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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 15 Jul 1987

Vol. 116 No. 18

Third Level Education Funding: Motion.

I move:

That Seanad Éireann, while recognising the need for controlling public spending, condemns the arbitrary nature of the decision to cut back the funding of RTCs and universities. These cutbacks will:—

1. Create unemployment and the forced emigration of highly qualified personnel in whom the State has already made a substantial investment.

2. Threaten the quality of third level education by reducing personnel at a time when student numbers are on the increase.

3. Stop essential building programmes with a knock-on effect on employment in the building industry.

4. Lower the morale and threaten the security of tenure of all workers in education.

5. Eventually reduce the numbers of highly qualified young people who are so essential to future employment and to the creation of projects.

It gives me no pleasure at all to move this motion this evening. I welcome the Minister to the Chamber.

The Senator is welcome to our Chamber.

I hope you will point out to the Minister, a Chathaoirligh, that there is no connection between us and those less energetic brethren of the other House who are on holiday at present. This is a different House.

As I said, it gives me no pleasure whatsoever to have to move this motion. What we are debating here this evening is probably the greatest, most savage attack on the educational services we have ever experienced. It is important for the record to re-read the motion, which commences:

"That Seanad Éireann, while recognising the need for controlling public spending, condemns the arbitrary nature of the decision to cut back the funding of RTCs and universities. These cutbacks will:—

1. Create unemployment and the forced emigration of highly qualified personnel in whom the State has already made a substantial investment.

Unemployment and emigration are the two most emotive areas in terms of this Government's supposed concern for people in recent months. Indeed I might congratulate the Minister of State, Deputy F. Fahey, on his comments about illegal emigrants to the United States. Bearing in mind that he represents a constituency from which practically a football team emigrates to the United States weekly, he was absolutely right, that not only do the people in America not care about them but, as I am about to illustrate, neither do those at home, particularly those people with responsibility for them. This is something the Minister herself should take on board.

The motion continues:

2. Threaten the quality of third level education by reducing personnel at a time when student numbers are on the increase.

3. Stop essential building programmes with a knock-on effect on employment in the building industry.

4. Lower the morale and threaten the security of tenure of all workers in education.

5. Eventually reduce the numbers of highly qualified young people who are so essential to future employment and to the creation of projects.

These are the young people in whom the Government have told us time and again they have such great faith, who represent our hopes for and investment in the future. It is my belief that the only hope of our young people is to leave this country as quickly as possible. Nobody is prepared to do anything for them here, least of all the Minister for Education.

I will set out to prove that this set of cutbacks the Minister proposes will reinforce inequity, will consolidate existing under-privilege, bringing inequality of access onto a new plane never dreamt of before. It is a new and draconian refinement in discrimination against the disadvantaged. I would go so far as to say it is an act of educational vandalism. It will create unemployment. Time will show that it is a planning decision as ill-advised and ridiculous as were the plans to build the Ballymun flats complex. If the Minister has any care for her reputation in an historical context she will rescind these decisions immediately, accept this motion and let us all go home.

Unfortunately these proposed cutbacks will create unemployment in colleges. We have observed already that the reduction of a 4 per cent in the money available for payment of staffs at third-level will enforce a reduction of 6 per cent in the staffing of those third level colleges. This means that those in whom we have made a substantial investment throughout first, second and third levels — in whom we had placed our hopes for a new generation bearing new information, new techniques and technological developments — will be out of jobs. It is the latest entrants who will be the first to go. They, too, will be forced to take the boat, ship or whatever out of the country.

The Minister seems to forget that there is an increasing number of students entering third-level education. At a time of increasing student numbers, reducing staff numbers, the student/lecturer ratio — already the worst in Europe — will deteriorate further. As that relationship deteriorates so also will quality suffer and if the quality deteriorates, students suffer. The students are the responsibility of the Minister. It means that the time staff need for researching and further development will have to be spent totally in lecturing.

Over the years we have listened to the reasonable argument, of the need for industry and education to be compatible. We have heard of the need for education to respond to the needs of industry so that job creation projects can take off. We have heard of the need to develop the area of research and development where a bridge can be formed between education and industry. All the time this discussion was no more than lip service. We had an example of it earlier in the year at second level in the need for the educational service to meet student needs as they embark into the workplace. The bridge between the two is formed of those who counsel young people on their future careers. Instead of strengthening that bond or bridge the Minister, through a reduction in the number of career guidance teachers — I see the Minister looking at me in astonishment. I was wondering whether she was listening.

No, the Senator's remarks are fascinating.

Let the Minister tell the House she will appoint more. It is the lack of information that is so unfortunate in this respect. I must throw in a few more of these comments if I get such an animated response from the Minister. I am glad to see that she is listening with such great interest to what I have to say. I would be quite happy at any time to advise her on future planning decisions. With regard to the cuts now proposed for the RTCs and the NIHE, I look forward to hearing from the Fianna Fáil benches, those people who have made the case for the VECs and for the involvement of local authorities over the past two or three months, telling me what they think about the cutbacks in the RTCs, what it means in Sligo, Carlow and all the other places where the RTCs are located. Will they tell me what effect that will have in their areas and how they will respond? I look forward to hearing an honest response, as I am sure does the Minister. I hope they are telling the Minister at party meetings, even if they will not give us the benefit of their great knowledge here.

In the RTCs — the institutions in many instances closest to industries — in effect these cutbacks are ensuring the stopping of research and development. Likewise they are abolishing jobs in the building programmes now put on the shelf because of lack of money. It means that the building projects in the RTCs, NIHE, the Dental College in Trinity and so on are all now suffering with consequent immediate losses to the building industry.

It is also important to stress — because nobody else apparently will say it officially — that these cutbacks in allocations to the colleges and to the staffs at third level are a knife in the whole area of research and development, so important to future jobs. It means that those new areas of computer studies and computer technology — in which those people lecturing, imparting knowledge at third level have to spend at least 50 per cent of their time studying and acquiring new information — will not now be available to them.

The Minister may think she can sell these cutbacks publicly and get away with it. Many people feel that these cutbacks at third level are rarified and cut off from the rest of the real world. I can anticipate some of the comments that might come from some of the Minister's colleagues on those benches, that the real education and real university is the university of life. Let me tell the Minister that these cutbacks in third level education are a savage act against the poor of Ireland. I want to develop some of those points.

