemingly, because of the change, because of the new faces, the conditions and the different environment and ambience, they appeared to become senile and started raving and day-dreaming. I know of such people being taken back into their own environment and becoming normal again. Even in my area of the non-expert, I see the importance of letting people end their days cared for and as happy and as contented as can be in their home environment. Otherwise the report points out that many of them would require institutional care which would cost the State far more.

The extension of the free telephone rental allowance to those who are caring for incapacitated relatives should be sympathetically considered by the Department of Social Welfare. This is again something that should be looked at with great sympathy. Elderly people who qualify for the free telephone rental allowance very often have a problem with the installation charge. When looking at this area perhaps the Minister might consider if some help could be given in the many cases of dire hardship and in particular where people might live in remote areas.

The deserted wife allowance has been referred to by many Senators and I am not going into it in any great detail. It is an area where great sympathy is required and great help. All of us in our functions as public representatives know of the great problems in this area. The report pin-points unemployment, inadequate housing, alcoholism and drug addiction as just some of the factors which contribute to marital discord. The inability of couples to cope with these problems results very often in desertion by either the husband or the wife. With increased stress and the growing problems in the world it does seem that this problem is going to escalate. It is acknowledged by sociologists that women are most vulnerable to poverty and deserted wives constitute one group to which the word "poverty"' can be unreservedly applied. That is a statement with which we would all agree.

The traumatic experience referred to by Senator M. Higgins is something that only the individual woman concerned can fully comprehend. I suppose I could also say in passing that to some extent this would be alleviated if divorce were available. But at that stage in the breakdown of a marriage relationship, it is something that does not immediately come to mind. As I stated before it is very easy to understand the problem when we walk into a home and meet a wife with a young family who has been deserted by her husband. We see the personal problem. The husband will never return and she is not legally entitled to marry again. Certainly, in such a situation we must have deep understanding and concern and realise that this case can be multiplied by I believe 70,000 people. Those who are opposed to divorce feel that if divorce were available, many more other problems would surface which would lead one to the conclusion that the problem is even greater than appears on the surface.

We must have great concern in this area. Under the existing regulations a wife must be deserted by a husband for at least three months and must not be receiving financial assistance from her husband, either for herself or her children, in order to qualify for the benefit. The report states that she must make what is described as "reasonable" efforts to trace her husband and to obtain support and maintenance from him for herself and her children. This reminds me very much of the conditions which applied in the old workhouse system prior and during the famine when many women and their children who tried to get into the workhouses were refused because they would not make a case against their husbands, whereby the husband could be brought to court. They refused to do that and for that reason they did not qualify and were not taken into the workhouses. The deserted wife must now wait three months before she receives the stipulated benefit.

This obligation to make efforts to trace the husband places an intolerable imposition on the deserted wife. Some husbands just vanish without trace and others may have been very violent. The report states — very understandably — that the wife might be reluctant to try to contact him. Indeed, reading between the lines, I would say the more religiously inclined of the women might be praying that the husbands would never return and it would be a Godsend if they did not return. The committee felt that the evidence of the social worker should be accepted by the Department of Social Welfare as proof of desertion. This is something that again nobody could take exception to. This would be very pertinent in the cases of the violent husband that I have referred to before and whose wife might be in physical danger if she tried to trace him, or if he did return.

The joint committee feel that the benefit should be backdated with effect from the date of desertion. Also, in the case of a deserted wife who is under 40 years and without a family, they believe that she should be paid the allowances for a limited period. This would enable her to get special training to cope with her new position and to cope with the traumatic experience of desertion, because it is a unique experience — this feeling which a woman must have when she is deserted by a husband. In effect, he is saying that be no longer needs her and she is left to fend for herself. It is a very callous thing for any man to do so and we must have the greatest sympathy with a woman faced with that intolerable situation.

Wives who succeed in getting maintenance payments from their husbands often find that the payments may become erratic or cease altogether. Many social workers have suggested that maintenance payments made on foot of court orders should be tied in with the social welfare payments. I understand that to mean that the money or the allowance should be collected by the State and paid with the social welfare benefits. This is a very good idea and the committee feel that it is worthy of serious consideration.

The majority of desertions are by husbands but the reverse can and does happen. The social welfare code makes no provision for payment of an allowance to a deserted husband. The joint committee felt that this is a discriminatory practice and it makes the recommendation that a deserted husband should be paid an allowance similar to that paid to a deserted wife.