If the Minister takes, as she is doing, £250,000 from the budget of the colleges of education this year, the effects run right through the system. It means that in the colleges of education there are fewer jobs, fewer students and, eventually, fewer teachers. That is the first step. The primary schools at the moment, as the Minister well knows and has said time and time again when in Opposition — and I hope she will not be shy to repeat it tonight — have the largest classes in Western Europe, are the most under-resourced schools at primary level in Western Europe, are the most underfinanced at primary level in Western Europe and are operating with the lowest level of ancillary support and the highest pupil/teacher ratio in Western Europe. It is shameful that the Minister is now putting a further strain on this system which is already creaking and which needs support, help and investment rather than further cutbacks.

People ask where does cutting the number of teachers affect us? I want to give one example, one reference, one statistic that might stick in people's minds. For the South of Ireland to have the same pupil/teacher ratio or class size in their primary schools as is at present available in Northern Ireland, we would need, as the Minister well knows, 5,000 primary teachers trained immediately. The Minister's response to that need is to cut back on the Vote to the colleges of education. It is disgraceful and I might say in passing that the pupil/teacher ratio in Northern Ireland is the worst in the United Kingdom. It grieves me to say it, but at this point I must recall the crocodile tears of Deputy Mary O'Rourke, Opposition spokesperson on education, on the closure of Carysfort College last year. It should go into the record. It is shameful, when the Minister agreed to and accepted the need for development in this area, that she is now stewarding further cutbacks.

Fewer teachers at primary level again also means that quality suffers. The larger the class, the less time for the individual pupil. The academic nature of the educational structure means that the move from first to second level and from second to third level is very often determined by the pupil's level of academic achievement. If the pupils do not get a chance at primary level by being put into over-crowded classes which cannot cater for their individual needs, they will be behind at second level. If they are behind at second level, they will not get into third level and this, of course, is what the Minister hopes the public will buy, that third level does not concern us. Of course, it does not; it does not concern too many of the population who can never hope to get there. But they will all suffer the effects of cutbacks in that area. At the moment, less than 10 per cent of the young population can hope to be catered for in third level.

Of course — and this is the saddest part of it — where the poor suffer, the wealthy can buy their way out. If the well-off feel that the service provided by the State is not sufficient for the needs of their children, they go and buy a better type of education, as they see it, somewhere else. This is the area where the inequality of access in particular is reinforced. In fact, in the Minister's determination that the poor will suffer, this is where the vicious circle of under-privilege and poverty is maintained and maintained still further.

I ask the Minister: where is she going with education? What is it that she has to tell us about education? What is it that we can gain from these particular cuts that she has outlined? I appeal to her, rather than have us go through this charade of trying to find out where the cuts will take place, to have the courage to pull back the veil over her cutbacks and tell us precisely how she sees them being implemented at third level, second level and first level. Even though the debate tonight centres around third level, we want to point out to the Minister that the knock-on, accumulative effect in other areas concerns us every bit as much.

We are now looking at an educational service which is less and less able or ready to meet the wants of those who most need it. I have pointed out how the cuts at third level work their way down through the system to make it more and more difficult for anybody to get value out of the educational service. From the worst off parts of the community, let us take the example of those living in Sheriff Street, living in the worst housing conditions, with 70 per cent or more unemployment, with home and relationship problems, with stresses and strains of living in over-crowded, poverty-ridden conditions, with hardly a chance of employment.

These young people living there for 16, 17, 18, 19 hours a day then go to the classrooms and we expect that the primary classrooms of Ireland, already over-crowded, will in some way, over five hours of the day, counteract that environment and intervene to the advantage of those young people who are suffering from such an environment for the other 19 hours. It is not fair, right or supportable by anybody who is elected as a public representative.

I find it astonishing that, hand in hand with the draconian cutbacks to which I referred earlier, the Minister is also cutting back on the grants available to those who are involved in adult literacy courses and those who have not been able to avail of first chance education. Third level education for these people is the only chance they might have and the third level that they are talking about is a third level of adult education and adult literacy courses. Also, it seems incredible that, along with that, the Minister shaves another £250,000 off the paltry Vote that was available for projects to support and help the disadvantaged.

All in all, we are looking at a situation of growing student numbers, cutbacks in the money available to look after them, at a future where it will not be possible for the educational system to cope with the needs of any of the pupils. We are now cutting back on the services at first level, second level and third level, the disadvantaged, travellers — any of the groups who need our help. Whom are we serving at the moment? Whom are we looking after in the educational service? We are looking at the stress and strain of workers in education at all three levels. We are looking at the stress and strain now finding their way into the relationship between work in education and students or pupils in education. The Minister has a clear and absolute duty in this area. She must say that education is an investment in the future. All too often I have heard it said that third level education is something that people should see as a privilege.

It is quite all right for someone philosophically to consider third level to be a privileged thing and to be something to which one might aspire. That is a personal view, it is a personal philosophy that somebody may well have. I do not support it and I cannot even understand how it works out. If I hear Ministers and Governments saying that the young people are the hope for the future, if I hear them saying that we need to have development in education, that we need to have research, further technological developments, movement at all levels of education and then if pupils with ability cannot proceed through the system because their parents do not have the money to put them through, who loses? Is it the pupil, or is it the family, or is it the service? It is not; it is the State who loses. What we are saying is that we do not need the ability of young people: "If you cannot afford to buy your way through the system, get the boat and get out of here". That is the stark reality and that is the responsibility that faces any Minister for Education in this day and age.

We want to see a little bit of concern, a little bit of hope and a little bit of the confidence that we heard so much about during the election campaign. I stress to the Minister that what we are seeing here tonight is a vicious attack on education. It will create unemployment, force emigration and threaten the quality of the service we are giving. In fact, the quality will deteriorate and it will, without doubt, stop essential building programmes.

How can the Minister justify knocking and stopping essential building programmes at third level when up to six months ago she was shouting that they were so necessary? This will lower morale and threaten the security of everybody in education but more than anything else it will reduce the numbers of highly qualified young people who are so essential to future employment and to the creation of projects. We will no longer be able to hear Ministers for Education saying that our greatest resource are our educated young population if this continues. We will not have that resource in the future. We are now taking a step backwards.

In the history of this State there has been constant development in the educational services being offered to people and in particular to young people. There has been development in this area year after year by successive Governments. As a member of a teachers union I have fought with Governments for more, for better quality or for extra input but I never had to consider anything like the cutbacks that are now being effected. I am looking forward to hearing how the Minister can justify hitting the young people of Ireland in this way. As we say in the motion we accept the need to control public expenditure. Of course there is a need for control overall spending but the Minister has prioritised and in Government you have agreed and acceeded to a prioritisation which has hit the poor, has damaged employment prospects and has threatened the future of a young generation.

I should like to formally second the motion and I reserve my right to speak at a later stage.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "Seanad Éireann" and substitute the following:—

"recognising the need to control public expenditure in the interests of laying the groundwork for economic recovery and in view of the fact that the allocation for total recurrent expenditure in the higher education sector in 1987 is 5.6 per cent greater that that provided in the 1986 Estimates, approves the measures adopted by the Government to maintain higher education services at as high a level as possible."

At the outset I would like to be associated with the congratulations and good wishes which have been extended to the Minister from many quarters on her appointment as Minister for Education. I would like to join with all those in wishing her a long, happy and successful term of office in the very important ministry to which she has been appointed. In view of the Minister's deep interest in and knowledge of education and her commitment to the improvement of the education service, I am confident that in spite of the present difficult economic circumstances she will prove to be one of the best Ministers for Education this country has ever had.

In his budget statement of 31 March this year, as reported at column 787 of the Dáil Official Report of that day, under the section headed, Education, the Minister for Finance said:

The Exchequer cash that will be available to educational institutions will be reduced. The Government recognise that many of these institutions are already operating under tight financial constraints but further economies are unavoidable.

Earlier in his speech the Minister had outlined the seriousness of the economic situation and had spelled out his and the Government's determination to restore order to the public finances and to progressively reduce the level of Government borrowing and the cost of servicing the national debt. In order to achieve these objectives it was inevitable that there would have to be reductions in Government expenditure right across the board. When he made the statement I have just quoted the Minister was making it clear that education, like every other sector, was being called on to bear its share of the reductions. It is obvious from the very first line of the motion before the House this evening that the Senators who tabled it, in common with the vast majority of people, recognise and accept the need for controlling public spending. There are very few people who honestly believe we could continue as we were going.

When the Government took up office on 10 March, just four months ago, the national debt had already broken the £25 billion barrier and was gathering momentum all the time. More than one-third of all tax revenue in the current year would go on debt service. This was the situation with which the Government were faced. Urgent action was needed and because of the seriousness of the problem that action had inevitably to be both strong and firm if it was to have any impact. I was speaking to a person the other evening who compared the situation to a patient who is critically ill and who needs major surgery urgently. The fact that the surgery should have been carried out much earlier does not make things any easier. It is understandable that the patient does not enjoy the surgery because it is quite painful, but neither does the surgeon derive any pleasure from having to carry it out. Yet both know that it is absolutely necessary if the patient is to survive and be restored to health. Neither I am sure do the Government derive any pleasure from doing what they have to do at the moment. However, we all know that if this country is to have any future and if the young people who are in education at every level today are to have any future, it is essential that the necessary remedial action be taken in relation to the economy irrespective of how painful that action is. Confidence must be restored and interest rates must be reduced so that investment will be encouraged because without investment there will be no worthwhile economic growth. It is only through economic growth that we will see a reduction in unemployment levels and some prospect of employment for the thousands of young people who are in education, and particularly those who are in higher education.

I am satisfied most people accept that the resolute way in which the Government are tackling the country's problems is already beginning to bear fruit: interest rates have started to fall and confidence is growing; economic development is being promoted and food processing, mariculture, forestry, tourism and horticulture which are all areas of significant job creation potential have been identified by the Government for special priority.

What about education?

Other initiatives taken by the Government, such as the arrangements which have been put in train for the establishment of a major international financial services centre in the Custom House Docks site, have significant employment implications for our young people.

It is against this background that we must consider the motion and the amendment which are before us this evening. The amendment states that public expenditure control is absolutely vital if the groundwork for economic recovery is to be laid. The motion, as I have already said, appears to accept this also. I know that like me, every Senator would like to see considerably increased funding for education and I am sure we could all identify priority areas at every level where such funding could be used to very good effect. I am confident that the policies being pursued by the Government will result in such additional funding being available in the not too distant future. In the meantime we have to accept the harsh realities of the situation in which we find ourselves.

Since the motion does not state otherwise I take it that the Senators who tabled it are satisfied with the overall gross provision for education in the current year——

The Senator may not take that at all.

——having regard to the economic situation and the need they recognise and accept for controlling public spending.

We do not——

Senator Mulooly to continue, without interruption.

Perhaps I should point out at this stage that the total amount provided in this year for overall education expenditure is 10 per cent higher than the gross expenditure figure for last year. As the amendment points out, the allocation for total recurrent expenditure in the higher education sector in 1987 is 5.6 per cent greater than that provided in the 1986 Estimates.

What the sponsors of the motion seem to be concerned about is the share of the overall provision which the RTCs and the universities received. If they accept the overall provision, but if they are not satisfied with the allocation from the overall provision to third level, they are by implication making the case that the allocation to either second level or primary education should be reduced in order to provide additional funding to the universities and the RTCs. I could not accept that. While I recognise the tremendous work being done in our third level institutions, and the fact that they have been operating within very tight financial constraints for the past number of years, in the final analysis they are in a better position to minimise the effects of a reduction in resources than either the primary or second level sectors.

The sponsors of the motion also seem to be making the point that the decision in relation to the funding of the RTCs and the universities should have been reached and conveyed to the college authorities in a manner different from that which was used. I assume that what they have in mind is that there should have been a degree of consultation which did not take place. If this is the case then I would have to make the point that, in the circumstances, what happened was understandable. Consultation of its very nature takes time. The Government were in a situation where immediate urgent action was required and to delay the action in order to allow consultation to take place would have only exacerbated the problem which necessitated the action. However, I am sure that if the university or the RTC authorities wish to have discussions in relation to any difficulties, which they may have as a result of these decisions, they will find an open door as far as the Minister for Education and the Government are concerned. I believe that this has been the experience of other interests which have been affected by similar Government decisions and I am satisfied that the same situation will obtain as far as the educational interests are concerned.

I would not attempt to argue that a reduction in the availability of resources will not have some adverse effects on the quality and the development of the education service. Of course it will, and this is true irrespective of what level of education we are talking about. Neither would I attempt to make light of the difficulties faced by everyone involved in education as they try to maintain the quality of the service as far as it is humanly possible to do so in such circumstances.

I also accept the argument that education is the very last service which should be made to suffer in times of economic recession having regard to the fact that any investment in education is an investment in the country's future. However, I believe that the situation in which we now find ourselves is more than just an economic recession. We are in national economic crisis and this crisis is being tackled by the Government in the only realistic way possible in the circumstances. I accept that in the short term education expenditure will not be at the level at which we would all wish to see it. I hope that when the economy improves, as a result of the measures to which I referred earlier, the Government will have as a first priority the restoration of educational funding to the greatest possible degree. Having regard to the past record of the Fianna Fáil Party in Government in relation to education——

The Senator's party were better in Opposition.