Finally, with regard to the deserted wife, the joint committee agreed unanimously that the term "deserted wife" is derogatory and demeaning of woman and that it should be abolished. This has been referred to previously by Senator Andy O'Brien. I would agree with his view that it is difficult to see what improvement the term "abandoned spouse" is, except, I suppose, that it could cover the husband. But it still seems an unsatisfactory description except from the point of view it is not discriminatory. The practice of having the letters "DW" on the front of envelopes issuing from the Department of Social Welfare should cease. This is certainly considered to be an infringement of a woman's right to privacy. Indeed, it is a cause for some shame, I believe, in many situations.

I would agree with the abolition of the term "deserted wife". But again, like Senator O'Brien, I would not be totally happy with the term "abandoned spouse".

The EC equality legislation directive 97/9 has already been referred to. The committee recommended, of course, that payment will be made in retrospection. This is dealt with on page 37. It is unfortunate that this legislation has not yet been put into effect for the reason that the Department have not got sufficient staff. I acknowledge that there is a problem with regard to finances but it does seem a very lame excuse for reneging on a commitment in this respect. I know there will be anomalies when this matter is incorporated and these have been referred to. I do not want to go into it in any great detail but the committee expressed disappointment at the delay on the part of the State in introducing the legislation. They recommended strongly that retrospective payments be made to women who would have been entitled to benefit from the terms of the EC directive of 22 December 1984, the date on which the member states of the EC were directed to comply with the terms of the directive. There is no way in which effect will be given to this and that is unfortunate and wrong. It has been highlighted already but I think it is one of the areas to which the Minister should give priority in considering this report.

The report deals fairly comprehensively with older women. This is proper. They will have passed the time of their lives when they were useful. It is right and proper that we should remember their work and remember the contribution they made to the State and the society. Strong representations were made to the joint committee regarding the plight of women living alone and trying to exist on low pensions. Very many women retire early, some at 60 years of age and earlier. The interval between retirement and qualification for State pensions, normally six years later, can be a time of very severe hardship. Keeping in mind the cost of essential items, foodstuffs, clothing and in particular heating which is most important where elderly people are concerned, the committee state that it is not surprising that so many people have to depend on the voluntary and charitable organisations to supplement their income. I have already referred to the importance of the voluntary organisations. It is shameful and wrong that these people, most of whom have made a valuable contribution to the State, have to turn to voluntary organisations. All of us in public life realise the very many people of all classes who are dependent on voluntary organisations. It would not happen years ago but people now have to swallow their pride and try to live. The Government should feel indebted to all these voluntary organisations.

The Government have indicated in the national plan that they intend to publish the framework of a national pension plan which, among other things, will raise for consideration the standard of income which the community considers to be reasonable and acceptable for pensioners and the extent to which it is prepared to commit resources for that purpose. The committee point out that this is very long term. They would like to see the levels of existing old age contributory and non-contributory pensions raised and the qualifying age reduced to 60 years. The committee realise that there will be serious cost implications. They are of the opinion that a commitment to reduce the qualifying age should be made now to ensure a minimum level of comfort at least for single retired women who are living alone — possibly the most vulnerable section of our community. The joint committee hope that the commission's recommendations will lead to a big improvement in the situation of women in this category.

Representations were made on behalf of very many women who are in receipt of widow's pensions, contributory and non-contributory. The financial position of most of these women who have the sole responsibility for managing a household on a very limited budget is precarious. An ever increasing number have to try to supplement their meagre pensions by having recourse to charitable organisations. This is something I have referred to on a number of occasions. It seems to debase women. Women in this situation cannot cope with the added responsibility placed on them through widowhood. The joint committee would like to see their pensions raised to a realistic figure to ensure that they can provide some modicum of comfort for themselves and their families. Widows whose husbands died over 66 years of age, if they themselves are under that age, are deprived of some allowances such as free electricity. The committee members were unanimous in recommending that widows in this situation with no other income and looking after a family should be allowed free electricity for a minimum period of two years.

The position of some women over 66 years of age who remained at home and whose husbands have retired on pension, whether State-funded or otherwise, was referred to in the submissions made to the committee. Concern was expressed at the plight of these women who are totally dependent but not always adequately supported by their spouses. Members from their work as public representatives are familiar with this situation. Quite a sizeable number of women in the country are involved. The committee members agreed unanimously that after a lifetime of service in the home these women should be entitled to receive a non-contributory old age pension in their own right and not be regarded as dependents of their spouses.