——and recognising the tenacity of the present Minister and her commitment to the education service at every level, I am confident that the curtailment of funding for education will not continue for any longer than is necessary. I compliment the Minister on having ensured, despite all the financial constraints, that there has been no worsening of the basic pupil-teacher ratio at first or second level. I am pleased that the decision of the previous Government to bring guidance teachers within the quota at second level has been reversed. I also welcome the fact that no restriction has been imposed on entry to education and also that higher education grants and the income eligibility limits for these grants have been increased to keep pace with inflation. When one considers that three out of every four students in the RTCs have their fees paid by the State, either by way of VEC scholarships, ESF grants, or higher education grants, we get some idea of the massive investment which is made by the State in third level education. Time does not permit me to deal with all the other matters which are referred to in the motion, but I would make the point in relation to the morale of workers in education that nothing could be more damaging to the morale of such workers than a continuation of the situation where many of the highly qualified young people who graduate each year from our third level institutions have little or no prospect of employment in this country.

In relation to the reference in the motion to unemployment and the forced emigration of highly qualified personnel in whom the State has already made a substantial investment, this is the problem which the Government are addressing and attempting to redress through the implementation of their Programme for National Recovery. There is also a reference in the motion to the fact that building programmes which are not being proceeded with immediately will have a knock-on effect on employment in the building industry. The Government have undertaken a review of all third level education capital projects. As we know, some at least of these projects were promised by the previous Administration in the run-up to the general election. I accept that some of these proposed projects are essential to cater for the increased numbers of students entering third level education. However, I also believe that it is not unreasonable that the new Government should have an opportunity to examine all projects so that they can be absolutely satisfied that the scarce resources which are available are put to the best possible use.

The measures adopted by the Government having regard to the economic situation will maintain higher education services at as high a level as is possible in the present difficult climate. I ask Members of the House to support the amendment.

I am very honoured to be here this evening particularly when the Senators of the Upper House are gracing us with their presence in our own Chamber. They are welcome. I am very honoured to have here many of the new Senators and I congratulate them on their election. I did not have an opportunity to do so earlier and I put it formally on the record of the House. I also congratulate you, a Chathaoirligh, on the very dignified way in which you have renewed your duties as Cathaoirleach.

I am pleased to have the opportunity to speak on the motion at present before the Seanad. Senators will be aware that I dealt with the education services in general in my speech on the Estimates in the Dáil in June and earlier in my address in the budget debate in April. So, far from being a shrinking violet in declaring my intentions, as outlined by Senator O'Toole, I have spoken in this House on two occasions in education debates. The motion put down by Senators J. O'Toole and Ross, and the other Senators however, puts the focus on the higher education sector and I am happy to deal in as much detail as time will allow with my strategy for the vital element — as Senator Joe O'Toole said — of our educational services.

First of all, I should like to record my conviction that the need to bring public expenditure under control has the same widespread support in this House as it has in the Dáil. Indeed, I believe that the Government's intention in that regard is accepted — as has been shown in recent — public opinion polls — by a substantial majority of the Irish people. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that the education sector would be expected to play its part in achieving the financial targets set by the Government — and so ably outlined by Senator Brian Mullooly in his address.

Moreover, it is reasonable to expect that all levels of the system should carry a fair share of the burden. The task to which we all need to address ourselves is to keep expenditure within agreed limits while, at the same time, maintaining the services in all their essential aspects. I believe that the proposals I have prepared for the higher education sector represent a successful attempt to achieve both of these objectives and I am confident that I will receive the wholehearted co-operation of the HEA and the individual institutes in putting these proposals into effect.

May I just say here as an aside, far from not being in consultation as had been implied by one of the previous speakers, immediately on the publication of the Estimates, I met with the following groups connected with third level education; a representative group of the CEOs, the IVEA on four occasions, the chairpersons of the VECs, with the heads of the universities and with the HEA. I have met with all of those groups once and some of them twice. I am engaged in my third round of meetings with others. I certainly have come upfront with the people who, in the popular coinage of words, are at the work face.

As you are well aware, vacancies arising in the public service may be filled only with the approval of the Minister in whose area the vacancy occurs in conjunction with the Minister for Finance. I have been successful in excluding the higher education sector from the operation of this procedure and in making an alternative arrangement with the Minister for Finance. Accordingly, my Department have issued a circular letter to VECs responsible for third level colleges setting out their rates of expenditure on pay for the rest of 1987 and for the whole of next year and advising them that it will be a matter for the management of each college to make the most appropriate staffing arrangements open to it in the light of its financial allocation.

Not only did they know some months ago what they would have for 1987 but they now know their allocation for the whole of 1988 for their staffing arrangements well in advance. The use of the word "arbitrary" which in my understanding of the word means sudden or with no notice, is not appropriate in the light of the provisions I have made and the fact that I have met quite frequently with the various heads and that they now know their staffing allocations for 1988. The Higher Education Authority have also notified the institutions operating under their aegis of the position for the remainder of this year and for next year. No matter how people here may shake their heads that is the exact position.

I acknowledge that in some cases the exercise of sophisticated management procedures will be called for to safeguard permanent wholetime posts but I am happy to say that we are far from a situation of unemployment or enforced emigration of highly qualified personnel.

The second part of the motion suggests that a reduction in personnel will threaten the quality of third level education at a time when student numbers are on the increase. As I have just pointed out, I do not see a major problem as far as reductions in staff are concerned despite an anticipated growth in student numbers.

On the HEA side it is my intention to enable the universities and the National Institutes for Higher Education to continue to provide courses leading to academic and professional qualifications in the light of the demand from students and in the light of the manpower or personpower needs of our economy. I believe we should strive to achieve a reasonable balance between individual demand for higher education and the needs of the economy for the services which highly trained graduates can provide. Over a considerable period the HEA sector has continued to cater for increased student intake without corresponding additions to staff and accommodation. I am happy to acknowledge publicly, as I have done when I met the heads of the institutions, the additional productivity which has been achieved in this way. It has been no mean feat for them to have so done. They have done so with skill and acumen and it is indicative of the level of capability which they exhibit as heads of their individual institutions.

The RTCs in particular have shown remarkable skill in adapting their accommodation to cope with students in excess of the number for which they were originally designed.

They will put the students on the roof next.

Senator O'Toole spoke at length with great verve, aplomb and élan and I did not interrupt him. Will he allow me to speak? They have been helped in this respect by the relative decline in numbers in the craft apprentice area, an area of activity which has traditionally made heavy demands on staff and available accommodation. The drop in apprenticeship numbers — of approximately 27 per cent — has meant that space has become available for conversion at relatively modest cost into classrooms which can be used to teach certificate, diploma and degree programmes. I would like, at this juncture, to mention the considerable amount of capital investment in buildings at universities and other third level institutions which is continuing throughout the country.

Work on the provision of a new engineering school building at UCD which started in the spring of this year is progressing satisfactorily and it is expected that the new building will be ready for occupation for the academic year 1989-90. This is a major project which, when completed, will have all the facilities and latest equipment necessary to produce our future high quality engineering graduates. I should also like to acknowledge the involvement of the EC in this vital project through the substantial contribution made in grant form from the European Regional Development Fund.

In Galway construction work commenced on the new microbiology building in UCG in September 1986 and is expected to be completed before the end of 1987. This building, costing almost £2 million, will replace the existing substandard temporary accommodation which has housed the Department of Microbiology for many years.

At NIHE, Dublin, a £1.4 million extension to the Henry Grattan building is underway at present and is expected to be completed and ready for September. The main contract for Phrase II of the UCD Library has also been completed and the furnishing and equipping of the new building and the adaptation of existing spaces is now proceeding.

In the recent past, a major extension to NIHE, Limerick, has been completed. Other extensions have been completed at the National College of Art and Design and at NIHE, Dublin. Many other minor adaptation works and extensions have also been carried out in other universities and designated institutions.

It is also planned to provide additional facilities for the further development of the National Microelectronics Research Centre at UCC and to extend the industrial microbiology laboratories at UCD.

With regard to the third level colleges in the VEC areas, major extensions are being provided for the colleges of technology at Kevin Street and Bolton Street which will enable these colleges to provide for a total of 5,000 students. The Kevin Street extension has recently been completed and the furniture and equipment will be purchased this year. The Bolton Street extension is due for completion later this year and the furnishing and equipping will follow. A major new building has also been provided for the regional technical college at Tralee to cater for over 800 students. This building is also being furnished and equipped this year.

An ongoing analysis of accommodation is being carried out in the regional technical colleges as a basis for ascertaining their accommodation requirements.

What about Thurles?

As a result, a programme of alterations to increase capacity and improve facilities has already commenced in some colleges such as Galway, Athlone, Dundalk and Cork.

What about Thurles?

What about Waterford?

The question of the future development of these and other colleges is being considered in the context of the analysis of accommodation and examination of the viability of courses and numbers. The courses being offered in these RTCs and the numbers offering for participating, continuing and finishing those courses is under scrutiny. It is a major area for examination.

In addition to these alterations, essential minor works such as roof and heating system repairs, fire safety works and the installation of a security system are being carried out in many colleges.

I will not need my umbrella next year.

A programme for the purchase of computer equipment at four RTC's — Tralee, Athlone, Sligo and Carlow — is in progress and it is expected that this equipment will be purchased later this year. It will be seen, therefore, that the third level area of education has received substantial State subventions to allow the institutions concerned to have the buildings, furniture, equipment and facilities essential to maintain the high level of educational excellence for which they are rightly noted.

During 1985 the previous Government announced a major programme of capital development in the third level sector. I have already mentioned some of these projects which are ongoing. The implications of such a programme and the time scale involved are extremely daunting and would present a major challenge to any Government given the current limitations of our national resources.

It seems that a capital programme of such a scale presented a daunting financial scenario to the previous Government also since before they left office they had decided they would carry out a review of the long-term requirements for third level places, taking account of all relevant factors including demographic trends. Pending this review a Goverment memorandum has been prepared that no new commitment on any third level project was to be incurred without prior approval of the Minister for Finance.

From projections of student numbers it is evident that peak enrolment at third level will occur in the next decade and that thereafter student numbers will begin to decline. The future scale of this decline can be gauged from the fact that over the next decade pupils at primary level are projected to decrease by almost 63,000. In my estimation that figure is very conservative and I believe that the number that will be realised as the years unfold will be considerably in excess of that figure.

Given these circumstances it will be necessary for the Government, in conjunction with the Higher Education Authority, to review proposals for capital development in the third level area for future years, taking into account demographic and all other relevant factors. However, the Government are committed to providing higher education for as many of our young people as possible and to seeking continuing improvement in the quality of the education provided within the constraints placed on them by the present availability of financial resources.

The financial provision for the higher education grants scheme in this financial year is £20.6 million which is 25 per cent more than the 1986 outturn. Additional students will be grant aided and the income eligibility limits and the maintenance elements of the grants have been increased in line with inflation. The substantial increase in the financial allocation for these grants bears witness to the Government's commitment to ensuring that the less well off but talented young people in the community are not precluded from pursuing higher level studies due to their financial circumstances.

I am fully aware of the commitment of those involved in education, the efforts they are making as they seek to use to the best advantage the resources available to them and the difficulties which they face at present in carrying out their duties. The reality is, however, that this country faces serious financial and economic difficulties. The Government have set themselves the primary task of taking difficult decisions which will be necessary to tackle the underlying problems. Let me say that we have only started to take them. The measures I have outlined and which are in motion for 1987 are extremely generous in the circumstances. I have absolutely no anticipation that the 11 per cent increase in Government expenditure which we have been able to produce for this year can in any way be maintained because we have started on what is going to be a very difficult, hard, painful road for every one of us in this House and the other House and the general public outside. To expect that any sector of Government spending can increase at 11 per cent while inflation is at three point something per cent is a gross misrepresentation and a gross mis-assumption of what will be the relevant facts in the few years ahead.

However, we are heartened by the results we are achieving and by the goodwill which is being constantly expressed. We are also very confident that we have a real task ahead of us, that is, to make a balanced judgment on everything that will be put in front of us so that in our various areas of experience and within the various arms of Government we are operating we will be able to see that the disadvantaged and the less well off receive the essential services, in each Government area, to which they are duly entitled.

There is a large measure of agreement on the nature of these decisions which must include reductions in public expenditure in order to reduce the overwhelming burden of the national debt. Needless to say, all sectors must contribute their share to the necessary reductions. Nevertheless the Government's commitment to education and the high priority they accord to educational needs even in these difficult times is clearly illustrated by the fact that this year's total allocation for the education services is more than 11 per cent greater than the 1986 outturn. The 1986 outturn was considerably greater than the 1986 Estimate. At 7 per cent of GNP it represents a greater proportion of national resources to education than ever before in the history of this State and it amounts to almost 18 per cent of the total Exchequer spending. Those figures are on the record, verifiable and correct.