The living alone allowance has been mentioned by a number of Members. It is paid to old age pensioners over 66 years of age. It amounts to only £3.20 per week. Some members of the joint committee were shocked when, in the course of their public duties, they learned that the allowance had been discontinued to some pensioners who had asked a relative or a friend to remain with them at night time only. Senator Michael Higgins referred to the present climate of fear and nervousness which was exaggerated by the media following the recent spate of attacks on old people before the issue of the report. These elderly people would feel more secure in their homes if they had the company of a relative or a friend at night time. Many elderly people did look to have the company of a grandchild, or a relative or a friend, particularly those who resided in remote rural areas.

The committee made the point to the Secretary of the Department of Social Welfare when he attended one of his meetings that there seemed to be a too rigid interpretation of the term "living alone". The committee hope that these old people will no longer be penalised financially as a result of taking wise and proper precautions for their own protection particularly when the amount involved is only £3.20, a very small and inconsiderable sum. It was the unanimous view of the members of the joint committee that, in the present circumstances, relatives such as grandchildren should be encouraged to stay with old people living alone in isolated areas, particularly during the hours of darkness. In the situation we are talking of the winter months; we are talking of the cold period, a time when fires are needed. The extra finances are required to purchase fuel. This again should be taken into consideration for a very small outlay of £3.20 per week.

Earlier I paid a tribute to inspectors in many areas of the State services who turn a blind eye to some inconsequential item for the advantage of the individual. More discretion should be given in this regard. This also was referred to by Senator Michael Higgins. This is one area where greater discretion should be allowed to the officers of the Department in making a decision. We are dealing with human beings and while the cost to the State is minimal the benefit to the individual concerned is great. In many cases it might represent the difference between life and death. Certainly in many cases it would be the difference between that individual continuing to live on his own or going into institutional care which would cost the State far more.

With regard to accommodation, submissions made to the committee led us to realise that facilities provided in the majority of social welfare offices and employment exchanges located throughout the country were appalling and totally unacceptable today. Many of us know that this is so. When I am passing by the unemployment exchange in Navan I see many men and women lined up outside on the public street, open to the wind and rain. That is wrong. This matter was brought up many times before and it is unfortunate that better provisions are not made for those who are obtaining social welfare. It is wrong that people should have to queue up on the street. In reality there does not seem to be much sense in asking people to queue up to sign that they are available for work when we know that work is not and will not be available. I understood that people had to sign less often. That may be so, but from my experience passing by the social welfare office in Navan and seeing people queueing up it does not seem that any great improvement has been made. That is wrong.

Social welfare offices, in particular, are often located in very old buildings with the minimum of accommodation and present an appearance of neglect and dilapidation that can only have a depressing effect on those who have to use them. It must be very depressing to have to queue up for so long in the open to indicate by signing that one is available for work that many of them will never get. Many women find it necessary to bring their children with them when they have to attend these offices and this adds to their frustrations and difficulties at a time when they are likely to be in low spirits. The provision of facilities, such as a playroom for young children, is an urgent requirement in such offices and their absence is a further indication of the neglect on the part of officialdom of the particular needs of mothers. This is also a further reason why the provision of child care facilities should now be a priority with central and local government. It has a very low priority. Some suitable buildings have been erected in a few areas but the majority of them are old and unsuitable for the purpose. The Joint Committee would like to see an accelerated effort on the part of the Department of Social Welfare in establishing more modem accommodation which will provide a pleasant and congenial atmosphere in which people, and staff, can conduct their business. I wonder how far away this is.

It was important that the Joint Committee should highlight this but I feel that it will have a very low priority. It was felt by the members of the committee that branch managers could do a lot more about providing a better standard of accommodation and improving the appearances of employment exchanges throughout the country. I know that on one occasion there was resentment by a branch manager that I had criticised a certain office. I had not intended any criticism of the manager. I realise that in his capacity the manager was doing all he could. While the conditions may be deplorable, nevertheless, many branch managers do their best.