In the third level sector the allocation for total recurrent expenditure in 1987 is almost 5.6 per cent greater than was provided in the 1986 estimates. To represent this provision which is greatly in excess of inflation as a cutback is, I submit, an exaggeration and in an attempt to spread alarm and disquiet among the public in general who, I know, will take cognisance of the real facts as outlined in my speech. The real facts are the figures as I have quoted them.

(Interruptions.)

Senator O'Toole said there has been a cutback in the literacy programme. The literacy programme received an increase of £50,000 over their 1986 allocation — this is just an aside, a Chathaoirligh, not really relevant to the motion, but Senator O'Toole referred to it, therefore I must refute what he said. I do not know whether I will be able to maintain that level next year but we are dealing with what is the position now and 50 per cent was the increase in budget expenditure by this Government, over the amount provided by the last Government.

(Interruptions.)

Given the present very difficult financial situation I think it must be agreed that these figures indicate a significant achievement on the part of the Government.

I am glad the motion raises the important question of morale. I acknowledge that we are living in difficult times and that decisions, which must be taken for the general good, may, and will, call for sacrifices on the part of individuals or particular sections of our society. I hope I have demonstrated our resolve to protect the fabric of the education system by making an arrangement with the Minister for Finance which ensures exceptional treatment for the education sector with regard to the filling of vacancies, vis-a-vis the arrangements made for the public service in general. This provides clear evidence of the Government's commitment to education and of their determination to continue to provide an educational service of the highest quality for our young people.

I have followed the speeches of the two previous speakers with great interest. If we, both the Senators here and the Deputy on this side, are not to be accused of acting out a charade in this House, we must face facts very squarely, and the facts are as I have outlined. This year expenditure on education increased at a greater rate than ever before in the history of the State. I will not say that it will do so again. Indeed, I have very grave reservations that that scale of increase could be matched foreseeably by any Government in power in the years ahead. That is the overall Government expenditure on education at a rate of between 10 per cent and 11 per cent when inflation was running at about 3.4 or 3.5 per cent. Therefore, we are speaking of overall Government expenditure at a rate of 8 per cent above the inflation rate. In regard to the third level sector Senator O'Toole used words like "savaged" and "vandalised", indeed with great effect. I cannot see how an increase of that nature, the largest ever in the history of the State provision for education, can by any measure be regarded in the terms he used.

The previous speaker asked that I would express hope, confidence and concern. I express hope in the Government commitment, as I have outlined, which has shown itself in the area of education. I have listed all the capital developments which have happened. Since the OECD report and the ensuing investment report issued there has been a continuing and steady growth in the provision of education services. It is time now for us to take stock. It is time now for us to review what we have done and to mark out our priorities as to where we want to go in the realm of education.

Of course, it would be absolutely charming and beautiful if I could come into this Chamber here tonight and say: "Yes. Every capital project we have on hand is going to go ahead and every university and third level institution that looks for additional staffing and resources may have it. I may just write a cheque." People could then recruit builders and build, and so on. I cannot do that and neither can the Government do it. The reason I express confidence, concern and hope is that we have at last started on the road which will lead to hope and confidence for the future of our people. How can we go on spending money which we have to borrow at huge rates of interest? How can we continue — all Governments have been at fault in this; I do not exempt any particular Government and I do not say that one has been purer or whiter than another — to mortgage not just ourselves but our children and their children? That is what we are doing.

If we went to the money markets or to the gnomes of Zurich and asked for an extra £1,000 million to spend on education, on health, or whatever worthy area it was, because they are all worthy and they all need increased expenditure, we would be tightening the noose which is already around our necks. My generation are at a certain stage of our lives when, I suppose, we look ahead to a limited number of years but we are all, in our various ways, whether or not we are married or have children, responsible to the next generation.

While I am a member of this Government I will take my duties seriously and my duties are in this order: First I am a member of a Government who are committed to making Ireland a country that can stand up and look at its creditor countries in the face; secondly, I am concerned that, as a small country, a country that has a proud past and a proud present, we can develop our resources and enhance our country without the huge burden of debt which is daily dragging us down as if it were a chain around us. Thirdly, I am totally dedicated to education. All my past, my upbringing, my life before I came into the Houses of the Oireachtas has been involved in education and it will continue to be so. I will ensure that the resources which we have will continue to be spent in the areas which need them. To represent as vandalism and other highly emotive words an increase of 11 per cent in the total budget for education and an increase of 5.6 per cent in the budget of third level education is a total exaggeration.

Therefore, I have pleasure in supporting the amendment to the motion which reads:

To delete all words after "Seanad Éireann" and substitute the following:

"recognising the need to control public expenditure in the interests of laying the groundwork for economic recovery and in view of the fact that the allocation for total recurrent expenditure in the higher education sector in 1987 is 5.6 per cent greater than that provided in the 1986 Estimates, approves the measures adopted by the Government to maintain higher education services at as high a level as possible.

In my time in this House and in the other House I do not think I have ever heard a more extraordinary speech than we just had from the Minister. It was extraordinary in two ways. First, it was delivered as if the past five years and her record as Opposition spokesman and the positions she and her party took in Opposition simply did not exist; as if the present began in March 1987. I will comment on that in a moment. The second extraordinary aspect of the speech we have just heard — and it only occurred to me having read it twice and having listened to the Minister - is that we have only got half the speech. What we have not got is the hidden agenda. There is not a word in this speech about cutbacks, not a mention of Thurles, not a mention of Waterford or of Trinity. It is a speech which is a clever documentation of those schemes which have as yet escaped the cutbacks and the savage knife. It is a speech which certainly did not inform Members here tonight and which made no attempt to address the very real questions raised by the Senators who proposed this motion.

The cutbacks as detailed in this motion are real; they exist. They are having and will have devastating consequences in all areas of Irish education. No shuffling with figures, no juggling with percentage points can disguise their existence, their severity and their arbitrary nature. Nor can the consequences they will have for Irish education generally be disguised. These cuts emphatically are not the better way we were told about on one expensive hoarding after another during the course of the last election campaign.

Let me speak briefly about the context in which these cuts are taking place. For the previous five years there was one consistent theme in Government policy and that was that public spending had to be contained. Changes, cuts, rationalisation and rethinking were necessary. Hard decisions had to be taken and special interests had to be taken on and had to be faced down. The public had to be educated into the new reality. This was the consistent line. It was courageous; it was realistic; it was not very popular and it set out to protect certain priorities, expecially those affecting the most deprived.