Children's allowances was another problem that took up a considerable amount of the time of the committee. It was pointed out that the level of payments in Ireland is the lowest among the countries of the EC. The monthly allowance in many cases constitutes the only money that a mother can regard as her own. There was general agreement among the members that it was time to increase the rates particularly with a view to helping the less well-off families in the community. It was correct that the committee should be concerned about this. The response to the family income supplement scheme has been, to put it mildly, very disappointing. I understand that up to February 1985 there were 10,000 applications, 3,500 of them were successful and 3,000 were refused, with the remainder being processed. Those figures were supplied by the Department of Social Welfare. It seems that this scheme will have very little impact on improving the financial position of the less well-off families. This reinforces the need to increase the existing children's allowance.

The new child benefit scheme referred to in the Government's Building on Reality was intended to unify a single payment State support towards the cost of rearing children. Details of this scheme were supposed to be published this year. I hope that this is true. Perhaps the Minister will refer to that in his reply. It has been disclosed that the new monthly benefit will be assessable for income tax purposes with the very good intention that the less well-off families be the main beneficiaries. The Joint Committee hope that the benefits to be payable under the new scheme will be sufficient to give parents who chose to remain at home a reasonable, independent income and that payments under the scheme will be made directly to the parent who rears the child. Members seriously questioned the equity of taxing these benefits. The view was expressed that parents in the higher income groups who are rearing children should also get some recognition. If the benefits under the scheme are not restored to the 1970 real value, then, in the opinion of the Joint Committee, they should not be taxed. I wonder if this will be taken into consideration by the Minister and the Government.

The main concern of the members regarding taxation was that the expectations of mothers in the home who would regard income deriving from the scheme as their own might not be realised and that the overall improvement in their finances would be neglible or non-existent. The members agreed that in the event of any delay in introducing the new scheme the Minister for Social Welfare should consider increasing the existing children's allowance which was not affected by the changes in some levels of payment in the social welfare code. I am happy to note that some movement was made in this regard in the recent budget.

Social welfare payments took up a considerable amount of the committee's time. There have been many complaints regarding the delay in processing claims for social welfare payments. Many people had to turn to charitable voluntary organisations to tide them over the problem period until they got their benefits. The report points out that in the first annual report of the Ombudsman, issued in March 1985, it was revealed that almost half the complaints against Government Departments and offices related to the Department of Social Welfare.

The report also referred to the hardships people suffered because of delays by the Department of Social Welfare in paying people their lawful entitlements. The joint committee were very concerned about this and put on record that long delays which add to the hardship of social welfare recipients were totally unacceptable. Undoubtedly, there has been a very steep increase in the number of claims in recent years and, presumably, the figure will increase more in the years ahead. This has put a lot of pressure on the staff of the Department at a time when Government restrictions on the recruitment of staff are in operation. The main sufferers in this situation are women, many of whom depend on social welfare payments to meet their day-to-day needs.

The joint committee, while they were conscious of the Government's desire to reduce numbers in the public service, made representations to the Minister for the Public Service to relax the embargo on recruitment in the Department of Social Welfare so as to ensure a more speedy and efficient service to social welfare recipients. I wonder what reaction there was to this. The Minister should give us some information on this.

The committee appreciated that the Department were aware of the need to implement a major programme of computerisation with a view to streamlining the whole system of adminsitration but it is likely to be a considerable time before this comes into operation. The joint committee urged the Minister to accelerate this computerisation programme. It is obvious that without the aid of this computerisation programme the administration system will become bogged down thus causing more frustration for the administrators and recipients.

Reference was made to the problems experienced by recipients who do not receive their payments. It was pointed out that it was a costly matter to phone the Department from outside Dublin. When a work-to-rule was in operation in the Department people were told that they could not be given the information they wanted with the result that the phone call was wasted. That was terribly cruel and callous. Everybody in public life would have been approached about this problem. People were short of money and in many cases had to borrow money to phone the Department only to be told that the information was not available because of a work-to-rule. That was totally unacceptable. There should be some provision whereby people in such a predicament could phone without having to pay, have a free phone service. This should be considered by the Minister. The free phone service operates in regard to many services and that is to be welcomed. Another area where the free phone service should operate is the hotline service to the Institute for Industrial Research and Standards. People who want to get advice on heating their houses can avail of this free information but they must pay for their telephone calls. The service is well worthwhile; it is an expert on-the-spot service. People can write for the information but in that specialised area it is not easy to write and give all the details. There are many areas where the free phone service could be extended, the social welfare area being a priority.