During all of this time Fianna Fáil knew full well the state of the public finances. Indeed nobody knew better. Yet not once during all that time was there an offer to understand, to support or to help the Government in what they were trying to do. On the contrary, every opportunity to disrupt or to frustrate Government intentions was seized upon. Every disaffected interest group was courted and given, if not always a promise, at least the nod and the wink. There was no need for cuts, we were told. It was a question of management, of judgment and of confidence. Fianna Fáil told us to trust them and all would be well, but it was more than that. It was cynical, destructive Opposition which on every occasion put party interest before educational needs. There was a refusal even to accept the need for cutbacks. The people of Ireland were told there would be no cutbacks. All of this was untrue and it is now seen to be untrue and to be cynical. It undermines the credibility which this Government bring to the task which they are now facing up to for the first time, and much of which task is necessary. It is now being attacked and undertaken without the credibility from its own supporters who are sick and tired of trying to explain the nature of and reason for the U turns. And what of members of the party opposite in the RTCs and VECs throughout the country whose silence on the cutbacks and on the consequences which they must now face is deafening?

We could go back to various statements but there is not time. Various promises were made before the election, promises which the teachers' organisations documented and sent around, promises which every candidate in the last election had to face in one teacher's classroom after another and at one parent's meeting after another. I will not labour this point but the climate which was created and sustained by Fianna Fáil and on which they won votes was a climate of the easy option, of the painless, invisible cut. Promises were given and people were fooled. They must now accept a far harsher reality from those who made these promises. This is not a good climate in which to seek that partnership and understanding which are so badly needed in the interests of the entire community. It was the price of power and, for many of those who will now lose their jobs, it is a very high price indeed.

I am not saying that much of what the Minister has to do is not necessary but I wonder how many of those in the building industry, which is mentioned in this motion, how many of those who pinned such hopes on Fianna Fáil giving them a boost, of Fianna Fáil being the only people capable of giving them a real boost, of Fianna Fáil being the builder's party, are now looking at the growing list of capital projects, of schools and other buildings which have been abandoned, and this is on top of the housing cutbacks. These people were not told that when they went out in their cars and voted and filled the election coffers of Fianna Fáil before the last election. They were told it would be very different indeed but now at least another myth has been laid to rest.

Let me come now to the present cutbacks. I will take the institution I know best, University College Dublin. Over the years UCD has lived within its budget. Cutbacks were met in a planned way and it was possible to do so, though with hardship because positions were frozen, and ways of raising new money were explored. A very tight parsimonious administration ruled with an iron fist. It was painful but it was possible. This year UCD was told that its non-payment budget would be reduced by 5 per cent. This was a cutback of £617,000. The college faced up to this in various ways. It set about raising extra income through increasing student numbers. It was possible to enrol 500 extra students with no increase in staff; in fact, with the number of staff actually decreasing. Equipment grants were cut and research funds were depleted but the college set about meeting this cutback of 5 per cent on its non-pay budget. At least it knew what was in front of it and it could plan ahead for the rest of the year.

Now, suddenly, it is told there will be a reduction of 1 per cent this year in the pay budget for 1987 and 3 per cent reduction in the pay budget for 1988. A reduction of 1 per cent for 1987 means a reduction of £250,000 over three months, or £1 million over a full year. The Minister talks about these cuts not being arbitrary, about there being the possibility of planning for the year ahead. How can anybody believe that? UCD is one of the institutions less harshly hit in the realms of higher education — I suspect because of superior management over the years but that point is debatable. However, the net effect this year of those cuts is a loss of 80 jobs in UCD and if we take in the veterinary and agriculture disciplines that is another 17 to 20 jobs. That is 100 jobs in all and we are told this is being done in a planned way. All that does not take account of the number of positions which have been frozen, jobs not filled and the other cutbacks which have been faced over the years.

How can any third level institution plan for the year ahead? How can the Minister say these cutbacks are not arbitrary? How can she say they are not a blunt crude instrument which will be far more counter-productive than if they had not been introduced? I know there are other speakers so I will deal with two further points only.

In third level education there is an awareness that universities have to move away from whatever isolation they were in in the past. They will have to go out and sell their services to the outside world. They will have to raise money wherever they can. They will have to get involved in joint ventures. If there is a commercial way of building student hostels which is not a charge on the Exchequer, then it will have to be explored. If there are services in computing and research which can be sold to the outside world thus generating money for the university, then so be it. There is a realisation that more and more universities must stand on their own feet.

There is also a realisation that the level of fees has reached ceiling level. It is like PAYE. It simply cannot go any higher. Whatever way universities are to raise funds in the future it must not be in the form of higher fees. These points are accepted. We have seen in UCD in the last week the publication of a development programme which sets out what the university can do and what is possible, running away from the idea that the State must provide everything. It sets out very clearly that as far as possible these institutions must stand on their own two feet and seek to generate whatever extra income they can in the interests of the institution and the taxpayers. The people involved in third level education have accepted reality, that harsh measures must be taken. They are doing their best to see how the universities can sell themselves better, setting up new courses, more summer schools, links with foreign universities, tie-ups in research and development, holding courses for those involved in industry, and so on. The list is legion of things that can be done to generate money for the universities. How can they expect to go ahead with these plans in good faith when arbitrary cuts are imposed on them, when they do not know what will happen next year, when the only thanks they get for greater productivity is the blunt scalpel and the message that there will be further cuts, but they will not be told where, why or how much. That is the message which is coming across from the present Administration.

I feel very negative about the Minister's speech tonight. I cannot share in her optimistic positive mood. The facts do not let me. I only hope she will fight her case in Cabinet to ensure that the damage which has been, and is being done, will as far as possible be undone.

I welcome the Minister to our assembly which is temporarily housed in her Chamber. I wish her well in her present position and now I consider myself dispensed from the civilities.

At least the Senator gave me the courtesy and I thank him.

I must reassure the Minister that none of us — even if she had not given us the assurance — would have thought of her as a shrinking violet. She need not be afraid of that.

Some of the points in her speech cannot be denied. The third level institutions are being allowed to administer the medicine to themselves as they see fit and that is a small mercy for which we should be grateful. As a member of the staff of University College Cork I am very grateful that our new library is in place before the bad days came. There are things for which we should be thankful. On the other hand, I consider the amendment fatuous in the extreme and this borne out by the Minister's speech. It is an Alice In Wonderland situation. A cutback is not a cutback if the Minister says so. What then have we being doing over the past several weeks in UCC attending meetings and seriously considering how best we can deal with the directives from the higher education authorities. I think that part of her speech is ludicrous in the extreme, as Senator Manning said.

The statistic of an alleged 5.6 per cent recurrent expenditure greater than 1986 does not gainsay the fact which Senator Manning outlined, that we are compelled to reduce our staff and to cut back on our payroll in what is really to an emergency degree over the next couple of years, even if things do not get worse and I am afraid they will. It must be remembered that that cutback is done at a very low base. As the Minister acknowledged, universities have done a good job with their resources. Student numbers in UCC — like Senator Manning I refer to the institution I know best — have gone up by 20 per cent since the late seventies but effectively there has been no corresponding increase in staff. A good job has been done in that context. There really is no fat in the system. When you look at the resources available in the United Kingdom and the resources to Queens University Belfast, you see they have double our resources and we have been doing as good a job. Therefore, the cutbacks are all the harder to bear given the fact that there is no fat in the system.

Our motion recognises the need to control public spending. Irrespective of what Government are in power or what social system one espouses, we are in a horrendous situation and we all accept the responsibilities involved. It is pointless to indulge in recriminations about who caused the malaise in the first place. We suggest that the economic and social implications of the cuts are not in the public interest, that they will not achieve the economic recovery, which presumably is the Government's ultimate goal and which the amendment stresses. Therefore, the amendment is also faulty in that regard. Economic recovery, which is stressed, will not be served by the cuts. On the contrary, the effects of the cuts will be to retard further the prospects of that recovery — I will develop that argument later.

The quality of degrees is bound to suffer, with reduced staffing and services, even still poorer staff-student ratio and cuts in services provided, for example, by libraries and laboratories which seem to be inevitable as well. Then there are the very serious consequences of the reduction in part time staff. So far as third level institutions generally are concerned, the existing permanent staff have security of tenure and there is no way in which special provision can be made such as early retirement and so on because we do not have redundancy incentives or anything of that kind. We have to make substantial cutbacks at the part time level as has been spelled out to us in UCC but this has two serious consequences, one is that the quality of special teaching, which is often conducted by the part time staff — one might call it tutorial teaching or remedial teaching — will suffer. For example, in my own Department I envisage a cutback in my post graduate tutorial staff of 15 per cent. Very often the students who have to be coached at tutorials are the poorer students in every sense of the word. They are students from poor background, they are students who have not benefited from a good second level education. Therefore, they will suffer further. There is a class dimension in this.

In my Department of Irish History the only way I have of encouraging research is to provide this minimum patronage to my post graduate students, offering them small amounts of money to help with the tutoring and general departmental work. That will now be cut back. These post graduate students will be discouraged from research and the quality of their lifestyle will be further impoverished. One of the things one can see happening under one's nose is that under-graduates and post-graduate students are, by the day almost, becoming poorer. The quality of their life is becoming poorer. At that level of cutting back part time staff there will be very serious consequences indeed. The life of the scholar — beatha an scolaire — is, at the moment, not very aoibhinn. It will be even less aoibhinn in the future.

There is this new phenomenon of English institutions of higher learning coming over here and recruiting because of the availability of places in their own universities and because of the equality of fees and so on under EC arrangements. This is a new and shameful form of educational emigration. It is a brain drain and these people will be lost to us. Doubtless, the Government are relieved to know that that much extra burden is being taken off their hands and — rather like their attitude to emigration — they are at once ashamed and grateful.

The cuts will also aggravate the worsening fees-grants ratio and thus diminish further the equality of opportunity in education. The fees element in university incomes has increased greatly since the late seventies.

The proportion of income represented by fees has doubled from about 12 per cent to 25 per cent which means that university education is the rich man's commodity. We are moving back to the forties and fifties where universities perpetuated the social system.

Economic recovery, which is the Government's goal, will not be helped by the reduced investment in education, the deteriorating morale, the poorer quality of degrees, the poaching by cross-channel universities and the aggravation of class differences as a result of all these consequences. The amendment flies in the face of commonsense.

One directive from the Minister which is very hard to justify is the absolute requirement that staff numbers be reduced even if the individual institution, through its own ingenuity, manages to find the financial resources. This seems to lack any commonsense. For example, if UCC were to make savings in the non pay area by making economies or by taking in foreign students from the United States and charging them the so called economic fee, the college would not be allowed to use that extra revenue in order to make good the deficiencies in part time staff and so on. I hope the Minister will look again at this blanket prohibition on the transfer between pay and non pay resources.

I also want to refer to a special concern of my own in adult education with which I have been long involved in UCC. The adult education department in our universities is suffering also from the directive to the VECs that the courses should be self financing. Therefore, our adult education departments are in danger of losing the VEC financial support. This cannot but be reactionary in every educational and social sense.

Finally, retrenchment in the health and educational spheres does not constitute a policy. It is an austere housekeeping measure which, indeed, at this critical juncture, may be essential for the national wellbeing. But the bitter pill would be more palatable if it were coated in a radical reappraisal of our whole ramshackle health and educational systems — if "systems" is the word to describe them. Sweet are the uses of adversity, the bard says. We would all enthusiastically don the hairshirt if it were really a garment of hope, if Fianna Fáil were to reallocate radically our existing resources. I am not talking about borrowing, I am talking about being radical in the reallocation of our existing resources, both in health and in education, in other words, if Fianna Fáil were to seize this opportunity to regenerate the social crusading zeal which distinguished them as a party at their foundation.

There are many puzzling things, not all of them unwelcome, about the actions of this Government since their accession to office, but the strangest of all is that they should be effecting cuts so mechanistically. It seems the Minister was right, perhaps the word "arbitrary" was not properly chosen in our motion. The cuts are being made in the dark and without any surrounding aura of brightness or hope. That is the most puzzling thing about this Government, that they are operating these cuts so blindly, so mechanistically and without any concomitant positive social philosophy which used to be an integral part of their programmes in the formative period of their existence, and which only 20 years ago — God be with Donagh O'Malley — prompted Fianna Fáil to take giant steps towards achieving real equality of opportunity in the educational sphere.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I call Senator Bulbulia.

Do you wish me to move the adjournment?

The debate should have come to this side of the House.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Chair has been going by the list that was here when I took over. Apart from that, the time allocation has been fair. The time has been divided. The proposers of the motion have had 40 minutes, the Government side have had 40 minutes, Fine Gael have had ten minutes, and the Minister has had 40 minutes.

I did not have 40 minutes.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

No, the Government side of the House had 40 minutes.

I might seek some information. I accept, of course, that Senator Bulbulia is in possession of the motion at present but I would seek an undertaking——

Excuse me, she is not.

Well, I place the matter in the hands of the Leas-Chathaoirleach.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Chair called Senator Bulbulia. I would ask her to move the adjournment of the debate.

I so move the adjournment.

Debate adjourned.
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