The committee decided that one way in which the system could be improved immediately, and at little or no additional expense, would be by extending decision making powers to local social welfare officers. This was highlighted by Senator Michael Higgins. The practice of having the majority of claims referred to Dublin for final decision is bound to lead to delays and there appears to be a very strong case for a system of local decision making. As Senator Michael Higgins said, this involves giving extra powers to local officers to reach a decision. There should be some attempt made to influence them where an error of judgment may occur. It is better to err on the humane side. This discretion should be extended to local officers. The Minister should seriously consider this.

The joint committee urged the Minister for Social Welfare to give immediate attention to the need for decentralising the work of processing claims even until such time as the computerisation of the entire system has been completed and put into operation. If this extra power is given to local officers there will be greater justice in their decisions. People will be treated as human beings rather than as numbers on a computer. I realise that computerisation is very important in this area; nevertheless, I urge the Minister to accede to this request to give more power to the local officers. While that will not eliminate the need for computerisation it will make it less important.

It is considered that the inclusion of an independent adjudicator would be seen to be in the interests of appellants where the appeals system is concerned. Again, this was considered a very important area. I know that quite a number of decisions have been reversed on appeal which in one sense indicates that these appeals are considered in great detail and with great sympathy. On the other hand, one wonders why a certain decision was taken. This might relate to the claimant or that certain information was not available and, perhaps, the Department are not at fault. In any event, great dissatisfaction with the appeals system under the social welfare code was expressed by different groups and individuals. This was chiefly because, under existing statutory regulations, an appeals officer is appointed by the Minister for Social Welfare from his own staff.

One of the great disadvantages in dealing with a report like this so long after it was published is that perhaps in the interim changes may have been made which leave recommendations more or less meaningless. If that is the situation I certainly welcome it but I am not aware of any changes that have been made in this area. I should like to make it quite clear that all the members on the committee accepted without question that appeals are adjudicated fairly. The feeling among appellants was that, not alone should justice be done, but it should be seen to be done and they are not convinced that this can be achieved under the present system. The system is giving rise to complaints. Many appellants feel indignant. They feel that they have been treated wrongly and unjustly and by its very nature this places them at a disadvantage in making an appeal against a decision by a deciding officer or an old age pension committee. I feel that the functions of the old age pension committees were of less importance since a Bill regarding this was passed some time ago.

The joint committee are of the opinion that the Minister for Social Welfare should consider the improvement of the existing system by the inclusion of an independent appeals officer, if only to allay the fears and worries of appellants. I am not sure if this could be done under existing legislation. I am not sure what changes would have to take place but, whatever changes are necessary, the Minister should seriously consider implementing them. From my experience in dealing with officers of the Department of Social Welfare and, indeed, in dealing with officers of any section of the Civil Service, I have no complaint to make. I would be totally happy, but we must remember that in this situation we are talking about people for whom the matter of a few pounds could mean the difference between life and death. The Minister should seriously consider this recommendation. Perhaps, it will be possible to bring in independant appeals officers without delay. In any event, the appeals system is in need of review. Of all the recommendations in the report the Minister should be able to implement this one with little problem and without any delay.

Means testing was considered by the committee and it is referred to briefly. Of course, this is very necessary, unfortunately and will always be necessary. Many of the submissions made to the committee referred to the way in which means are taken into account in deciding entitlement to social welfare payments. The suggestion was made — and I think it was a very reasonable one — that means testing should be carried out in a uniform manner. The intention is to carry it out in a uniform manner and there are problems in this respect but at present different criteria are laid down for different payments. This results in some confusion and members of the committee felt that the Department of Social Welfare should consider training a corps of people to become expert in means testing with a view to introducing uniformity in this area. Again, that is a matter with which there could be very little argument.

There are some areas I have not dealt with as they have been covered previously. We are told that expenditure on social welfare is now in the region of £2½ billion a year. This is a very considerable sum of money. It represents 25 per cent of current Government spending and 14 per cent of gross national product. There are over 30 social welfare schemes in operation and the variety and complexity of these schemes have given rise to anomalies and problems that take time to pinpoint and overcome. Also the Department of Social Welfare, aware that there is a perception that many claimants are not genuine, must in relation to accountability of public finances exercise strict control over expenditure. I agree with Senator M. Higgins in his criticism of scares with regard to social welfare payments because these are over-stated. The human element may unwittingly, be lost sight of in the maze of facts and figures which surrond the administration of the social welfare system.

Debate adjourned.
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